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The recent financial crisis caused by corruption and opacity has led us to examine how the informal economy and other factors affect tax revenues using a three-pillar theoretical analysis. Empirical research has not thoroughly explored the shadow economy's impact on direct and indirect taxes, tax revenues, and the central bank's independence from the shadow economy and tax collection. This paper used 2010–2018 data from 129 countries. The shadow economy and tax revenues had a substantial negative relationship. The shadow economy also changed the fiscal authorities' policy mix by reducing direct taxes and increasing indirect taxes. Finally, the central bank's independence mitigated the shadow economy's negative effects on tax revenues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We propose a new estimator of the Democracy Effect that overcomes selection effects. • It weighs the behavior of each type of voter by its prevalence in the whole population. • We derive the distribution of this new weights-based estimator of the democracy effect. • Applications to two experiments find a significant effect in one but not the other. Dal Bó et al. (2010) show experimentally that the effect of a policy may be greater when it is democratically selected than when it is exogenously imposed. In this paper we propose a new and simpler estimation strategy that does not require information on the vote of subjects in the exogenous treatment. The new estimation strategy is based on calculating the average behavior under democracy by weighting the behavior of each type of voter by its prevalence in the whole population (and not conditional on the vote outcome). We derive the distribution of this new weights-based estimator of the democracy effect and show it eliminates selection effects under certain conditions. We apply the new estimation strategy to the data in Dal Bó et al. (2010) and to the data from a new experiment for which we cannot use the previous estimation strategy as we do not have information on how subjects would have voted in the exogenous treatment. We find a significant democracy effect in the former but not on the latter application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of corrupt politicians remains a crucial global problem, yet our knowledge regarding factors determining electorates' tolerance for corruption remains extremely limited. This paper explores individual characteristics and macroeconomic factors determining an individual's likelihood to (1) vote for her preferred political party even if that party was involved in a corruption scandal, and (2) abstain from voting even when an established non-corrupt party exists. I identify several individual characteristics, such as education and income levels, gender, employment status, political leaning, and trust in local media, and macroeconomic factors, such as income per capita, country-level corruption, and political rights, significantly influencing an individual's voting choice. A few implications emerge. Corruption can be self-sustaining and may undermine democracy by discouraging political participation. While education promotes political participation, it does not reduce citizens' tolerance for corruption by their preferred political parties. Corruption might widen income and gender inequality by lowering the political participation of the poor and women, and extreme political leaning can promote political corruption. • Politicians with corruption and criminal charges continue to get elected. • I study voting behaviors in response to an individual's preferred political party's involvement in corruption. • Voting behaviors vary significantly across different socioeconomic and demographic groups. • Political corruption can widen socioeconomic inequalitiies. • Political corruption might weaken democracy by discouraging political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: For a connected graph G, the restricted edge-connectivity is defined as the minimum cardinality of an edge-cut over all edge-cuts S such that each component of contains at least p vertices. In the present paper we introduce the more general parameter defined as the minimum cardinality of an edge-cut over all edge-cuts S such that one component of contains at least p vertices and another component of contains at least q vertices where p and q are positive integers. Analogously, we define as the minimum cardinality of a vertex-cut over all vertex-cuts such that one component of contains at least p vertices and another component of contains at least q vertices. A connected graph G is -connected (-connected), if () is well-defined. First we give useful equivalences to -connectivity and -connectivity and characterize the classes of graphs which are -connected and -connected. Then we prove which generalizes Whitney''s well-known inequality . Finally, we characterize the class of graphs for which is minimum, i.e. and the class of graphs for which is maximum, i.e. or . [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• This paper investigates the relation between democracy and income per capita over the period 1870–2010. • I use both cross-sectional and panel fixed effects regressions to explore how this relation changed over time. • Results show that democracy positively affects income per capita in the period post-1950, especially after 1990. • Yet, democracy has no significant effect in the period prior to 1950. • In the years before World War II, income per capita is mostly explained by prior income levels and education. Economists and political scientists have long investigated the effect of political institutions on economic development, mainly focusing on cross-sectional analyses for the years after World War II. This paper takes a historical perspective and studies whether this effect can be traced back to 1870 and how it changed over time. Using both cross-sectional and panel fixed effects regressions, I show that democracy positively affects income per capita in the post-1950 period. The effect increases as time passes and becomes especially larger after 1990, i.e. with the great democratization wave induced by the Fall of the Iron Curtain. Yet, I find no effect for the period before 1950, when the variation in income per capita is mostly explained by prior income levels, and in particular, by education. These findings are robust to accounting for income dynamics as well as to using different data sources to measure political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an increase in the use of renewable energy sources over recent years, which has led to a strand of literature examining the determinants of renewable energy consumption. However, most of the research used linear estimation models while reviewing the determinants of renewable energy consumption and ignored the indirect effect of democratic institutions on renewable energy consumption. With the use of a panel threshold model, this paper demonstrates that democratic institutions play a significant role in renewable energy consumption. In countries in which the democratic rights of people are preserved better, higher economic growth leads to increased use of renewable energy consumption; however, there is a negative association between economic growth and renewable energy consumption in less democratic countries. Increased trade openness leads to lower growth rates of renewable