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However, based on epidemiological research, data that was available during the COVID-19 pandemic showed that closing schools only had a limited effect on COVID-19 infections:[70] 'With such varied evidence on effectiveness, and the harmful effects, policymakers should take a measured approach before implementing school closures; and should look to reopen schools in times of low transmission, with appropriate mitigation measures'. The closure of schools has worsened the divide, and while it was a consequence of closing schools that was entirely obvious and foreseeable to policy makers, there is no evidence that it was given any proper consideration on the multiple occasions when the Government decided to close schools. A further November 2020 paper compiled jointly by Scientific Pandemic Insights Group on Behaviours (SPI-B) and the Department for Education (DfE) further illustrates how aware the Government was about the damage they were inflicting on children and young people through school closures.[60] And yet, the Government went on to impose two further mass closures of schools. 1. On 18 March 2020, the Secretary of State for Education (SSE) announced to Parliament the first ever nationwide closure of schools in England.[1] Schools were closed between 23 March and September 2020 for most of England's nearly nine million enrolled pupils and then closed again between January and early March 2021 in connection with the third national lockdown. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the political and relational dimensions of leading and managing schools in the early stages of pandemic-induced school closure in the four nations of the United Kingdom. It draws on in-depth interviews with 12 headteachers from primary, secondary and special schools. Headteachers used adaptive leadership strategies, including bridging, brokering and buffering, to recalibrate provision at pace. School closures demanded enhanced levels of coordination and communication around what mattered most. However, despite exercising creative agency, headteachers spoke of "clipped wings", with some feeling "vulnerable" or "alone" in attempting to mitigate often unknown risks amid constantly shifting guidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between school closures during the Covid-19 pandemic and the ideology of intensive mothering through analysis of posts on lockdown learning in an online mothering community. It is argued that although the school closures seemed to constitute an endorsement and normalisation of intensive mothering ideology [Hays (1996). The Cultural Contradictions of Motherhood. New Haven: Yale University Press] by the machinery of government, and increased the pressure upon many women, some mothers resisted these expectations in this online forum. The online community served as a space in which intensive mothering expectations were articulated [Lehner-Mear (2020). "Good Mother, Bad Mother? Maternal Identities and Cyber-Agency in the Primary School Homework Debate." Gender and Education 33 (3): 285–305] but also offered an arena for cyber-agency, enabling women to express negative emotions, and normalising the rejection of expert constructions of mothering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In England (UK), at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic the public were required to reduce their physical contacts to slow the spread of COVID-19. We investigated the factors associated with children having: 1) close contact with family members from outside their household ('non-adherent behaviour'); and 2) low well-being (Revised Child Anxiety and Depression Scale). We conducted an online cross-sectional survey, completed at any location of the participant's choice between 8 and 11 June 2020 in parents (n = 2,010) who were aged eighteen years or over and had a school-aged child (4–18 years old). Parents reported that 15% (n = 309) of children had non-adherent contact and that 26% (n = 519) had low well-being. We used a series of binary logistic regressions to investigate associations between outcomes and child and parent characteristics. Children had higher odds of having non-household contact when they had special educational needs [adjusted odds ratio, 2.19 (95% CI, 1.47 to 3.27)], lower well-being [2.65 (95% CI, 2.03 to 3.46)], were vulnerable to COVID-19 [2.17 (95% CI, 1.45 to 3.25)], lived with someone who was over 70 years old [2.56 (95% CI, 1.55 to 4.24)] and their parent had low well-being [1.94 (95% CI, 1.45 to 2.58)]. Children had higher odds of lower well-being when they had special educational needs [4.13 (95% CI, 2.90 to 5.87)], were vulnerable to COVID-19 [3.06 (95% CI, 2.15 to 4.36)], lived with someone else who was vulnerable to COVID-19 [2.08 (95% CI, 1.64 to 2.64)], or lived with someone who was over 70 years old [2.41 (95% CI, 1.51 to 3.83)]. Many children came into contact with non-household family members, mainly for childcare. Factors relating to COVID-19, children's well-being and education were also important. If school closures are needed in future, addressing these issues may help reduce contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Covid-19 related school closures radically disrupted children's access to social and educational opportunities and changed daily life for millions of families across the world. Emerging evidence indicates that, overall, closures were associated with a decline in children's mental health and well-being, although individual experiences varied widely. The extent to which primary schools adapted remote well-being support is likely to have contributed to child and family adjustment, although this has not yet been fully explored in Covid related research. Methods: This longitudinal qualitative study examines variability in remote well-being provision in primary schools during the pandemic, and following school reopening, from the perspective of mothers and children using a whole school approaches framework. Twenty-one primary school aged children and their mothers took part in a semi-structured interview at two time points: time one during the first UK national lockdown and time two approximately seven months later after most children had returned to school. A hybrid inductive-deductive thematic analysis approach identified key themes relating to trajectories of well-being and remote school approaches over this period. Results: School closures were associated with a decline in well-being for most children. Disrupted contact with friends and teachers, and limited opportunities for enriched, meaningful activity were identified as key risk factors. Protective factors included family and child characteristics that mitigated against the loss of wider systems of support, including family socioeconomic status, parental availability, child temperament, and structured daily routines. Four key dimensions of effective remote well-being provision were identified (the 4Cs). The 4Cs - contact, content, creativity and community – provide an accessible framework for schools to foster children's social relationships and sense of belonging during periods of closure. Analysis of pupil reintegration outcomes suggest that post-Covid support priorities should include extending social and play-based universal interventions in schools. Conclusion: Remote well-being support for children during Covid-related school closures varied in quality with implications for children's mental health and well-being. Findings from this study highlight the importance of ongoing social contact and enriched daily activities to protect children's well-being and development and present a framework of effective remote wellbeing support for primary schools in the event of future closures or prolonged pupil absence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Schools across the UK were mostly closed from March to July 2020 due to Covid-19. Therefore, parents and children found themselves thrust into a prolonged period of home-schooling. In this study, parents (N = 2,122) reported on their children's (N = 3,230) home-schooling experiences and its impacts on their children's academic progress. Parental reports suggest that children spent around 3 hours each weekday doing schoolwork at home. Children enrolled in private secondary schools received 4 hours of virtual lessons each weekday from teachers, while state school children received just 1 hour. Parents, on the whole, reported concern for children's academic progress. This is particularly so for children in secondary school and, most strikingly, those in school years antecedent to final exams (Years 10 and 12). Parents were less concerned about academic progress for those in Years 11 and 13, who had received their final exam grades shortly before the time of the survey. This study highlights the fact that children have been unequally affected by Covid-19 school closures, depending on their year group and school type, which should be considered in future research and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Nature contact supports young people's health and wellbeing. • Children from socially disadvantaged areas have limited access to nature. • A community intervention connected socially disadvantaged children to urban nature. • The importance of a youth led approach based on hands on activities is discussed. • Good practice is highlighted and recommendations for practitioners. This paper uses ethnography to explore young people's engagement with a UK based intervention designed to promote a meaningful connection to locally accessible urban nature. During the intervention seven young people (aged between 11 and 12 years old) from a socially disadvantaged area, took part in three two-hour sessions held in a patch of urban nature close to their school. During the sessions, facilitators and teachers worked collaboratively with the young people as they explored the space and took part in den building activities. All sessions were recorded using audio and video equipment and a case study approach was utilised to explore the experiences of two young people involved in the project as they worked with practitioners and each other to develop a meaningful connection to the space. Analysis highlights the importance of youth centred interventions which use practical activities to develop a sense of belonging and wellbeing. These issues are discussed in relation to traditional nature engagement interventions and recommendations for practitioners are put forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]