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In recent years, several emblematic cases of girls pregnant due to rape have occupied the Brazilian news. The obstacles they faced to access the right to abortion mobilized the public debate, especially through social networks. In this context, using a theoretical-analytical framework in relation to the narrative disputes and framing of social movements in networks, this article analyzes two of the most recent widely known cases on Twitter/X. To do so, quantitative and qualitative methodologies are employed. On the one hand, message exchange networks are analyzed, along with their influence and contagion relationships and automation in Twitter/X. On the other hand, narratives are categorized based on topic modelling combined with qualitative analysis, highlighting narratives for and against abortion rights in order to understand how the social imaginary is disputed in networks. It is concluded that the narratives for sexual and reproductive rights were successful in influencing the public sphere and in promoting ideas with positive effects for guaranteeing victims’ rights. However, these same narratives reproduced a moral dichotomy between “good” and “bad” abortions. Thus, it is necessary to overcome such antagonisms so that all people may have reproductive freedom in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studies show that public opinion and educational workshops promoted by nonprofits affect judicial behavior, it remains unclear whether and how social movements affect judges' decision-making through disruptive actions. I develop a framework to explain the conditions under which and the mechanisms through which social movement mobilization affects the decision-making of judges, drawing on a mixed-methods study of anti-corruption protests in Brazil. I constructed an original dataset of decisions of corruption cases at the Brazilian Superior Court of Justice (2003–2016). Results showed that actions that target judicial cases (case-focused protests)—but not protests that simply put the issue on the public agenda—are associated with higher chances that judges will decide in ways that are aligned with the movements' demands. I supplemented this data with a qualitative analysis of appeals on two investigations of similar crimes and some of the same defendants but with different outcomes in appellate courts: Sandcastle (Castelo de Areia) and Car Wash (Lava Jato). Drawing on 110 interviews with prosecutors and judges and document analysis of criminal charges and judicial decisions, I show that case-focused protests affect judicial behavior through two mechanisms: by threatening the personal reputation of judges and the legitimacy of courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnography developed with social movements derived from the eviction process of an old popular district in the city of São José dos Campos, São Paulo, Brazil, we analyze how an idea of neighborship is applied to the processes of struggle and their outcomes. In 2004, a land of over 1,000,000 m2, owned by a bankrupt industry, was occupied by an entire district of over 5,000 people. This "illegal" occupation had been going on for almost 8 years when a court decision ordered the land to be vacated. The case of the Pinheirinho dos Palmares neighborhood, as it was known, became an emblematic example of Brazilian housing policies, with its violent eviction drawing the entire country's attention. This article deals with the struggles that the evicted residents started and that resulted, at the end of almost 5 years, in the construction of a new district by the state, based on a new housing program. We are going to analyze how concerns about organizing the new neighborship from the old neighborhood relations were fundamental in the geographical and architectural production of the new district. The article seeks to intertwine the notions of resistance and neighborship, responsible for the new configuration of the district. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, many women are victims of different forms of domestic violence, which can be physical, psychological, moral, sexual and patrimonial. Women victims of domestic violence tend to look for close people to ask for help to get out of the situation, therefore, an informal support network can be an important tool for women to feel protected and ask for help from public organizations. Given that solidarity economic enterprises (SEE) formed only by women are a space for women to strengthen each other, where they socialize and can create bonds, they can also serve as an informal support network for the women who form them, in addition to fostering their financial autonomy. The objective of this article is to identify whether SEE can be part of a support network for women, from the perspective of the women who form them. To this end, three SEE of women were investigated in the brazilian municipality of Araraquara, which has an important history of social movements and public policies aimed at the social and solidarity economy. From the semi-structured interviews carried out with 11 women from three of these SEE, it was possible to obtain results that explain what happens in the empirical field in relation to the theory, such as that women feel comfortable and trust each other, but at the same time At the same time, they do not identify patrimonial violence as violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Caso 108 y un quemado [the case of the 108 and one burned man] or the Bernardo Aranda Case, which took place in Asunción in 1959, refers to the murder of a famous radio announcer in the Paraguayan capital, a crime whose investigation resulted in the systematic persecution of homosexual men suspected of so-called crimes of passion. The number 108, associated with the number of those investigated, was repeatedly invoked as a pejorative throughout the following decade and became a synonym of maricón, puto, and homosexual. Present-day social movements, who amplified its political meanings and reconstructed the historical memory of the Stroessner regime, later resignified this