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The author discusses the role of provinces in the development of national governments in early modern Europe. He mentions the use of annuities by rulers to raise money, the takeover by provincial parliaments of the management of public debts, and how these developed into taxation through the collective interest of the parliaments.

This article presents the outcomes of a combined qualitative/quantitative analysis of diachronic variation across genres. The subject matter is the naming of the specific historical event that is known as the Easter Rising. The paper illustrates and discusses findings emerging from a comparison of a quantitative study of the Hansard corpus with a qualitative analysis both of newspaper articles published in 1916 and of history books. Focusing on British Parliamentary debates related to the decades 1910-1930, naming strategies connected to the Easter Rising are examined in the Hansard corpus through a corpus-based Discourse Analysis approach. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches show how out of a wide range of naming strategies used both in early 20th century newspapers and in Parliament, a single preferred choice emerges only from the late 1960s. This is due to the reductionist work of historians who opted for one easily identifiable label to represent the complexity of the events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of the California Supreme Court from 1850 to 1879, with emphasis on the Legislature and the state constitution. Topics discussed are the Supreme Court's ruling on the unconstitutionality of allowing appeals to the district court in the case of Caulfield v. Hudson, the power of the judicial branch to set aside a legislative act in the case of Bourland v. Hildreth and interpreting statutes of the Legislature.

The adequacy of the norm to the socio-economic context of the society in which it rules is an indispensable requirement for its effectiveness, a premise that the leaders of the Cuban revolution took into account to erect the revolutionary process, thus, all economic, social movements that were experienced in the nascent years of the Cuban revolution were legitimized, with the promulgation of the 1976 Constitution as a maximum expression, legislative support for the fundamental principles of the Cuban revolution, ending the period of provisionality and beginning the institutionalization of Cuban State. A historical contextual analysis, taking into account the peculiarities of the economic, political and social stage, of the laws enacted after 1976, demonstrates our government's intention to legally support the principles and achievements of the Cuban revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on labour and parliamentary politics in the early Free State of Ireland. Topics discussed include the historical analysis of the Irish Labour Party’s parliamentary launch; the party’s participation in the post-revolutionary Irish general election of 1922; and the abstention of anti-Treatyites that provided greater legitimacy to the parliament.

The article discusses the changes in relations between religion and the society, associated with the rise of relations between church and state. It examines the influence of politics to the religion wherein the members of the Church hierarchy were offered political positions in parliament. It also cites the close alliance of the state and the Orthodox Church.

Legislatures in separation of powers systems like the US are often portrayed as having far greater capabilities and willingness to change defence policy than are parliaments in Westminster systems. This paper uses principal‒agent models and hypotheses on legislative will to review the role of defence committees in the US Congress and Britain’s parliament during each country’s most recent, significant change in civil‒military relations. Congressional committees drafted the 1986 Goldwater‒Nichols Act over the objections of the president, fundamentally changing US civil‒military relations. We would expect the British House of Commons to be at the opposite end of the spectrum, unable and unwilling to act without the prime minister’s blessing. At first glance, this is indeed what happened during Britain’s 2011 Defence Reform effort. Parliament took no concrete, independent action. A closer examination, however, suggests that parliamentary committees helped set the agenda for the 2011 reforms. These results point to the need to carefully assess both legislative capabilities and will when examining the role of legislatures in foreign policy, as well as the indirect means by which parliaments affect security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal representation in the assemblies of the Catalan Corts ("Parliament") is a particularly interesting argument to observe, especially from the point of view of the municipality, the main problems of the city and the intricacies of political and economic power between the city, the monarchy and the other estates. Therefore, analysing the power that the Cornell General ("General Council") of the royal towns and cities of the Crown of Aragon granted its procurators in the Corts enables us to more precisely explain the systems used by the municipality to control their representatives and be better informed of what was happening in the Royal Estate in particular as well as in the general assembly. Lleida will be used as a case study, given its importance and the interesting documentation in its municipal archives during the period of Alfonso the Magnanimous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about Tahitian letters written between 1819 and 1821 that were written by King Pomare II of Tahiti. Topics discussed include Tahiti becoming a modern Christian kingdom and adopting the legislative assembly and a code of laws, the code of laws strengthening the power of the king and not being changed by the London Missionary Society till aftwer the king's death, and the story behind the king's name changing to Pā.

