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This paper examines the various impacts of contemporary globalization on national security, with special reference to the migration of the Taiwanese semiconductor industry to China and its security challenges to the United States, Taiwan and China. The paper adheres to a sectoral approach to the study of globalization-security interconnections and adopts a broadly based definition of security pertaining to the case study in question that encompasses economic, technological and defense security. The analysis of the subject matter is grounded in evidence collected in more than 140 interviews with chip industry, defense sector and government insiders in the US and Asia, as well as English-language and Chinese-language secondary data. On sectoral migration, the paper argues that the scope of the migration is extensive, the direction complicated, the cause multiple, and the outcome significant in boosting the development of the indigenous Chinese chip industry. It has been discovered that some Taiwanese non-state chip actors have violated government regulations in the process of spearheading the migration, and some have even forged business ties with their PRC counterparts associated with the PLA. As for the ensuing security ramifications, it is argued that there is no immediate security risk involved, although long-term strategic repercussions are paramount. The depth and scope of the continuous sectoral migration in years to come will determine the level of economic security risks faced by the US and Taiwan. Long-term technological and defense security repercussions need to take into account two important elements at play: technological change in the sector (increasing commercial-to-military spin-on and dual-use nature of the chip technology), and the PRC dual-track (economic and defense) grand strategy behind its resolve to upgrade its indigenous chip capability. Four pertinent aspects are analyzed: (a) concerns over the PRC chip industrial base, its contribution to the PLA modernization and the ensuing shift in the balance of power in Beijing's favour; (b) technology-related misgivings over the trustworthy supplies of chips for the US and Taiwanese military end uses, as well as the shrinking "chip gap"; (c) fear of denial of chip supply due to foreign dependency; (d) dubious implementation of export control policies at the unilateral and the multilateral level that exacerbate some of the above security repercussions. The concluding section elucidates how the case study helps to show the impact of globalization on security as far as the agency and scope of security, the autonomy and capacity of the state, as well as the balance of power are concerned. To sum up, the study offers a fresh look at the complex security repercussions of the globalization of a strategic industry that occurs in a politically sensitive region in world politics today. It not only helps us disentangle an important policy issue, but also advances our theoretical understanding of the globalization-security interconnections in international relations today. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research focuses on China's efforts to improve and consolidate relations with South Korea and their limitation. How is China enhancing its soft power in South Korea? Is China charming enough to South Korea as to influence the bilateral relations between South Korea and the United States? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States—a liberal democracy—responded to the communist regimes' transition to market economies but not necessarily democratic politics by separating trade from security policy: opening trade to reforming economies but maintaining military superiority over non-democratizing military powers. Congressional attempts to use trade sanctions against market opening economies accused of human rights violations or weapons proliferation failed, while heavy investment continued in developing weapons to deter such countries. In Congress, this "liberal-realist" foreign policy emerged by "ends-meet-the-center" voting, in which bipartisan centrists prevail over extremists of both parties, or by "ideological bipartisan" voting, in which lawmakers on the same ideological side of both parties coalesce. Such patterns persisted in spite of majority party changes, divided governments, or economic downturns. The requirements for such voting patterns: an exogenous agenda setter, issue compartmentalization, inter-party politics, and ideological overlap between the two parties, strongly suggest the existence of a bipartisan, centrist, and pro-business group of lawmakers who serve as the domestic anchors of U.S. trade and security policy. Empirical evidence corroborates this claim, implying that to further understand foreign policymaking, it is necessary to tailor the standard models of Congressional lawmaking, incorporate empirically established policy preferences, and to go beyond the unitary actor-single preference models. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite significant academic discussion of why China might not be willing to simply continue free riding on U.S. naval protection of its oil imports, few researchers have attempted to comprehensively analyze energy-related writings in Chinese naval and maritime publications. China's naval capacity will likely grow along with its resource import needs, making the issue of maritime energy security a sensitive and very important topic in U.S.-China relations. Maritime energy security is a truly global issue and in coming years could affect US-China relations as the two nations compete for influence and energy access in West Africa, Southeast Asia, Pakistan, and other portions of the Indian Ocean region. The status of U.S.-China maritime energy security interactions will play a critical role in this new 'Great Game' by directly affecting how intensely China seeks overland oil supply routes. This in turn will influence U.S.-China interaction in Central Asia and the Russian Far East. In addition, development of a cooperative ("1000 Ship Navy") or competitive naval relationship in coming years between China and the U.S. would have profound, if opposite, effects on each country's naval development trajectory. The nature of the relationship will also likely affect basing and fore structure on both sides.Washington and Beijing have shared interests in ensuring that the global oil trade functions smoothly and with as little overt political interference as possible. Thus, the authors' hope that their integration and analysis of perspectives from a range of Chinese naval and energy analysts will help lay the intellectual groundwork for constructive bilateral discussion between Washington and Beijing on key maritime energy security issues.This chapter will proceed in seven steps. First, a context for the naval strategy discussion will be established by briefly examining the broader trends in both energy and naval strategy. Second, the chapter will investigate the distinct maritime ideology that has emerged in China over the last decade and its focus on developing and protecting off-shore resources for China's national development. The third section will describe U.S.