energy consumption in less democratic countries, while increases in real oil prices lead to increased renewable energy consumption in less democratic countries but play no significant role in more democratic countries. The findings of this paper suggest that democratic institutions are vital in channelling economic resources (economic growth) to renewable energy, and increased trade openness is associated with lower rates of renewable energy deployment in less democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of papers document that rules governing social dilemmas work better when implemented democratically than when imposed from above (the "effect of democracy"). This paper presents a theoretical model of the effect of democracy and uses laboratory experiments to test a key prediction emerging from the model, namely that the effect of democracy is stronger in small than in large communities. Results from a prisoner's dilemma experiment show that an effect of democracy is present in groups of all sizes but decreases strongly and becomes less persistent as the number of group members increases. In some respects, therefore, democracy appears to work best in small groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Area-based initiatives (ABIs) set out to improve livability and living conditions in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods by making use of extensive citizen participation. ABIs are often criticized for constituting a form of undemocratic tokenism; this creates the illusion that residents have a say over urban development because citizens are only given consultative power. This paper takes a different perspective. We follow the 'systemic turn' in democratic theory, which addresses how direct citizen participation can reduce problems of inclusion, communication, and collective action created by defects in representative democracy. We find evidence that our case, the Grønland-Tøyen ABI in Oslo, Norway, at its best, is able to include new, previously marginalized groups in formulating a collective will that eventually impact city government policy. We argue that these cases show the potential of ABIs to enhance government effectiveness, as the participatory process creates preferable solutions to those produced by city experts. We also argue that it is the narrow scope of the participation schemes, rather than the lack of power devolved to citizens, that limits the ABIs contribution to urban democracy. This hinders the ABI's ability to address social justice and puts the legitimacy of the participatory arrangements at risk. • The paper argues ABIs have the potential to enhance urban democracy by including marginalized groups in decision-making. • The Grønland-Tøyen ABI in Oslo includes marginalized perspectives in policy formulation through targeted recruitment. • The narrow scope of participation schemes limits ABIs' ability to address social justice issues. • The paper argues that this narrow scope, rather than limited citizen power, hinder ABIs contribution to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• A narrative literature review on risk research in electronic government. • Utilizes a theoretical framework to incorporate knowledge from multiple research fields. • Literature is categorized based on theme, unit of analysis, and ontological and epistemological properties. • Categorizes literature in four themes; IT-security, user adoption, implementation barriers, and policy and democracy. • Suggests further research to converge the identified themes in multi-disciplinary research. Electronic government (e-Government) is a research field that studies the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the public sector. Such initiatives are often associated with promises of transformational government, which is more efficient and utilizes modern technology to increase democratic engagement. However, research shows that several e-Government initiatives fail to deliver the promised benefits and attract a large portion of citizens. Some researchers argue that many initiatives have been driven by technology rather than by the core values of government, which has resulted in weakened democracy. Against this backdrop, the purpose of this paper is to achieve a greater understanding of risk in the e-Government field. Through a literature study, research papers were analyzed and divided into categories based on their unit of analysis, and ontological and epistemological properties. Four themes were identified in the material: IT security, user adoption, implementation barriers, and policy and democracy. This paper concludes by suggesting these themes would provide a suitable point of departure for a risk management framework in e-Government. Thus, future research should explore ways to converge these different strands of literature in multi-disciplinary research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do electoral incentives encourage candidates to target immigrants with discriminatory rhetoric? I address this question through a novel dataset of refugee-related tweets by elites in Lebanon, the country hosting the most Syrian refugees per capita globally. I find that Lebanon's 2018 election, the first under a new set of electoral rules, precipitated an increase in anti-migrant tweets. However, the electoral campaign did not affect candidates' rhetoric uniformly, but rather fueled xenophobic discourses specifically among Christian candidates, whose voter base is particularly hostile towards refugees, and especially among Christians facing the fiercest electoral competition. This paper makes three contributions: theoretically, it elucidates the consequences of partisan competition for xenophobia; conceptually, it relaxes an assumption common in the ethnic institutions literature that ethnic composition is fixed over time; and empirically, it demonstrates how social media data can be harnessed for expanding a nascent literature on migration politics in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting is essential to assure democracy. The voting process is supported by mission-critical systems that have among others functional, cybersecurity, and data privacy requirements. Comprehensive approaches are required to identify the requirements and technologies needed to design the solution. STPA is a method for identifying system safety requirements that have been extended to identify cybersecurity requirements. LINDDUN is a privacy threat modeling methodology that supports analysts in privacy-eliciting and mitigating threats in software architectures. Blockchain is a technology that uses a peer-to-peer computer network as a public distributed ledger. We propose an approach that uses STPA and its extensions to identify the cybersecurity and data privacy requirements, and incorporates the blockchain technology to design the solution for the mission-critical e-voting system. We built a proof of concept of the solution and performed cybersecurity and data privacy tests. The tests showed that the solution meets the critical cybersecurity and data privacy requirements. The major contributions of this paper include an approach that employs cybersecurity and data privacy threat modeling techniques to enhance the STPA analysis of a system, and the design of a Blockchain-based, verifiable e-voting system. • Secure voting upholds democracy via mission-critical systems. • STPA, enhanced by STRIDE, identifies cybersecurity