number. In this article, we aim to problematise the stigma associated with "108" and its historical uses for opposition and re-signification. For this study, the use and appropriation of archives and documents associated with sexual dissidence constitute a tool of extreme political relevance. We aim to analyse the uses of the memory and history of the ciento ocho [one hundred and eight] in the organisation of an archival and activist initiative called Mansión 108 [The 108 Mansion]. This collective used the slogan "We are more than the 108" in its own references to historical memory in order to create an environment for profound artistic, political, and queer/transfeminist encounters, and to welcome various transnational artists. We conclude by proposing to think of the "108" as an abject mode of being in the world, seeking to demonstrate that stigma can offer queer studies new forms of analysing sexo-dissident subjectivities in South America, as well as the transnational potential of the relation between art and archive and cultural production by transfeminist artists, such as Sucia Inmunda DeLabasura [Filthy Dirty Garbage Lady], who impacted both the art scene in the Paraguayan capital and the border between Brazil and Paraguay, in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of perceived injustice, a huge number of intense anti-World Cup movements took place throughout almost every host city from June 2013 to July 2014 in Brazil. Over a million Brazilians joined anti-World Cup protests in more than 100 cities throughout Brazil in early July 2013, and this civil resistance lasted until the beginning of the World Cup. After the Cup, a number of violent protests in Rio de Janeiro against the 2016 Olympics occurred as well, and these produced far more controversy over the event. This study examines the emergence of social movements against the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games held in Brazil. Despite the importance of the subject, there has been a scarcity of literature addressing networked social movements in Brazil that opposed mega-sporting events and how this relates to theoretical debates about differentiated citizenship and the right to the city. To fill this gap, this article aims to explore the characteristics of protests. Drawing on an analysis of archival sources and interviews conducted during fieldwork in Brazil, this study shows that such demonstrations can be best seen as “networked social movements” that had been struggling for the asymmetric distribution of rights around the neoliberal mega-events. These networked social movements entailed the characteristics of the right-tothe-city movements that intended to subvert the social systems of differentiated citizenship in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contexts where political corruption is endemic, why would political elites build state capacity to prosecute corruption? Prior studies emphasize exogenous pressure from social movements or international organizations and the rise of political leaders committed to fighting corruption. While important, these factors are not sufficient to explain the case of Brazil, where politicians empowered investigative bureaucracies, even though several political elites later became victims of prosecution. Drawing on document analysis of charges and sentences and on 110 in-depth interviews with prosecutors, judges, and politicians, I develop a framework that focuses on the processes through which corruption is criminalized on the ground. By examining the initiatives of politicians in interaction with the actions of civil servants who investigate and prosecute cases of corruption, I show that political elites empowered investigators because, at the time, these steps seemed innocuous. Prosecutors later reframed how they talked about corruption—getting other colleagues to pay attention to this issue—and learned new strategies to uncover corruption schemes, but these changes happened under the radar: they were not visible to politicians. Popular pressure also led courts to broaden the definition of corruption and lower the threshold of evidence for it, but these decisions took place after the politicians' actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article provides an overview of the rise of Bolsonarismo in Brazil, a far-right movement associated with former President Jair Bolsonaro. It discusses the unique historical roots of the movement and its connection to global far-right forces. The article also examines the formation of Brazil's new right, which defends exclusionary inequalities and conservative values, and utilizes information technologies to spread disinformation. It highlights the role of various actors, such as the military, evangelicals, and agribusiness, in the consolidation of Bolsonarismo. The article argues that while there are global influences, it is important to understand Bolsonarismo as a phenomenon with solid local foundations. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the rise of an anti-gender movement in Brazil and its impact on gender studies and academic freedom. The movement gained momentum with the election of far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro, who targeted universities and promoted an ideology against gender studies. Despite these challenges, there has been resistance and scholarship production within universities. Brazilian universities have undergone significant changes in the past two decades, with the expansion of public universities and the implementation of quotas for marginalized groups. The controversy surrounding Judith Butler's talks served as a focal point for both the right and the left, with the right using it to mobilize their movement and the left using it to expose attacks against feminist, gender, and queer studies. While the far-right discourse has created a challenging climate for teaching and debating these topics, there is also a growing resistance and mobilization to defend gender studies. Brazil is a country with a strong tradition of fighting for democracy, but also extreme polarization. The movement represented by Bolsonaro is likely to reorganize, but there is a new generation of younger people who are expressing themselves and advocating for feminism and LGBTQIA+ rights. The resistance to ongoing assaults on gender studies and the visibility of these movements suggest that support for queer and gender studies is growing in Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

