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By analysing debates between member states of the World Health Organisation (WHO) over health inequities experienced by sexual and gender minorities (SGMs) from 2013 through to 2015 and 2016, this paper interrogates a WHO decision to 'do nothing', and the relationship between this decision and the production of ignorance and non-knowledge. This paper problematises state representatives' discursive practices regarding the lack of evidence on SGM health inequalities, drawing on the sociology of ignorance. Informed by the sociology of nothing, two analytical categories – non-recognition (omissive) and mis-recognition (commissive) of SGM communities – are proposed to critically understand the production of 'no-bodies' and the tolerance of the lack of evidence. The lack of evidence, rather than prompting WHO action, was used as a rationale for intentionally neglecting the health concerns of particular social groups due to their invisibility in health research. Therefore, the paper argues that the lack of evidence in itself is symptomatic of the existence of SGM health inequities, which require the WHO to take action such as formally expressing concerns about and endorsing research on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic fieldwork among men who have sex with men and transgender women in Tanzania, this article explores the various types of work that may go into enrolment into PrEP programming and using pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). PrEP protects against HIV acquisition and is widely touted as an essential tool in 'ending AIDS by 2030'. While taking PrEP has often been portrayed as 'just taking a pill a day' in public health campaigns, a striking observation during fieldwork was that enrolling in PrEP programming and adhering to PrEP involved a wide range of tasks. Inspired by this fieldwork experience and the literature on sociology of work, more specifically illness work and patient work, we started to think of these tasks as work. This paper identifies the range of tasks that PrEP users in Dar es Salaam had to perform as part of their enrolment and usage of PrEP. We provide a description of these tasks, organised into three categories of work that we refer to as (a) readying work, (b) user work, and (c) social navigation work that jointly make up what we propose to call biomedical prevention work. We further suggest that this analytical framework can be applicable to other biomedical prevention methods in other contexts. • Describes what it may entail to use PrEP among key populations in Dar es Salaam • PrEP use among men who have sex with men and transgender women • We argue that PrEP users do 'work' to use PrEP as HIV prevention • Presents novel conceptual framework: Biomedical Prevention Work • Framework describes how people may take preventative care with biomedical technology [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]