needs. • LINDDUN aids privacy threat analysis in a software architecture. • Our approach designs a secure, privacy-focused voting system. • Blockchain technology underpins our system for enhanced cybersecurity. • We built a prototype to test cybersecurity and privacy. • Test showed that our solution meets crucial security and privacy needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing various panel data analyses including threshold panel model, this paper has examined how economic status determines the relationship among democracy, macroeconomic variables and happiness. Considering panel data of 83 countries over the time period from 2010 to 2016, this study tries to establish that, factors determining subjective well-being (SWB) or life satisfaction has different effects differently for low and high income countries. This study has found that though per capita GDP has no direct impact on happiness, it establishes the role of other variables in determining happiness. It has been found that countries with higher level of income democratic quality and inflation have significant impact on happiness. The impact of democratic quality is positive whereas the impact is negative in case of inflation. Moreover, inequality and health expenditure per capita by the government respectively have negative and positive impact in case of low income countries. It is also evident that unemployment has a strict negative impact across all type of countries but the magnitude is higher in low income countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophers now commonly reject the value free ideal for science by arguing that non-epistemic values, including personal or social values, are permissible within the core of scientific research. However, little attention has been paid to the normative political consequences of this position. This paper explores these consequences and shows how political theory is fruitful for proceeding in a world without value-neutral science. I draw attention to an oft-overlooked argument employed by proponents of the value free ideal I dub the "political legitimacy argument." This argument claims that the value-free ideal follows directly from the foundational principles of liberal democracy. If so, then the use of value-laden scientific information within democratic decision making would be illegitimate on purely political grounds. Despite highlighting this unaddressed and important argument, I show how it can be rejected. By appealing to deliberative democratic theory, I demonstrate scientific information can be value-laden and politically legitimate. The deliberative democratic account I develop is well suited for capturing the intuitions of many opponents of the value free ideal and points to a new set of questions for those interested in values in science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper interrogates the attention that Chelsea Manning has received within the academy. It begins from the observation that despite being responsible for the largest classified document leak, work within Political Geography and International Relations that engages with this data remains notably scant. This claim emerges from a systematic search of peer-reviewed materials using WikiLeaks materials as their empirical base, compiling a database of papers written about Manning. We then examine the possible reasons for this absence, focusing upon a series of what we term 'obfuscating practices' by which state actors complicate access to publicly accessible knowledge, including access to the US Army's Freedom of Information Request Website, and the court documents from Manning's court-martial. Finally, we look at claims of an embargo around the publication of academic work in this area, conceptualising this as a politics of paranoia and commenting upon the implications of this for knowledge curation within the academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper develops the idea of hesitant democracy, a position that endeavours to stay true to the political spirit of universal equality while being mindful of the potential compromises it imposes on our ethical obligations. Drawing inspiration from the Obama administration's response to the January revolutions in Egypt, and specifically the administration's call for an 'orderly transition', it argues that democracy is fundamentally compromised by the aporatic presence of the bad neighbour: the other that does not recognise my right to exist. The aim of this paper is to reveal how democracy works to manage the bad neighbour through a regime of time. While much has been written about democracy's mechanisms for managing and apportioning power, taking a geographical perspective allows us to see such arrangements as a spatial-temporal regime; a system of procedures, processes and protocols that disrupt temporal linearity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a wide-ranging debate about the merits and demerits of searching for, and sending messages to, extraterrestrial intelligences (SETI and METI). There is however reasonable (but not universal) consensus that replying to a message from an extraterrestrial intelligence should not be done unilaterally, without consultation with wider society and the rest of the world. But how should this consultation actually work? In this paper we discuss various ways that decision making in such a scenario could be done democratically, and gain legitimacy. In particular we consider a scientist-led response, a politician-led response, deciding a response using a referendum, and finally using citizens' assemblies. We present the results of a survey of a representative survey of 2000 people in the UK on how they thought a response should best be determined, and finally discuss parallels to how the public is responding to scientific expertise in the COVID-19 Pandemic. • Democratic accountability regarding communication with extra-terrestrials. • How to make the decision whether or not to communicate with aliens. • Democracy, SETI and METI. • SETI and METI: Who has the right to decide what messages we send to aliens. • Voting in a referendum, or electing representatives, to determine response to First Contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on Silverstein's (2003, 2016) oinoglossia (wine talk), this paper argues for a closely related genre: brutoglossia , (craft) beer talk. Drawing on a corpus of craft beer and brewery descriptions from Toronto, Canada, I argue that the appropriation of wine terminology and tasting practices (re)configures beer brewers and drinkers as 'elite' and 'classy.' The 'specialist' lexical and morphosyntactic components of wine discourse provide the higher order of indexicality through which the emergent technical beer terminology is to be interpreted. Together, the descriptions can be read as fields of indexicalities, mapping linguistic and semiotic variables associated with a particular social object: beer. • Through the appropriation of wine terminology and tasting practice, beer is (re)configured into something 'classy.' • Beer's status as a craft commodity is in large part constructed through the specialized terminology required to describe it. • Though breweries produce elements of democratic inclusivity, they simultaneously reinforce and reproduce class distinctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Picasso created his most famous painting, Guernica , in just over three weeks