The Brazilian military-corporate dictatorship faced the resistance and mobilization of several marginalized groups. In this article, we reconstruct the subaltern memories of Black and poor women from the outskirts of São Paulo who participated in Christian Base Communities and the Cost-of-Living Movement, and we show how their mobilization was supported by social movements across the country. Despite their dimension and impact, a report by the Brazilian National Truth Commission fails to recognize their role in the country's democratic transition and the violence suffered by marginalized groups. These memories support a reflection on the myth of 'racial democracy' in Brazil as a general denial of racial violence throughout the country's history, which leaves intact its structures of injustice. We argue that the reconstruction of subaltern memories can have a significant impact on transitional justice and recover their critical role in democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a written dialogue among four activists from the Emancipa Popular Education Movement in Brazil, following the principles of Freirean pedagogy as a 'circle of culture'. It delves into how popular knowledge can be experienced as popular power, narrating the history, struggles, and strategies employed by the Emancipa movement in their pursuit of democratizing Brazilian universities. The discussion is set within the context of Latin American structural inequalities and the issue of educational exclusion in Brazil. It emphasizes the vital role of contesting culture and knowledge as part of the movement's fight against social injustices perpetuated by peripheral capitalism, including racist violence and gender oppression. The paper adopts emancipatory pedagogy as the method to empower and mobilize grassroots efforts in this transformative endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a debate anchored in a dialogue between concepts of insurgent planning and humane urbanism and the idea of a subaltern urbanism through the lens of a critical reflection on the role of city-building professionals. The paper explores the idea of an insurgent urbanism as a collaborative praxis of city design and development that arises from the protagonism of marginalised communities and the accumulative knowledge of social movements, activists and scholars. It focuses on three different learning dimensions based on the experience of teaching/research actions developed at a self-organised squat in the metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil between 2018 and 2022. Dialoguing with ideas of social learning, it shows that these practices have created a relevant exchange of different types of knowledge and have contributed to the development of other solutions that challenge the hegemonic and neoliberal city production and can therefore be seen as alternatives for the development of more egalitarian and imaginative futures that expand beyond the context of squats in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, the land has been an important issue in driving political and social change since the end of the 15th century, when European conquistadores began their colonial rule, to the present. The purpose of this study is to examine the changing meaning of land, by looking at cases of the Latin America's most representative rural social movements, i.e. EZLN in Mexico and MST in Brazil. In particular, this study distinguishes two currents of environmentalism in Latin America: elitist environmentalism and grassroots environmentalism. The former understands nature as a natural resource that can be developed or nature that needs to be preserved from a human-centric point of view, based on the ‘modern Western view of nature.’The latter understands the environment from the perspective of 'socio-nature', which is not simply a nature that is used and appreciated by human beings, but a more-than-human ecological space, that is, a space where humans and nature coexist. In this context, the meaning of land demanded by Mexico's EZLN and Brazil's MST can be better understood from the perspective of grassroots environmentalism. Both the EZLN and the MST call for land reform, which is not limited to the sense that land is arable land in the economic and social sense that must be secured for capitalist production in the process of agricultural modernisation or under a globalised system of agricultural production. Rather, their demand for land is closely related to the demand for productive justice that can sustain a human life through alternative modes of production, rather than the current mainstream model of development, and the demand for recognition of the political space(territory) that can determine these alternative modes of production and ways of life. Thus, land in these movements can be understood as territory as a political and ecological space for alternative development, beyond the meaning of economic and social arable land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2005, Brazil's "pro-life" movement has increasingly invested in efforts to promote recognition of the juridical personhood of the "unborn," making it a key vehicle to advance its political vision and mobilize its constituents. The agenda has crystallized most clearly around various legislative proposals to institute a so-called Statute of the Unborn (Estatuto do Nascituro), which would effectively recognize fetuses and embryos as full citizens in the country, codifying rights that would trump those of other juridical subjects, particularly women. In this article, we offer a genealogy of this recent turn in pro-life activism, situating it at the nexus of shifting national and transnational political and organizational networks. In doing so, we build on a feminist literature linking