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Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The term agro-extractivism has become synonymous with large-scale, corporate-controlled, monoculture plantation agriculture. The aim of this concept note is to clarify the extractivist dynamics in the current context of the capitalist development process. The paper surveys the development of agro-extractivism as a conceptual framework and as a feature of the contemporary political economy of agrarian change in Latin America. It briefly reflects on the potential contributions of land-based struggles to post-extractivist alternatives based on food sovereignty politics. The paper concludes by assessing the broader implications of agro-extractivism for our understanding of the agrarian question in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A protracted movement emerged in Kashipur in Southern Odisha in 1993 that stalled a bauxite mining project for over 18 years. It went through fragmentations and eventually petered out by the early 2010s. This paper aims to understand how and why the processes of capital accumulation through dispossession cause fragmentation of social movements and their eventual petering out. I analyse the collective strikes that the villagers engaged in during 2008-2010, paralyzing the company's incipient construction work over a tumultuous nine months. Critically engaging with David Harvey's concept of "accumulation by dispossession" (ABD) and Kalyan Sanyal's concept of "jobless growth", I argue that ABD processes entail protracted interaction of extractive capital, bureaucratic structures, ecology, and the movements of subaltern communities with existing divisions. Dispossession processes generate new fissures in which ownership of land or lack of it due to land acquisition becomes the central axis of cleavage, shaping the politics and outcomes of dispossession. I further reveal that 'jobless growth' is unachievable for a company that can push ahead only through the provision of precarious employment and such promises. It is based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2010-2012. Methodologically, it follows Burawoy's (2000) call to "construct perspectives on globalisation from below" through "ethnographic grounding". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the question of work and labour was being deeply pondered upon. The demarcations that emerged out of this juncture led to a bifurcation of labour into 'essential workers', who are pushed into precarity from the threat of disease and contractual uncertainty in employment, and those who 'work from home'. While geo-spatial segregation of these distinctions is contingent upon the specific relation of the nature of work with datafication, we are impelled to ponder upon the role that the accumulation of surplus value plays in this process. More specifically we must ask, what role does digital labour play in the datafication and datafied reorganization of work and workplaces? The inadequateness of data colonialism as a theoretical tool that accounts for the historical-materialist and dialectical roots of extraction and accumulation of user data requires a retheorization of the process. In this paper, I shall examine the ontological inadequacies of the metaphors of colonialism, and its extractivist logic, being transposed and mapped onto the studies of datafication. Following this I shall explore 'digital dispossession' as a convergence of Digital Capitalism and the neoliberal reorganization of digitized social labour, alongside its necropolitical implications. Drawing upon David Harvey's theorization of 'Accumulation by Dispossession', I argue for a classical Marxist interpretation of datafication as a new reorganization of capitalist accumulation that acts and appropriates surplus generated by prosumers through the unpaid and discursive digital labour performed on digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the deleterious effects of petroleum extractive activities in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, with a special focus on HIV infection. It argues against the hegemonizing claims of the "resource curse" thesis and deploys the framework of "accumulation by dispossession" to explain the crisis of development associated with the country's petroleum economy. The paper couches the challenges of economic survival in the petroleum resource-rich region on a predatory alliance between the extractive transnational corporations (TNCs) and the domestic compradors. It highlights the implications of extractive activities in the region for HIV infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the experience of a gold mining community two decades after corporate mining activities ceased and were replaced by informal subcontract small‐scale mining in Itogon, Philippines. Drawing on David Harvey's accumulation by dispossession and Daanish Mustafa's hazardscape, we consider the lasting effects, from 1903, of dispossession upon the establishment of the first commercial mines in the Philippines as experienced by traditional miners in Itogon. Despite the closure of mining operations, mineral lands remain privately owned, resulting in the persistence of legal land dispossession among local small‐scale gold miners. Mining activities still continue as small‐scale miners are able to access abandoned mines through subcontract mining. Subcontract mining has changed the source of capital that funds mining activities from mining corporation to rent‐seeking small‐scale mining financiers, but the new economic relations still benefit from the capitalist logic of low natural resources and labour value. We argue that the production of hazardscapes is a consequence of accumulation by dispossession through (1) processes of expropriation of mineral lands and the consequent creation of free labour among local miners; (2) the externalisation environmental cost as an accumulation strategy that results in the production of socionatural