in 1937 after the bombing of the little town of Guernica, located in the Basque region, during the Spanish Civil War. Thousands of innocent people were injured or killed. In its sharp lines, its confusion and its distorted shapes, Guernica shows the suffering and pain of war. Rather than using color, especially vivid reds, Picasso used only black and white paint as symbols of death, mourning and tragedy. He believed that brighter colors might distract the viewer from the agony of the scene. In Guernica , most of the figures have open mouths; hear them shouting, groaning or screaming. The aim of this paper and its relevance to public relations is to examine whether and how visual communication can publicize and frame a military event, the character of military leaders, and warfare as a generic aspect of democratic self-governance. This paper proposes that rhetorical, discursive art can contribute impact to public relations efforts, by focusing attention, making issues public, and making informative, framing, and democratizing statements. Even more important is the ability of art to express moral outrage, especially when giving voice to muted interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts and contention increasingly challenge the capacity to govern the city. Social conflicts are not only problematic but also reveal a sense of active citizenship and engagement. Agonistic theories argue that governments should embrace contention to improve democracy, but this notion has rarely been made tangible in a framework of analysis. This paper proposes the ‘social-spatial narrative’ (SSN) framework to analyze if, when, where, and how conflicts can create opportunities to strengthen urban democracy. The SSN framework analyzes the social geography and political significance of street-level encounters in processes of urban conflict. It unravels exactly how the micropolitics of citizenship interacts with policy practices at the street-level. Narratives reveal the perspectives of stakeholders, but in order to study how some actors establish power and others get excluded, I argue for a social-spatial approach to critical moments. Critical moments may create liminal moments to (re)negotiate meaning, relationships and repertoires of action. The potential of conflict lies in the dramaturgy of these critical moments, which are therefore pivotal vantage points for critical reflection on the repertoire of urban politics. The paper coalesces theories from conflict studies, geography, and public policy to examine conflict empirically through case studies. I illustrate the framework with a case study in Amsterdam that addresses when and where opportunities to engage plural voices in decision making have emerged, and how local officials have missed these opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Programs that induce citizen participation to improve the quality of government at the local level are the subjects of large amounts of funding and intense debate. This paper combines a randomized control trial of a citizenship training and facilitation program in rural India, with an in-depth, four-year, ethnography of the intervention to understand the underlying mechanisms of change. The quantitative data show no impact from the intervention. Household and village survey data from 100 treatment and 100 control villages show considerable improvement across a wide variety of governance and participation indicators over time, but the differences in the changes between treatment and control villages are not statistically significant. The detailed qualitative data from a 10% subsample allow us to unpack the reasons why the intervention “failed” highlighting the role of variations in the quality of facilitation, lack of top-down support, and difficulties with confronting the stubborn challenge of persistent inequality. However, the qualitative investigation also uncovered subtle treatment effects that are difficult to observe in structured surveys. The paper thus demonstrates that a concerted effort to use “thick description” to uncover process of change using careful and detailed qualitative work can add value to standard impact evaluations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the geographical contributions made to academic debate about democracy, representation and the role of the political party. It argues that while geographers have made important arguments in relation to the structure and operation of representative democracy, there is scope for paying greater attention to the internal spatial dynamics of the political party. A successful political party requires a balance between the national party machine and its local membership base. This paper draws on research to explore the way in which the British Labour Party sought to renew its local membership base by adopting community organising techniques and establishing a new arms-length organisation, Movement for Change (M4C), between 2010 and 2015. It uses this research material to highlight the importance of the internal balance of power within any political party, and the need for a multi-scalar approach to understanding the successful operation of any political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of democratisation on tax structure in an agrarian economy where goods can be produced at home for self-consumption. We first develop a model of optimal taxation with heterogeneous agents where the good produced in the market is subject to a consumption tax, whereas the homogeneous good produced at home is burdened by a direct tax (such as land tithes). Contrary to conventional theory, our model suggests that extension of the voting franchise to poorer segments of the population exerts a negative impact on the share of direct to indirect taxes. Using unique national and regional tax data for the Kingdom of Greece - a typical agrarian economy where universal male suffrage was established in 1864 - we provide consistent empirical evidence. Greek governments adjusted tax policy in order to meet the preferences of the newly enfranchised electorate that constituted mostly peasants and farmers. This group was harmed substantially by direct taxes on land but was able to avoid indirect taxes through self-consumption. We also analyse a sample of 12 European countries over the same period and provide evidence for a similar change in the tax structure when the agricultural sector dominates the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question of how the sultanates of Malaysia maintained their authority in the current nation-state era as almost all of Indonesia's hundreds of sultanates (except for the Sultanate of Yogyakarta in Java) lost formal power. It proposes three findings. First, Dutch and British colonialism had different legacies in Indonesia and Malaysia, respectively. Second, following their independence, Indonesia and Malaysia adopted different government systems, with the former becoming a unitary republic and the latter becoming a federal state; consequently, the sultanates of Indonesia had to submit themselves to the central government in Indonesia, whereas those in Malaysia were given broader space to exercise their authority within a federal state. Third, the sultanates of Malaysia have a two-layered identity, resulting from the convergence of ethnic Malay and Islamic identities that eventually strengthened the Sultanate's authority and legitimacy in the eyes of the people