constructions of fetal personhood with the diffusion of reproductive technologies, understanding these broadly to include not just biomedical technologies but also technologies of reproductive governance. Drawing on archival research, we begin by tracing how Brazilian antiabortion activists' historic articulation with transnational pro-life, "pro-family" networks facilitated their appropriation of transnational technologies of reproductive governance, contributing directly to their current strategic prioritization of the juridical rights and personhood of the unborn. We then explore the contours of national debates on the matter through an analysis of various bills to codify these, introduced to the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies since 1978. We pay particular attention to debates surrounding the proposed statute, underscoring its resonance with broader social movement strategies associated with identity politics and vulnerable groups in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The present article examines the overlapping political, social and rhetorical functions of the category of “mother” in various contexts related to the January 2013 Boate Kiss fire in Santa Maria, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Supported by theories of social suffering and ethnographies of violence, as well as poststructuralist notions of identity and gender, the analysis focuses on the medium-transcribed letters, newspaper articles, journalistic nonfiction, and social media posts related to two social movements that would coalesce among the affected in the tragedy’s aftermath: collectives for justice and groups ascribing to Kardecist Spiritism, both inscribed within the regional and national history of mothers in movements. Attending to gender also highlights the long-term political import of then-president Dilma Rousseff's emblematic visit to Santa Maria on the day of the tragedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emissions trading and nature‐based solutions, particularly REDD+, have lent themselves to the critical literature on the "socioecological fix" in neoliberal capital accumulation and state regulation. Prone to reversals, land conflict, and leakage, these mechanisms displace the burden of carbon emissions reductions to global South countries, promote new green commodities, and thus increase rather than curb the chance of capital accumulations by big polluters. Studies of existing REDD+ projects register the privatisation of forest management on the one hand and "aidification" on the other, suggesting impediments to fully commodifying forest carbon ranging from social movement resistance to technical issues. This case study of Brazil's national Amazon Fund points to global South protagonism in constructing and negotiating REDD+, challenging Northern and market hegemonies. Progressive Southern actors use the political space of the fix to defend rural communities' territorial rights and demand resources in line with historic responsibilities and climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in the Movement of Rural Women Workers (Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais or MMTR) in southern Brazil envisioned a social movement that represented their interests both as women and as small farmers and agricultural workers, while also allowing for a plurality of voices and strategies. This article describes the feminist and democratic culture of militancy that these women sought, from the 1980s through to the 2000s, and shows how difficult it was to establish and sustain such a culture. These women not only confronted the deep, ongoing difficulties of challenging gendered social relations, but also the pain, shame and silencing that intertwined with gains in voice and equality. They also confronted larger social movements whose leaders understood power differently to the way these women did. For the women described in this article, women's activism requires a deep form of democracy where all voices are heard. Paradoxically, in the context of rural Rio Grande do Sul in southern Brazil and the panorama of movements that are active there, the rootedness in the everyday lived experience that made the movement relevant to women who advocated for this form of democracy also kept them from taking on powerholders within the movement who chose to ally with larger, more hierarchical movements, sacrificing significant forms of autonomy and voice in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on education, in its relationship with human rights, taking as a reference the experience of the Sex Workers Movement in Brazil. In methodological and epistemological terms, this is a study with a qualitative approach, which has as its starting point the reflections and textures built from studies on prostitution, sex work and the movement of sex workers. This way, searches were carried out, surveys of studies and reviews of works on the theme addressed in order to contribute to the theoretical foundation of this study. Furthermore, it was part of the methodology to consider the narratives and voices of the interlocutors of the present study as a fundamental part of the data analysis. The discussion presented here intends to problematize the discussions, questions and reflections about education, human right, and the Sex Workers Movement, pointing out, that this Movement is also configured as a Social Movement building other ways of doing education, a historical task that proposes a political-educational praxis since the battle. In this way, it is legitimized that the knowledge built within the Sex Workers Movement shed light and point to unprecedented-viable ways to build a more diverse world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over 2015–2016, high school students in Brazil occupied hundreds of schools across the country. Students fought to keep public schools open, funded, and functional, against outsourcing and privatisation, and in solidarity with teachers' trade unions and strikes. The 'primavera secundarista' ('student spring') was the most significant school student movement since the struggles