hazards; and (3) exploitation of those who labour and who are made to work in precarious work environment while contributing to the production of hazardscapes. The study investigates the experience of a gold mining community, two decades after corporate mining activities ceased and was replaced by informal subcontract small‐scale mining in Itogon, Philippines. Drawing on David Harvey's accumulation by dispossession and Daanish Mustafa's hazardscape, the paper talks about the lasting effects of dispossession that took place in 1903 upon the establishment of the first commercial mines in the Philippines as experienced by traditional miners in the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questioning the prevailing discourse of multiple benefits surrounding tourism development, this paper examines the Itanos Gaia investment on Cavo Sidero peninsula, north-eastern Crete as a hegemonic project of dispossession. Drawing on David Harvey's theorisation of accumulation by dispossession and Gramsci's original work on hegemony, we describe and analyse the specificities and antinomies of the Itanos Gaia project, first to chart the modalities of dispossession in four interrelated strands operative in this case: nature, land, financial speculation and the institutionalisation of dispossession, and second, to analyse the interplay between hegemony and the imposition of dispossession, including its internalisation in the realm of (local) civil society as 'common sense', underpinned by the local and broader dynamics of a particular power bloc. Empirically, this inquiry is informed by a survey conducted among local residents to identify local perceptions/views about the investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the connections between the expansion of mining capital, speculative forms of land grabbing and agrarian transformation. It is argued that in periods of commodity boom, the landowning rural elite benefits from mining through speculative land deals with mining companies. They act as 'land brokers' for the mining firms, helping them to overcome a significant barrier to land accumulation through the de facto abolition of landed property. The analysis is based on a qualitative case study on the expansion of coal mining in central Cesar in northern Colombia. To develop my arguments, I refer to the concept of accumulation by dispossession as defined by Michael Levien, and historical materialist approaches on rent, and speculative land dispossession. In addition, I use concepts developed for studying coercive land grabbing and agrarian elite participation in armed conflicts to analyse the mechanisms applied to (coercively) acquire rights to land. It is concluded that with high global prices for minerals, metals and fossil fuels, the expansion of mining in the countryside fosters a process of agrarian change through land speculation that is articulated in a reconcentration of landed property, a re‐strengthening of the rural landowning elite and the dissolution of peasant agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the outbreak of illegal mining (galamsey) operations in Ghana in recent times claiming that the outbreak is accompanied by massive environmental destruction including pollution of water bodies, degradation of farmlands and forest landscapes. Despite the efforts of governmental, non-governmental and civil society organisations to streamline the artisanal and small-scale (ASM) sector since 2017, illegal mining activities remain a livelihood strategy for several Ghanaians. Institutions, politics and local manoeuvrings have rejuvenated and shaped by illegal mining activities. This study employs the narrative review approach to theorize and analyse the pertinent issues influencing the outbreak of ASM activities in Ghana. We draw on the extant theoretical and empirical perspectives to argue that illegal mining activities persist in Ghana today because every stakeholder wants to be a winner--the state institutions are weakened by politics for political triumphs. The local authorities collaborate and embrace illegal mining activities for economic gains while the local communities perceived illegal mining as a last resort to circumventing dispossession by state institutions and foreign mining conglomerates of their share of the mineral wealth. We posited that until the local communities' share of mineral wealth is duly served them including desirable compensation regimes, illegal mining activities would continue to flourish in Ghana. It is therefore, suggested that mineral resource decisions in the country must identify and incorporate the needs of the local communities. Further research into the needs of local communities, expectations and challenges regarding mineral resources extraction within their range is pertinent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clivajes - Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The multinational Monsanto effectively used a (non‐existent) patent in Pakistan to block approval of locally developed genetically modified (GM) cotton seeds during 2002–2010, despite their immense popularity with farmers. Monsanto also (unsuccessfully) tried to negotiate an arrangement with the Pakistani government that would create the conditions under which Monsanto could operate without subjecting itself to market vicissitudes. The Pakistani government denied biosafety approval to local GM seeds, but biosafety concerns were just a mask to cover government's reluctance to infringe Monsanto's patent. Thus, farmers could now purchase new seeds only from the informal market where quality assurance was lacking. They were dispossessed of their right to legally buy, use, and save new seeds. Farmers' dispossession was a prerequisite to their purchase of Monsanto's seed. The seed had to become capital, so that its use was possible only within capitalist relations of production. This paper provides empirical evidence of a continuing process of dispossession through a combination of state