and the federal state; conversely, convergence between ethnic and religious identity was limited in Indonesia's sultanates, subsequently undermining the sultans' ability to uphold authority and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the level of democracy in a country affects the relationship between fiscal decentralization and government size. We argue that political regimes, proxied by their democracy levels, are important for different decentralization theories to predict the impact of fiscal decentralization on government size. We test this argument using panel data from 76 developed and developing countries during 1972–2013. We find strong and robust evidence that fiscal decentralization is negatively associated with government size and that a higher level of democracy tends to mitigate the negative impact of fiscal decentralization. Therefore, our study contributes to the literature by offering a novel insight on mixed results regarding the relationship between fiscal decentralization and government size in the literature. • We re-examine empirically the effect of fiscal decentralization on government size. • We highlight the role of political regimes, proxied by democracy. • We use a panel dataset covering 76 developed and developing countries over the years 1972–2013 to conduct empirical analysis. • We find strong evidence that fiscal decentralization is negatively associated with government size. • We find that a higher level of democracy tends to mitigate the negative impact of fiscal decentralization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current global water crisis is seriously challenging the water management, requiring an extensive sweeping adaptation for consumption and production patterns. Several international organisations recommend addressing water crisis through effective participatory practices. Taking into account the notion of environmental democracy and the legal implications of the right to water, this paper questions the public participation in the water services management in the European Union. Supervisor entities' cases are examined, and the idea of a participatory comanagement model is proposed. The aim is to clarify the legal foundations of water democracy, by suggesting possible solutions to support an increased public engagement. • Autonomy of the water democracy from cost-benefit analysis. • Right to water as fundamental basis of the water democracy notion. • Supervisor entities as inefficient implementation of the water democracy notion. • Direct participation in water services as optimum in water conflicts situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, African courts have played an important role in the conduct of free and fair elections. In Kenya, the Supreme Court nullified the presidential election of the incumbent. These rulings challenge the conventional wisdom that courts in hybrid regimes always support power holders despite blatant evidence of electoral fraud. Furthermore, these sparks of judicial resistance deserve our scholarly attention as they have the power to start the democratization process or limit further autocratization. Hence, this paper seeks to understand the conditions under which courts are able to resist incumbents' pressure to legitimize electoral malpractice and side with the opposition. I argue that institutional reforms incentivize courts to resist the incumbent's pressure and to rule in favor of the opposition during electoral disputes under two conditions. First, institutional reforms must reinforce de jure independence by enacting effective legal and constitutional mechanisms that prevent the executive branch from undermining the separation of power. Second, institutional reforms must mobilize judicial support networks by granting them the tools to engage in strategic and repeated litigation. I test this novel theory by leveraging original qualitative and quantitative data from Kenya. Using process tracing, I show how the 2010 constitution created an environment where the courts had no other choice than to annul the election of the incumbent – President Kenyatta – in 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does government formation affect satisfaction with democracy? Research so far has focused on how winning or losing elections affects satisfaction with democracy, yet, in many coalition systems, who wins and who loses is not determined directly by the elections, but by the coalition formation process. Until now, the effect of government formation on satisfaction with democracy has not been examined. In this paper, we examine this using a quasi-experimental matching design examining eleven elections. We find some evidence that the formation of the coalition slightly but significantly lowers the satisfaction with democracy among those who supported a party that was removed from the governing coalition. This suggests that in coalition systems, looking at electoral winners and losers may be insufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a series of emerging utopian discourses that call for the creation of autonomous libertarian enclaves on land ceded by or claimed against existing states. These discourses have emerged in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and can be seen as a response to the crisis on the part of free-market advocates who critique previous waves of neoliberal reform for failing to radically transform the existing structures of the state. Enclave libertarianism seeks to overcome neoliberal capitalism's contradictory relationship to the liberal democratic state by rethinking the state as a “private government service provider” and rethinking citizens as mobile consumers of government services. Citizens are thus called to “vote with their feet” by opting-in to the jurisdiction that best fits their needs and beliefs. The paper argues that these utopian imaginaries are key to understanding specific new manifestations of post-crisis neoliberalism, and calls for more research into the diversity of discourses and imaginaries that circulate through networks of neoliberal actors beyond specific policy initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many developing countries, a rhetorical commitment to decentralization often superficially manifests through the creation of new or smaller administrative units at the sub-national level. In democracies in particular, this raises the question of whether sub-national unit proliferation is intended for winning popular support in elections or addressing the concerns of local citizens. This paper analyzes the motivations for district creation by focusing on Ghana, which is oft-considered one of Africa's more committed countries to decentralization. At the same time, successive governments repeatedly have divided the country into more districts in an espoused effort to more effectively bring services closer to citizens. With an in-depth focus on the most recent increase from 170 to 216 districts between 2008 and 2012, this paper employs national and district census, socioeconomic, and electoral data to examine which districts were split and why. Instead of representing a source of patronage to swing voters or a divide-and-rule strategy in opposition strongholds, the study finds that the incumbent party at the time, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), used re-districting as a tactic of malapportionment and predominantly targeted non-competitive