The article considers the Solemn Covenant issued by the Superior Board of Governors of Quito in 1812, and the census directed by Torivio Montes, in 1813, as the first step of the introduction of the Cadiz Constitution in the Audience of Quito, following the defeat of the Junta of Quito. These two policy instruments are valued in terms of the imaginaries of citizenship that they molded in terms of political representations they attempted to institute and the concept of territory as fundamental in shaping the institutional dynamics of local authorities which have aspirations to centralize power. Both instruments are considered as tools in terms of building central powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article demonstrates the complexity of the foreign policy involvement of the British parliament during the 20th century. Parliamentary government as such provides some procedural means for involvement in foreign policy debate, in Britain as well as in other countries. Researchers have, nevertheless, often argued that parliaments play a limited role in foreign policy. Approaching our topic by combining the analysis of policy documents with more discourse-oriented analysis of parliamentary debates, we argue that noticeable, but not straightforward, parliamentarisation of foreign policy took place in the course of the 20th century. The aftermath of the First World War led to reconsiderations of the degree of parliamentary supervision of foreign policy. The emergence of international organisations, and, recently, European integration, have also complicated parliamentary participation in foreign affairs. The parliamentary oversight of foreign policy is no longer limited to the national level, which has, in the British case, led to calls to reinforce the sovereignty of the national parliament. On the domestic level, parliamentary debates on foreign policy need to be contextualised with extra-parliamentary public discourse. The relation of parliament to civil society at large, especially non-governmental organisations and the media, has created multi-sited debates, further strengthening democratic control of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the Scottish parliament have paid little attention to shire elections because of an apparent lack of local source material. This article explores some of the reasons for this perception and argues that sheriff court records contain considerably more evidence than has been appreciated hitherto. It demonstrates that these records provide details of the electoral process, the regularity of elections, the numbers of electors, external interference in elections and internal divisions within the electorate, local responses to national political events, and attitudes to representation through such things as levying taxes locally to reimburse representatives' expenses. It challenges the once widely-held view that the lesser nobility, who comprised the electorate, were uninterested in parliamentary participation, suggesting instead that the statute of 1587, by which shire representation was established, was reasonably successful. Finally, it considers the potential for further research in these and other records which, it is argued, will provide a much deeper understanding of 17th-century Scotland's parliamentary history in particular and political history in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions regarding the origin and evolution of legislative institutions are at the heart of comparative legislative studies. Much research in this area focuses on the US Congress; in contrast, comparative studies of European democracies have been more limited. Addressing this imbalance, this special issue showcases newly emerging research on legislative organisation in Europe. In doing so, it brings together contributions that explore the rationales behind the emergence of, and variation in, national European voting practices, investiture rules, minority rights, committee power, agenda control, debating rules and individual MPs’ rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the role of the revolutionary council and parliament led by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, in the confirmation by King Henry III of the Magna Carta royal charter in 1265. Emphasis is given to topics such as the reform of central and local government, the political legitimacy of monarchy, and garnering public support and witnesses for royal proclamations.

Although ‘Burke and Irish history’ is a theme which has long been known to modern commentators, it has not necessarily been addressed sufficiently. This essay seeks to put forward a more comprehensive account of Burke's views on Irish history than has previously been offered by scholars. According to Burke, the protection of Christianity had brought flourishing science to seventh- and eighth-century Ireland. Nevertheless, the nation was plunged into a barbarous state after the invasions of the Danes and other northern tribes. Burke's sympathy with the Brehon law was possibly unique, although he was not uncritical of it. Unlike the Irish patriots, his chief concern with historical Ireland was not the origins of the Irish legislature. He was rather most interested in the religious affairs which had continued to plague the nation during history. Throughout his career, Burke considered the Irish Rebellion of 1641 to have been ‘provoked’, and continuously endeavoured to remove the penal laws imposed on the Roman Catholics after the Williamite Conquest of 1689–1691. In his view, despite the substantial increase in prosperity after 1688/9, the series of religious persecutions, as well as other oppressive policies, had still obstructed the further progress of Irish society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article reconsiders one aspect of Christopher Haigh's influential article 'Anticlericalism and the English Reformation'. His article argued that anticlericalism in early 16th-century England had been exaggerated, mislabelled and (in effect) invented as a scholarly construct. Dr Haigh proceeded to dismantle the foundations of anticlericalism in literature, in litigation, and in legislation. Evidence of anticlericalism in parliament, he maintained, was discontinuous, opportunistic and unrepresentative. This article suggests, however, that Haigh's claim makes insufficient allowance for the scarcity of the sources, underestimates the degree of continuity before and after 1529, and fails to take into account the inherently public character of parliamentary petitioning. It proposes, instead, that the challenging of the Church's wealth, the criticizing of clerical abuses, and the questioning of ecclesiastical jurisdiction recurred in early Tudor parliaments, and that the significance of such thwarted attempts at legislative reform crossed sessions and became cumulative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the evolution of the Sabah State Legislative Assembly. Topics discussed include Sir W. H. Treacher, the first Governor of North Borneo, has formed the council of the East Coast in 1883, the existing structure of the Legislative Assembly signifies the change from a Legislative Council to the Sabah State Legislative Assembly in April 1967, and membership of the Assembly.

The gentleman usher of the black rod has long been acknowledged as an officer of the house of lords. Yet he was in origin an officer of the order of the Garter with no necessary connection with parliament. This note aims to throw light on the process whereby this association came about. By 1509, the house of lords had the services of an usher of the parliament chamber, a post always held in conjunction with an office in the royal household. By 1558, this post was being exercised by one of the gentlemen ushers daily waiters, who had been granted the office of black rod as an additional perquisite in 1554. From this point it became customary for the offices of black rod, daily waiter and usher of the parliament chamber to be held by one man. This association was broken in 1620, when the then usher relinquished the office of daily waiter but retained his parliamentary functions together with the office of black rod. In 1631, a decree was promulgated annexing the office of black rod to that of one of the gentlemen ushers daily waiters but it was only from 1660 that this became fully effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on the 71. Conferência Internacional da ICHRPI, conference on history of parliaments and state assemblies that was held at the Andorra la Vella Congress Center in Andorra from July 16-18, 2019 is presented. Topics discussed include episcopal churches in the region, parliaments in small states and organization of representative assemblies.

The article lists several illustrations issued within the periodical.

An appendix is presented of private acts for members of the British parliament in the early 16th century.

The article presents information on the 68th Conference of the International Commission for the Study of History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions that was held on September 6 to 9, 2016, in Palma de Majorca. It discussed multilevel parliaments; sources for the parliamentary history; the representative assemblies of the Crown of Aragon; and political representation forms from the Middle Ages to the present.

A subject index for the 2015 issue of the journal "Parliamentary History" is presented.