power and market institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ería is the property of Universidad de Oviedo, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, the question of work and labour was being deeply pondered upon. The demarcations that emerged out of this juncture led to a bifurcation of labour into ‘essential workers’, who are pushed into precarity from the threat of disease and contractual uncertainty in employment, and those who ‘work from home’. While geo-spatial segregation of these distinctions is contingent upon the specific relation of the nature of work with datafication, we are impelled to ponder upon the role that the accumulation of surplus value plays in this process. More specifically we must ask, what role does digital labour play in the datafication and datafied reorganization of work and workplaces? The inadequateness of data colonialism as a theoretical tool that accounts for the historical-materialist and dialectical roots of extraction and accumulation of user data requires a retheorization of the process. In this paper, I shall examine the ontological inadequacies of the metaphors of colonialism, and its extractivist logic, being transposed and mapped onto the studies of datafication. Following this I shall explore ‘digital dispossession’ as a convergence of Digital Capitalism and the neoliberal reorganization of digitized social labour, alongside its necropolitical implications. Drawing upon David Harvey’s theorization of ‘Accumulation by Dispossession’, I argue for a classical Marxist interpretation of datafication as a new reorganization of capitalist accumulation that acts and appropriates surplus generated by prosumers through the unpaid and discursive digital labour performed on digital platforms.

The abolition of slavery in the Americas in the 19th century was understood as a "moral" and "civilizing" transformation of the nascent republics. Critical historiography shows that it was an economic mechanism that contributed to the accumulation of capital, which clandestinely maintained modalities of transatlantic traffic until the 20th century. Elements of work without freedom can be found today in the labor routes of migrants in Chile. Using qualitative methodologies, we show how the work of migrants is tied to obtaining and keeping "identity papers" and to the racialization of their labor relations. We conclude that unfree labor for migrants is defined by dependence, violence and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Mixed economies challenge the assumption that people need capitalist labour. • Canadian government is newly invested in incorporating Indigenous wage labour. • Diamond mines target Indigenous workers as marker of "responsible extraction". • The mixed economy resists dispossession by northern extractive capital. Grounded in an analysis of the mixed economy of the Northwest Territories (NWT), Canada, this article examines the contemporary relationship between surplus populations and colonial capitalist accumulation of new spaces. The functioning of the reserve surplus population requires that the unwaged, or under-waged, want, or need, wage labour. Thus, like all capitalist relations, a reserve surplus population is predicated on the separation of workers from their means of subsistence: what Marx calls "primitive" accumulation. Traditionally the home of the Dene and Inuit, and now home to approximately equal parts Indigenous (primarily Dene, Inuit and Métis) and non-Indigenous residents, the NWT mixed economy is a set of social relations that combine subsistence and social reproduction, wherein labour is oriented toward the daily and intergenerational wellbeing of the collective rather than the profit of the individual, with capitalist production. With a focus on the diamond industry, this article traces the shifting Canadian State approach to Indigenous labour in this space across time and the state policies and extractive projects that have both "made" Indigenous labour surplus and rhetorically justified their existence through evocations of regional unemployment and imagined dependency. In so doing, the paper identifies a move from the welfare-state era, wherein the state structured northern Indigenous "dependency", to the neoliberal era, wherein dependency became a problem to be solved through increased Indigenous incorporation into capitalist wage labour. The northern diamond mining industry, responding to both Indigenous demands for land recognition and neoliberal imperatives for lean operations, exemplifies this latter approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One particular focus of world-systems analysis is to examine the historical trajectory of capitalist transformation in peripheral regions. This paper investigates the capitalist transformation in a specific peripheral area—the country of Bangladesh. In particular, it examines the role of dispossession in transforming an agricultural society into a neoliberal capitalist society by looking at the transformation of Panthapath Street in Dhaka, Bangladesh, since 1947. Building on the existing literature of dispossession, this article proposes an approach that explains the contribution of dispossession in capitalist accumulation. The proposed theory consists of four logics of dispossession: transformative, exploitative, redistributive, and hegemonic. These four logics of dispossession, both individually and dialectically reinforcing one another, work to privatize the commons, proletarianize subsistence laborers, create antagonistic class relations, redistribute wealth upward, and commodify sociopolitical and cultural aspects of urban life. This paper’s central argument is that dispossession not only converted an agricultural society into a capitalist society in Bangladesh, but that dispossession continues to reproduce the country’s existing capitalist system. This research draws on a wide range of empirical and historical evidence collected from Dhaka, Bangladesh, in 2017 and 2018.