districts where gaining an additional legislative seat in subsequent elections was more likely. Evidence suggests that this pattern is not specific to the NDC and that previous district splitting under the New Patriotic Party (NPP) also focused disproportionately on that party's safe seats. Overall, the paper emphasizes the need for according greater consideration to underlying institutional aspects, particularly electoral rules and executive-legislative relations, when analyzing the motivations for territorial reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The plurality vote (first-past-the-post) is one of the most restrictive electoral systems used for parliamentary elections. Empirically, its deterring effect on small political parties has been widely studied at the national level, while theoretical arguments highlight its strategic effect at the district level. This paper argues that the strategic effect, reducing the votes expressed for minor parties in plurality vote systems, is uneven across districts. The strongest strategic effect is expected in very competitive constituencies, where the two strongest candidates are in close competition with each other. The paper estimates the effect empirically, based on electoral results for minor political parties from six parliamentary democracies using the plurality vote. The methodology proposed in this paper allows me to separate sociological or geographical factors from strategic factors affecting party support. Results show that due to the strategic effect, minor parties lose some 15% of their votes in very competitive districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper contributes to the aid effectiveness literature by examining the determinants of aid project and program success. Both macro (country level) and micro (project level) determinants are considered. The paper employs a variety of econometric techniques to examine evaluation data for countries in the Asia-Pacific from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) for period 1970–2010. At the macro level, the rate of per capita income growth is positively associated with aid project and program success. Aid interventions are found to have a lower probability of success in the Pacific and, surprisingly, in countries with higher levels of democracy. There is little association between project and program ratings and the level of governance. At the micro level, projects are more likely to be successful than programs, as are larger aid interventions. Interventions which received less funding than anticipated, possibly due to capacity constraints, are found to have a lower probability of success. Despite these statistically significant findings, both macro and micro variables contribute very little to the explanatory power of models explaining the variation in project and program outcomes. The paper concludes that the ADB should reconsider its performance based aid allocation model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current efforts to build Sustainable Development Measurements have stumbled with problems of arbitrary structure, valuation,artificial ignorance suppression, and democratic illegitimacy. This paper proposes a new method to track and compare the Sustainable Development (SD) of countries, building an Interval of Sustainable Development (ISD). The ISD is capable of overcoming these problems by reporting all possible structures instead of only one, by relying on a variety of existing economic, social, and environmental variables, by embodying confidence levels in the measurement itself, and by facilitating democratic deliberation. By doing this, the ISD is capable of showing, subject to a confidence level, how a country is performing with respect to SD. This paper also applies this method specifying parameters and using available data for 180 countries during 1990–2011. During this 22-year period, results for a selection of countries are presented to illustrate the advantages and limitations of this proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper joins the debate on the relationship between inequality and the environment. Departing from the past contributions, which focused either on the theories of environmental behavior or on economic interests, this paper develops arguments about “political choice” mechanisms that help explain the linkages between inequality and national policymaking related to the establishment of protected areas. A cross-national analysis of the interactions between inequality, democracy and the legal designation of protected areas in a global sample of 137 countries shows that, ceteris paribus, the effects of inequality vary depending on the strength of democracy: in relatively democratic countries inequality is associated with less land in protected areas, whereas in relatively undemocratic countries the reverse is true. The highly significant effects of inequality undermine the democratic dividend in the arena of nature conservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critical appraisal of Schläpfer's (2016) proposal of a Democratic Valuation (DV) methodology to value public goods. While we appreciate attempts to address the shortcomings of conventional stated preference techniques, we have some reservations regarding DV. Our paper critically reviews the following characteristics of the proposed methodology: i) referendum format as decision-making mechanism, ii) single-dimensionality in the description of the policy issue to be valued, and iii) preference formation through provision of detailed information. Finally, we ‘calibrate’ Democratic Valuation against another alternative to conventional stated preference approaches, namely Deliberative Monetary Valuation (DMV). We argue that DMV addresses many of Schläpfer's concerns regarding stated preference techniques and at the same time avoids some of the problems generated by DV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to examine the determinants of two types of citizens' e-participation – initiated by the citizens and the government. The factors of e-participation were delineated from a review of democracy and e-participation literature and a regression model was developed. On the basis of 407 responses collected through an online and offline survey among the Indian participants, the model was tested. The analysis showed that the citizens' participation efficacy and values determine e-participation of both types. For the citizens' initiatives freedom to participate and legal support for the participation efforts were also the determining factors. The extant research on types of e-participation services is inadequate. The paper attempted to fill the gap and contributes in i) explaining the importance of facilitating multiple stakeholders' initiatives for improved citizens' participation ii) differentiating determining factors among e-participation initiatives and iii) suggesting policy recommendations for successful e-participation initiatives. The future research can focus on determinants for collaborative service initiatives from the citizens and government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation across countries in the effect of democratization on child mortality rates? Democratic transitions, on average, improve health outcomes but there is substantial variation across countries in whether democratization leads to lower-than-expected child mortality post-transition. As