against the military dictatorship (1964–1988). This paper firstly addresses the political dynamics of the primavera secundarista. Secondly, it discusses the movement's educational practices, which flourished in the months that students occupied their schools. Thirdly, it discusses the forms of community and solidarity that students built with other social actors and how they each learnt from this. In doing so, the paper builds on the work of Aziz Choudry and other scholars of social movement learning to argue that such student movements are prime sites of counter-hegemonic knowledge production and dissemination. Shown through the Brazilian high school occupations, the paper highlights how student movements are unusual in being situated in formal epistemic institutions, and yet are not widely recognised, especially in high schools, as blending formal and informal learning to produce and share knowledge-from-below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to characterise the relationship between civil society and mining in Minas Gerais, Brazil, between 2000 and 2020 by observing the actions of three different groups in resisting the expansion of mining. The analysis points to the existence of a plurality of forms of engagement, organisation and ways of establishing relations between civil society and the state and the market. It also reveals tension between different ways of framing the mining problem by civil society, of posing this problem publicly and establishing ways to confront it. Three sets of actors are identified: (i) environmental NGOs, who are market-oriented; (ii) groups with looser ties who are more radical; and (iii) social movements aligned with the identities of a state-orientated traditional left. My analysis suggests that the divergence in framing the context by these three different groups hinders the construction of a substantive public debate on the mining issue in Brazil. The article is divided into three parts. First, it briefly outlines the process of mining expansion in Brazil, starting in the mid-2000s, highlighting its economic impact. Second, it considers the relationship between civil society articulation and deliberation. Third, it characterises the constitution of these different civil society groups who have established interactions with market and state actors that fostered this expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to reflect on education, in its relationship with human rights, taking as a reference the experience of the Sex Workers Movement in Brazil. In methodological and epistemological terms, this is a study with a qualitative approach, which has as its starting point the reflections and textures built from studies on prostitution, sex work and the movement of sex workers. This way, searches were carried out, surveys of studies and reviews of works on the theme addressed in order to contribute to the theoretical foundation of this study. Furthermore, it was part of the methodology to consider the narratives and voices of the interlocutors of the present study as a fundamental part of the data analysis. The discussion presented here intends to problematize the discussions, questions and reflections about education, human right, and the Sex Workers Movement, pointing out, that this Movement is also configured as a Social Movement building other ways of doing education, a historical task that proposes a political-educational praxis since the battle. In this way, it is legitimized that the knowledge built within the Sex Workers Movement shed light and point to unprecedented-viable ways to build a more diverse world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In environmental politics, social movements play a crucial role, promoting participatory rights and confronting injustice, inequality, and the interests of the powerful. This article examines an underexplored topic in the literature on social movements, especially in Latin America: the use of litigation to force decisionmakers to comply with participatory formats, specifically in the course of opposition to hydroelectric dams. These projects often are destructive to the local environment and communities. This study examines four cases of environmental litigation that halted dam construction in Brazil and Chile, singling out causal pathways for successful collective action. It focuses on two dimensions of movement success: the implementation of participatory formats and the resulting cancellation of dam projects. In line with the joint effect model of social movement theory, the cross-case comparison of legal disputes shows that pursuing legal strategies in parallel to broad social mobilization and the support of institutional allies, can lead to successful outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jörg Nowak's book, "Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India: Popular Mobilisation in the Long Depression," challenges Eurocentric perspectives on class struggle and labor movements. Nowak examines mass strikes in Brazil and India, highlighting the ways in which workers came together and fractured apart in their struggles. He proposes a new theory of strikes that goes beyond traditional trade unions and workplace-focused organizing. The book also explores the politics of knowledge production and the role of the researcher in shaping the narrative. Nowak's research sheds light on the violence and power dynamics within workers' movements and challenges assumptions about migrant workers' participation in labor action. The book concludes by discussing the larger implications of these strikes and the rise of right-wing authoritarianism in both countries. Overall, this book is a significant and essential read for those interested in contemporary labor movements. [Extracted from the article]