Drawing on a Gramscian Regulation Approach and Harvey's accumulation by dispossession thesis, this article discusses the structural and hegemonic mechanisms of the neoliberal transformation of Sweden's welfare sectors. Providing new longitudinal data on welfare retrenchment, corporate governance, wealth shares, and private economic power, the article further analyzes how the transformation of the Swedish post-war universal welfare model is related to class struggle and accumulation regime change in the Swedish economy. Following a decade-long countermobilization of Swedish capital and a severe economic crisis in the early 1990s, neoliberal economic common sense was cemented among social democratic policy elites that manifested itself in an institutionalized austerity polity, leading to a slow but steady dismantling of the Swedish welfare project. Roughly a fifth of employees in the three largest welfare sectors work in private welfare companies that generate tax-financed profits on politically created welfare markets. Welfare profits are in turn defended by a welfare–industrial complex and undergirded by a hegemonic bloc consisting of capital elites and sympathetic policymakers. In the virtual absence of vocal antihegemonic forces, many social democratic leaders have limited criticism against welfare profits throughout the last decades. On the contrary, austerity measures practiced by Swedish social democrats have thereto led to deteriorating social cohesion and spawned distrust among core social democratic voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1980, seed business law (patent law vis-à-vis agrobiotechnology, PVP law and seed laws) has been mainstreamed in the global South. Observers maintain that seed business law can lead to dispossession of farmers. I analyse legislation, statistics and case studies (Senegal, Burkina Faso), and argue that in African LDCs, dispossession primarily takes place through capturing seed markets via institutions for direct control over seed distribution. Domestic elites and (global) seed businesses preferably control germplasm via marketing boards, seed subsidies and other former colonial rural institutions. Seed business law, therefore, remains largely disused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption by African countries of plant variety protection via the adherence to the union internationale pour la protection des obtentions végétales (UPOV) convention has received criticism because it may dispossess African farmers of their seeds. Little is known about the empirical workings of UPOV's plant breeders' rights (PBRs) regarding African food crops. I interviewed plant breeders and right holders in Kenya's maize seed sector. I found that few actors register maize PBRs because maize varieties are often hybrid and especially because alternative, more powerful forms of pseudo‐intellectual property are available in Kenya. Accordingly, almost all of the few protected varieties have been developed by the same breeding team within the parastatal maize seed company. In short, the main problem I discovered with PBRs in the Kenyan maize seed sector is not that they dispossess farmers. It is rather that, although PBRs sometimes accrue to individual breeders, conservative employers like the parastatal do not regard breeders as creative innovators. They do not incentivise their employees and do not use PBRs to this effect. This is problematic in circumstances like Kenya's, where selected breeding teams and individuals are much more productive than others and where a quickly changing climate may require a higher varietal turnover of adapted, formally bred varieties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows mental health is impacted by poor-quality physical and social-environmental conditions. Subsequently state-led redevelopment/regeneration schemes focus on improving the physical environment, to provide better social-environmental conditions, addressing spatial and socioeconomic inequities thus improving residents' health. However, recent research suggests that redevelopment/regeneration schemes often trigger gentrification, resulting in new spatial and socioeconomic inequalities that may worsen health outcomes, including mental health, for long-term neighborhood residents. Using the right to the city and situating this within the framework of accumulation by dispossession and capitalist hegemony, this paper explores the potential mechanisms in which poor mental health outcomes may endure in neighborhoods despite the implementation of redevelopment/regeneration projects. To do so, we explored two neighborhoods in the city of Glasgow — North Glasgow and East