yet, there is no convincing quantitative explanation for this variation. In this paper, we argue that whether you have a protest-led or violence-led democratic transition alters the trajectory of child mortality post-transition. Our paper makes two contributions. First, we offer a more detailed account of how the type of resistance movement promoting regime change affects health post-transition. We also draw on novel data to categorise the movements producing democratic transitions as violent or peaceful, moving beyond earlier work which operationalised peaceful democratizations in terms of battle-related deaths. Second, we extend earlier research by examining whether the nature of the democratization movement constitutes a necessary cause of higher or lower-than-expected child mortality following democratization. Across 51 transitions, countries that have a protest-led transition have lower-than-expected child mortality rates after the transition to democracy than countries with other kinds of movements (β = −0.17, p = 0.003). Countries with violence-led transitions, meanwhile, have, on average, higher-than-expected child mortality rates after their transition (β = 0.20, p = 0.001). These associations hold when we adjust for covariates (including all possible combinations of various confounding variables). We also find evidence that protest-led transitions may be a necessary condition for avoiding increased child mortality post-transition. Finally, we conduct a deviant case analysis of transitions that appear to be contrary to our theory, finding that these cases are likely instances of measurement error. Democratization may not always improve health, but such health improvements are more likely when regime change is protest-led. This is because such movements are more likely to build broad coalitions committed to consensual politics post-transition, a critical feature of successful democracies. • The effect of democratization on child mortality varies across contexts. • We argue that protest-led democratization lowers child mortality post-transition. • Countries with protest-led transitions do, in fact, have lower mortality rates. • Indeed, protest-led transitions may be a necessary cause of mortality reductions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper explores the developmental consequences of introducing slum-level elections to formally select slum representatives. • Slum elections help improve the provision of public goods and services only in communities that are highly organized. • First, in communities that are organized, residents are better able to collectively demand and monitor public goods provision, making slum leaders more responsive. • Second, organizational structures and experiences encourage the emergence of new leaders that challenge old brokers, skewing political competition towards public goods provision. Does electoral democracy improve public goods provision for the poor? This paper considers whether and how the introduction of elections to choose slum-level representatives affects the provision of basic public goods and services in these communities. To address this question I take advantage of an unexpected interruption in the judicial process that introduced elections in urban slums in Argentina. Drawing on an original household survey, an expert survey, and insights from in-depth interviews, I show that the introduction of elections enhanced public goods and services provision only in slums with high organizational density. In such a context, existing organizational structures and citizens' organizational experience facilitated individuals' endeavors to demand and monitor the provision of public goods and the emergence of new leaders other than partisan brokers that skewed political competition towards the provision of public goods. These findings contribute to our understanding of the relationship between elections, organizational activity and public goods provision in urban informal settlements and have implications for development practitioners: Under the right conditions, the democratic selection of slum intermediaries vis-à-vis the state can substantially improve the livelihood of these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the fiscal and redistributive consequences of democracy is one of the central debates in political economy, most empirical studies analyze this question solely in the context of transitions to democracy. In this paper, we explore the consequences to taxation of democratic reversal using the systematic disenfranchisement of African Americans in the US South between 1880 and 1910. Following the federally-imposed extension of the franchise to the former slaves during Reconstruction (1865–1877), Southern states erected a series of legal restrictions, such as literacy tests and poll taxes, aimed primarily at preventing Southern African Americans from registering to vote. Using an original dataset of local and state taxes and a difference-in-differences estimation strategy, we demonstrate that the adoption of literacy tests for voting eligibility in each state was followed by a significant decline in tax revenues that is highly correlated to the share of each county's population who was African American. We also find that black disenfranchisement led to a shift of the tax burden onto urban counties and a greater reliance on indirect taxation. Our results survive a battery of robustness checks, alternative specifications and additional tests of the redistributionist thesis. The findings are not only consistent with standard models of redistribution following democratization, but also indicate that the elasticity of taxes with respect to enfranchisement is substantial and larger than the one suggested by the cross-national literature. • Use disenfranchisement of Southern African Americans to explore the fiscal consequences of democratic reversals. • Exploit spatial variation in the black population and differential timing in the adoption of suffrage restrictions. • Higher black population share counties see significant declines in taxation following black disenfranchisement. • Observe shifts in state tax burden to urban areas and declines in social spending on African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract How does availability of education affect who becomes a political representative? Theorists have pointed out that access to education is a key to a well-functioning democracy, but few empirical studies have examined how changes in the access to education influence the chances of becoming a politician. In this paper, we analyze the effects of a large series of school openings in Sweden during the early 20th century, which provided adolescents with better access to secondary education. We use administrative data pertaining to the entire Swedish population born between 1916 and 1945. According to our empirical results, the opening of a new lower secondary school in a municipality increased the baseline probability of running for political office by 10–20%, and the probability of holding office by 20–30%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The Last Digit test is a notable method to detect election fraud. It is based on an assumption that a manipulator replaces the vote counts of an election result sheet with man-made numbers, but will fail to make the numbers look random. Allegations of election fraud are based on this mechanism, but the strategic