-China global energy competition and the geo-strategic challenges China faces in protecting a supply chain that stretches deep into the Middle East and Africa. The fourth will assess the calculations of China's naval analysts concerning possible threats to this critical energy sea line of communication (SLOC). Bearing these threat assessments in mind, the fifth section will evaluate the recommendations of these analysts regarding the future trajectory of China's fleet development. A final section describes the cooperative aspects of these naval writings on Chinese energy strategy and implications for U.S.-China relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Today everyone knows that in the coming century India, like the Medici, has the intention and potential to enhance its wealth, prestige, and power.In this context, observers of world politics are wondering: How will India pursue those intentions? What will it do to realize its potential and assure its security? In the last year and half since the proposed Indo-US nuclear deal was announced, numerous experts have tried to induce answers to these questions from what is still a small universe of cases including India's attitude toward Iranian nuclear policy and energy (particularly pipeline) policy, toward US missile defense initiatives, toward the enlargement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, toward Chinese activity in South Asia (particularly vis-à-vis Pakistan and Nepal). But, above all, observers have focused on a proposed deal between the US and India on nuclear cooperation.The dimensions and general features of the arena in which India will act are clear. It is a triangular space with China, India, and the US at the corners. The view that a rising India will be the fulcrum of balance in Asia is now increasingly common. A 2004 editorial in the Chinese People's Daily is a good example. "Steadily warming India-US relations have resulted in widespread attention to the geopolitics of Asia. It is difficult to predict whether or not India will become a strategic ally of the US or of China, but the sudden attractiveness of India will sooner or later alter the regional balance of power between the three countries" (Joseph, 2004). The 2005 Indo-US deal was interpreted by many observers to be an obvious American effort to draw India onto the US bandwagon.In the real world, of course, actors are motivated and constrained by power, wealth, and prestige. Syncretic approaches such as the currently fashionable "analytic eclecticism" draw selectively on all three international relations traditions in rendering "explanatory sketches" of important international security questions such as the durability of US-South Korean alliance, the possible revisionist aspiration of a rising China, or whether it is international institutions rather than balance of power dynamics that are shaping strategy in South East Asia. Explaining the future direction of Indian strategy within the China-India-US triangle is as analytically demanding a problem as one is likely to find in contemporary international relations.The conclusion I draw from what follows is that India is very unlikely to balance or to get on the bandwagon. Equipoise is the policy dictated by India's geography, power capabilities, identity, and potential to be a robust actor in global and regional politics. Like the old and now discredited Indian grand strategy of nonalignment, equipoise shuns formal alliances. The term draws on the realist balance of power idiom to identify an alternative stance - neither balancing nor bandwagoning - that is in dynamic equilibrium. That equilibrium is struck between domestic and international dynamics; balancing contradictory domestic cultural and political forces (such as nationalism/cosmopolitanism, anti-Americanism/pro-Americanism, self-sufficiency/trade-optimism) and international appeals and threats (such as American democratic/technological/commercial affinity, American unilateral neo-Imperialism, Chinese commercial appeal, and Chinese threatening intrusion/pressure). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the scenario planning framework developed for negotiations to disarming North Korea. It discusses steps to establish a security environment that is more conducive to the interests of the U.S. The first step is defining the policy question at hand, followed by identifying the major trends that affect the policy question. The third step is to analyze the major trends affecting the environment surrounding the policy question.

The article examines the interaction of domestic and international factors in determining relations and policies associated with Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait. It considers the possibility of direct military confrontation between the U.S. and its regional challenger, China, over Taiwan. A review of the literature on cross-Strait and the triangular relations of U.S.-China-Taiwan is presented. It considers the impact of U.S. presidential elections on the China policy since 1980.

Recent research suggests that cultural differences in Chinese and Western modes of conceptual reasoning play a significant role in political discourse and relations between the United States and China. In contrast, our analysis of the discourse surrounding the 2001 collision of an American surveillance plane with a Chinese fighter jet over international waters reveals a surprisingly high degree of similarity in conceptual metaphors used across the two cultures. Employing tools from cognitive linguistics and cognitive science, we compare the U.S. and Chinese conceptual metaphors used to frame the incident over a thirteen day period, ultimately distinguishing between shared metaphorical conceptualizations (WAR, JOURNEY, and ECONOMIC) and competing metaphorical conceptualizations (GAME, TECHNICAL FIX, VICTIM, and CIVIL RELATIONS). Our analysis allows us to make empirically grounded claims about Chinese-American relations that avoid cultural stereotypes and suggest possibilities for further integration of interpretive and scientific approaches to understanding intercultural discourse. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares electronic government (e-government) in the U.S. and China. In the U.S., e-government has become a tool to empower citizens. China's e-government is used as a tool of administrative reform, specifically to decentralize administration and enhance oversight of government activities. The implications of e-government on democracy in both countries are discussed.