How do women who have faced housing instability interpret and set up strategies to access housing? This article reflects on biographical narrative interviews conducted with women who have experienced compulsory housing removal and with women who were living in squats organized by social movements in the city of Porto Alegre, Southern Brazil. These interviews were further analysed through the use of the biographical case reconstruction method. This method aims to comprehend the interviewees' past and present perspectives on experiences of struggle related to housing, and its connection to individual and family stories and broader socio-historical processes. The two cases discussed in this article show that to access formal housing through social policy, not rarely women confront socially and politically legitimate discourses and practices by adopting strategies beyond legal or formal means. The selected cases have demonstrated distinct perspectives on similar conditions, revealing that women who have faced housing instability can interpret and experience the consequent processes of temporariness and of changing geographical and social ties in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history and development of Political Science in Brazil, highlighting the influence of French, German, and American schools. The Brazilian Association of Political Science (ABCP) was created in 1986 and contributed to the institutionalization of the discipline in the country. Currently, there are 61 graduate programs in Political Science and International Relations in Brazil, distributed in different regions. The text discusses the importance of the decolonial approach in Political Science, highlighting the contribution of researchers such as Euzeneia Carlos, Suzeley Kalil Mathias, Luciana Aliaga, Francisco Pereira de Farias, and Vitor Vasquez. The development of the discipline has been marked by the growth of transdisciplinary studies and theoretical and methodological diversification. The text also addresses advances and challenges in the formation of graduate programs in Political Science, the influence of the "petista" cycle on the development of research agendas, the diffusion of socio-state interaction in different institutional arenas, and the reconfiguration of the Brazilian party system. In addition, challenges for future research in the field are pointed out, such as the analysis of the effects of social movements and the understanding of institutionalization processes. [Extracted from the article]

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This article comparatively analyzes the origins of ecological parties in Brazil and Portugal. The focus of the study is party profiles, their agendas and positions regarding environmental sustainability. To this end, an analysis is made of the current programs of six Brazilian and Portuguese ecological parties, three from each country. The conclusions show that partisan profiles of systemic orientation predominate, which consider the various dimensions of sustainability, such as economic, social, ecological, cultural and spatial. In all party profiles, the State is considered the main actor in the scope of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Food production and supply have been affected by several contemporary phenomena. They have stimulated movements for the social construction of alternative markets in urban centres, which reflect the growing interest of consumers in the quality of food and increased the demand for organic and agroecological products. The present article uses the theoretical approach of social innovation to investigate the emergence of trajectories that organize networks and articulate production, supply and purchase of superior biological quality food in the Florianopólis Metropolitan Area and beyond, Southern Brazil which we identify as an agrifood citizenship network. The research was developed through participatory methodologies, using interviews, participant observation and the use of databases. We verified that organizations and networks have been acting interdependently, generating social innovations. We've shown that actors create relations of proximity through markets, which are explained by the network articulation in groups of farmers, social organizations and public institutions. From the rural areas, this social innovation emerges in the form of an agrifood citizenship network, directly related to the trajectory of organizations and network focused on agroecology and short food supply chains. • Investigate how rural social actors contribute to the innovation trajectories in SFSC. • Participatory method to investigate construction of markets of superior quality food. • Actors creating proximity through markets, in a agrifood citizenship network. • Social innovation emerging from rural areas, through trajectory of agroecology actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Social movements are purposeful, organized groups of people addressing the creation and reproduction of inequality, rights and access issues, seeking to transform sectoral policies. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, social movements have been acting in articulation with government and private companies and through other actions formulated within their networks, as service deliverers to the poor and vulnerable populations most heavily affected, often filling a gap created by unfulfilled policies. Our research with waste picker organizations in Brazil illustrates how their struggle for recognition has taken action in this context. Academic and government documents, social media and online material (blogs, posts, websites, etc.) and virtual meetings inform this research. We found that multiple actors have contributed to mitigate the urgent needs of waste pickers during the pandemic, but that at the same time, pre-existing challenges in waste management and the lack of wide-ranging social and economic inclusion have been further intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Behind the conjunctural growth of popular economies in Brazilian cities lies a set of entangled disputes over urban density with important political consequences. While popular economic agents are repressed by local governments, informal work hired through digital platforms grows exponentially and engenders new precarious forms of assembling labour relations in, and extracting value from, global South cities. The contrasts and indirect relations between digital