End – and conducted a strong qualitative study based on 25 in-depth semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders. The results show that postindustrial vacant and derelict land spaces and socioeconomic deprivation in North and East Glasgow are potential mechanisms contributing to the poor mental health of its residents. Where redevelopment/regeneration projects prioritize economic goals, it is often at the expense of social(health) outcomes. Instead, economic investment instigates processes of gentrification, where long-term neighborhood residents are excluded from accessing collective urban life and its (health) benefits. Moreover, these residents are continually excluded from participation in decision-making and are unable to shape the urban environment. In summary, we found a number of potential mechanisms that may contribute to enduring poor mental health outcomes despite the existence of redevelopment/regeneration projects. Projects instead have negative consequences for the determinants of mental health, reinforcing existing inequalities, disempowering original long-term neighborhood residents and only providing the "right" to the unhealthy deprived city. We define this as the impossibility to benefit from material opportunities, public spaces, goods and services and the inability to shape city transformations. • Post-industrial poor-quality spaces have negative impacts on some determinants of mental health. • Redevelopment projects prioritize economic goals at the expense of social/health. • Redevelopment projects initiates gentrification, excluding long-term residents from benefits. • Lower-class residents are excluded from participation in decision-making. • Redevelopment disempowers residents providing right to the unhealthy deprived city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today the social functions of the state and commons, which have been able to escape capital’s transformative effect so far, are under attack around the world. Discussions around the concept of primitive accumulation are attempts to understand the reasons, mechanisms and results of such attacks. Primitive accumulation in historical sense refers to a precapitalist separation of peasants from the means of production, which creates the necessary conditions for capitalist development. On the other hand, many scholars since Luxemburg argue that primitive accumulation is a continuous process throughout capitalism’s history and it is intertwined with capitalist accumulation. Bringing primitive accumulation from precapitalism to contemporary era has created theoretical problems. Since the state is traditionally the perpetrator of primitive accumulation, the proposed way to solve them is to revisit the capitalist state debate and to scrutinize its role in contemporary developments, such as land, water and resource grabbing, simultaneously happening around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the outbreak of illegal mining (galamsey) operations in Ghana in recent times claiming that the outbreak is accompanied by massive environmental destruction including pollution of water bodies, degradation of farmlands and forest landscapes. Despite the efforts of governmental, non-governmental and civil society organisations to streamline the artisanal and small-scale (ASM) sector since 2017, illegal mining activities remain a livelihood strategy for several Ghanaians. Institutions, politics and local manoeuvrings have rejuvenated and shaped by illegal mining activities. This study employs the narrative review approach to theorize and analyse the pertinent issues influencing the outbreak of ASM activities in Ghana. We draw on the extant theoretical and empirical perspectives to argue that illegal mining activities persist in Ghana today because every stakeholder wants to be a winner–the state institutions are weakened by politics for political triumphs. The local authorities collaborate and embrace illegal mining activities for economic gains while the local communities perceived illegal mining as a last resort to circumventing dispossession by state institutions and foreign mining conglomerates of their share of the mineral wealth. We posited that until the local communities’ share of mineral wealth is duly served them including desirable compensation regimes, illegal mining activities would continue to flourish in Ghana. It is therefore, suggested that mineral resource decisions in the country must identify and incorporate the needs of the local communities. Further research into the needs of local communities, expectations and challenges regarding mineral resources extraction within their range is pertinent.