platforms and popular economic agents are important in understanding the growth of platforms, which hinges on accessing low‐wage workers whose attempts to make an independent living are otherwise prohibited. This dynamic has resulted in the political mobilisation of popular economy agents and their alliances with urban social movements. Through this paper, I examine how their networking and particular disputes for a right to the city hold potential for the emergence of other economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses why Latin American post-neoliberal parties have varied in their strategies of capital flow management. In brief, I propose that two complementary channels favor the pursuit of heterodox strategies: high degree of pressure from popular sectors that push for an immediate macroeconomic reorientation, and strategic allies among economic elites that mitigate the credibility losses associated with this decision. The comparative case-study on Argentina under Kirchnerism (2003-2015) and Brazil under the Workers' Party (2003-2016) provides support for this argument. In the former case, the ruling party had to address the demands from strong and autonomous unions and social movements, while counting on a strategic alliance with domestic manufacturing producers. In the latter, conversely, the governing party lacked strategic allies among economic elites and could overlook the agenda of weak and subordinate popular organisations. In other words, both popular and elite channels favored the adoption of a heterodox strategy of capital flow management by Kirchnerism, while neither of them did in the case of the Workers' Party. In Argentina, the option for heterodoxy also contributed to the repoliticisation of capital flow management by returning the visibility of this policy issue and impelling policymakers to go beyond technocratic discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this book, Jessica Rich introduces a new pattern of state-society relations, which she calls civic corporatism: when state actors help civil society organizations to mobilize relatively autonomous political advocacy coalitions. I State-Sponsored Activism: Bureaucrats and Social Movements in Democratic Brazil i provides a new theoretical and empirical account of why Brazil's AIDS movement endured despite these abovementioned perils. Since the 1980s, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has fostered serious political and public health challenges, such as the prohibitive cost of antiretrovirals (ARVs) due to highly protectionist intellectual property regimes. [Extracted from the article]

The present manuscript brings a reflection on the construction of the phenomenon of Homeless Population and the relationship with the history of the black population in Brazil. The article composes the ongoing research of the authors in the PostGraduate Program in Social Work at Universidade Estadual Paulista. We chose the method in Marx to carry out an analysis of the enslavement process as a central component for the emergence and expansion of Late Capitalism throughout Latin America. Through a brief rescue of historical and legal landmarks, it reflects on the profile and identities attributed to the PSR and its deep relationship with the country's slavery and racist history. It is concluded that the phenomenon of the Homeless Population imposes great challenges to the reality of urban spaces, and that the social movements of this segment have an extensive agenda for the realization of Human Rights, therefore it is fundamental to understand the complexity of this reality, to know the historical process of this phenomenon, as well as carrying out more research and data collection that may contribute to the instrumentalization of the struggles and resistance of this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses counter-colonial perspectives and anti-racist ecologies in times of planetary catastrophes. It highlights the resistance of the black and indigenous population in creating new possible worlds, despite attempts of silencing and erasure by the racial contract of whiteness. It addresses the participation of social movements, such as the Black Coalition for Rights and the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, in international conferences on climate change, where they claim territorial rights and socio-environmental justice. It mentions the resumption of climate protection policies and the creation of the Ministries of Racial Equality and Indigenous Peoples in Brazil. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing the colonial origins of geological transformations and the need to preserve other possible forms of life. It presents a dossier on counter-colonial perspectives and anti-racist ecologies in times of planetary catastrophes, with contributions from various researchers. The interview with Master Antônio Bispo dos Santos discusses the importance of sowing and germinating words as a form of counter-colonization and resistance to colonial violence. [Extracted from the article]

The research aims to analyze the practices of youth and adult education of social movements related to land in Brazil, the MST (Movement of Landless Rural Workers) and in Colombia, the CNA (Coordinador Nacional Agrario), based on the thematization of multiple historical, social, political and cultural determinations present in the Latin American context and popular education practices committed to the emancipation of subjects. For this, a survey of bibliographic productions on the Brazilian and Colombian context was carried out, as well as a survey of documents from Latin American bodies to understand the dynamics of structuring social movements, as well as the way in which it was constituted over the years until nowadays. As a theoretical basis, Critical School Psychology with a Marxist base is used from historical-dialectical materialism. That said, what is shown is that in moments of disruption of public policies with the neoliberal advance, social movements play a fundamental role in the educational social struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]