In 2001 Neumann Kaffee Gruppe, a German-based company, established Kaweri Coffee Plantation in Mubende District, Uganda. The multinational leased land for Kaweri from the Ugandan government, which purchased the parcel from a formally-tenured owner the year before. However, 2000 villagers filed suit against Kaweri for violating their customary tenure rights after being forcibly evicted from their farms by the Ugandan military to make way for the plantation. In this study, we ask how smallholders with constitutionally protected, customary rights were dispossessed of their farms. To answer this, we used document analysis to examine relevant Ugandan legal doctrine in addition to dozens of published accounts, documentaries, and social media postings created by conflicting parties to the Kaweri controversy. We subsequently triangulated our data by interviewing a key informant displaced by Kaweri. Our findings indicate Kaweri's establishment at the expense of Mubende farmers is a textbook example of accumulation by dispossession. More specifically, however, they reveal that substantial ambiguity and contradiction exist in Uganda's constitutional and policy frameworks purported to protect small landholders, making it possible for its government to pursue neoliberalizing development goals through international land acquisition. We term this process accumulation by ambiguity. Neumann Kaffee Gruppe shields itself from liability by interpreting equivocal Ugandan law in a way that recognizes formalized land tenure over informal, customary tenure. Legal, yet unjust, land acquisitions associated with market liberalization are possible in Uganda as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article extends critical trends of citizenship studies and the theory of accumulation by dispossession to articulate how settler colonial citizenship is instantiated through the active accrual of land and resources and how the emerging settler colonial citizenship entrenches both structural subjugation and resistance. The article then examines the reformation of the boundaries of citizenship through indigenous agency. I do so through examining the Palestinian citizens in Israel, specifically centering the Internally Displaced Persons—Palestinians who received Israeli citizenship even as they were displaced from their places of origin. I conclude by asserting citizenship's double paradox in settler colonial contexts: It regulates certain rights and mobilities but simultaneously entraps the indigenous in a structure in which recursive accumulation is constitutive, thus entrenching dispossession and the further loss of collective rights and other claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of looming environmental crises and a swelling global population, Big Data's acolytes envision a "digital revolution" as a solution for global hunger. Interrogating this promise, we argue that Big Data's imagined futures articulate the realms of international development and smallholder agriculture in the Global South with an ongoing digital reorganisation of global capitalism—integrating farmers into new informational modes of production, and reshaping the nature of labour and human–environment relations in the process. This reorganisation must be located within a long history of crises and spatio-technical fixes for capital accumulation. More specifically, we situate the prefigurations of Big Data along a trajectory of capitalist technical innovations implicated in the propagation of colonial logics, particularly through the apparatuses of international development—for example, through the technical regimes of the "Green Revolution". The rhetoric of Big Data and its applications within global food systems both reproduce earlier logics of primitive accumulation and colonial biopolitics, and extend them into new forms of digital imperialism that, we suggest, express incipient mutations in the nature of surplus value itself as it is retooled for the Anthropocene era. Big Data therefore portends novel forms of expropriation that are at once material and immaterial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial violence is racial violence: geographies of housing financialization spatialize hierarchies of death-dealing racial difference. However, research concerned with housing financialization rarely addresses the inextricable relationship between racism and capitalism. Racial division and subordination have always been necessary to producing value in real estate; financialization materially reproduces racial capitalism by reconfiguring the death-dealing abstraction of racism from systems of individual bias and racialized bodies into automated systems. Rather than reducing racially subordinated communities to experiences of oppression and domination, producing life-giving geographies of housing requires bringing collective resistance for emancipatory social change into the analytic frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seeking to make sense of the Greek crisis Odyssey and the attendant restructuring of the economy, this article focuses on the spatial dynamics of the crisis. To this end, it builds on Harvey's concept of accumulation by dispossession and Gramscian hegemony to evaluate the crisis remedy administered to Greece. An attempt is made to demonstrate dispossession of land, public resources and natural assets as a hegemonic project, as it takes place, linked to specific 'spatio-temporal fixes' of capital during and after the crisis, to be either welcomed or opposed by different stakeholders in civil society and local communities. Assessing the new institutional setting that was enforced upon Greece by its creditors, the Greek case of land dispossession and grabbing is discussed, focusing on representative 'optimum' investment instances to question the rationale and the effectiveness of the emerging post-crisis neoliberal model of economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]