behaviour of humans when manipulating election results could make it difficult to detect fraudulent activities. This paper is the first to use a laboratory experiment to evaluate the ability of the Last Digit test to detect human manipulation of election results. Only a small share of participants' manipulations are detected by the Last Digit test. The small sensitivity is due to the strategic behaviour of participants. Participants in the experiment manipulate as few polling stations as necessary to reach their manipulation aim, manipulate leading digits when the requested intensity of fraud is extremely high, and use alternative strategies that are difficult to detect using the test. The analysis of the experiment further shows that only if participants alter a substantial share of last digits in the experiment the test indicates fraudulent activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The theoretical and empirical sides of democracy-growth literature fail to offer a consensus on the impact of democracy on growth. This paper provides a disaggregated manufacturing approach that reveals different effects of democracy across industries within countries. I surmise that the interplay between democracy and technological development is crucial to the economic performance of industries. A panel dataset of 61 manufacturing industries from 72 countries between 1990 and 2010 is employed, along with a wide variety of democracy measures. The results point to a technologically-conditioned effect of democracy. Political regime changes towards democracy are growth-enhancing for industries close to the World Technology Frontier but have a negative effect on backward industries. This evidence is robust to specification changes and alternative estimation techniques, and prevails once the possible dynamics of manufacturing growth are tackled. Highlights • I propose a disaggregated approach for studying the growth effect of democracy. • I surmise that the growth effect of democracy depends on technological development. • Democracy exerts a pro-growth effect on technologically advanced industries. • However, the same institutional changes harm backward industries. • The result is robust to alternative democracy proxies and estimation techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea has changed from a culturally homogeneous to a heterogeneous country through international marriages and "multicultural families." This produces a unique kind of diversity in the experiences of families and individual persons, which may require political representation. This phenomenon of multiplicitous identity can be called "micro-diversity." Although Korea has multicultural policies in response, its difference blind legislative representation is problematised in the process. Existing research into "descriptive representation" has explained why existing groups should be represented by members for reasons of significant historical disadvantages. These theories remain inapplicable or opposed to representing micro-diversity in Korea, where group attachment amongst micro-diverse persons is currently unclear. The paper shows, however, that potential groups are always part of representative relationships and that these are never equivalent to current constituencies. Hence, compelling norms of descriptive representation for potential groups may be articulated, which justify descriptive representation for micro-diverse Koreans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper builds on existing research investigating the root causes of terrorism by considering youth unemployment as a measure of economic deprivation. In particular, the study focuses on terrorism in Middle Eastern and North African (MENAP) countries and features terrorism incident count data for the period 1998–2012 using negative binomial regression models. In our exogenous model, we find that while youth unemployment tends to increase domestic terrorism, it does not have any significant effect on transnational terrorism. Given concerns about endogeneity of youth unemployment in these models, we use two kinds of corrections-instrumental variables and lagged variables. We control for endogeneity by using military expenditure, under-five mortality rate and foreign direct investment as instruments. We are not able to reject the null hypothesis that youth unemployment is exogenous. Using lagged variables, we find a similar result as noted in the exogenous specifications with regard to the effect of youth unemployment on domestic and transnational terrorism. We also find evidence that domestic terrorism tends to have a positive relationship with press freedom, religious and linguistic fractionalization, and area of the country. Transnational terrorism has a positive association with the quality of democracy and a negative association with political stability and regulatory quality. The amount of natural resources tends to be negatively associated with domestic terrorism and positively associated with transnational terrorism. Highlights • Youth unemployment increases domestic terrorism in MENAP countries. • We are not able to reject the null hypothesis that youth unemployment is exogenous. • Domestic terrorism is positively associated with press freedom. • Transnational terrorism is positively associated with the quality of democracy. • Transnational terrorism is negatively associated with political stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract A vast literature shows that voting for the winning party in elections boosts satisfaction with democracy. But in many list PR systems, voters do not only vote for a party, they can also vote for candidates within parties. Yet, we know very little about how such votes affect voters' satisfaction with democracy. In this paper, we analyse pre- and post-election panel survey data from Belgium, in which we asked respondents to report their vote choice for parties and for candidates. The main finding is that casting a preference vote for a winning candidate makes little difference, as party-list voters are those with the largest increase in satisfaction with democracy. Such a finding is very important as reforms that increase voters' opportunities to vote for candidates within list have multiplied recently, and many of these reforms have been justified as being in line with voters' demand for more candidate-centred electoral systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract As with many other contexts civil society in Côte d'Ivoire is not a space or set of actors and practices neatly distinct from the state. Political parties, politicians and party political agendas infuse civil society activism and ensure that being a civil society actor is a contested identity which can be leveraged for diverse and competing political projects. This paper is based on qualitative fieldwork with civil society actors who position themselves as 'resisting' the state-sanctioned transitional justice process following the 2010–2011 election violence and armed ousting of former President Laurent Gbagbo. Claiming and mobilizing their civil society identity such actors seek to create distance from what they claim is an illegitimate state and to lend credence to their project of resistance, read by some Ivoirian and non-Ivoirian commentators as mere political machinations by those who refuse to give up power and behave democratically. However, reading this 'uncivil' behavior is a complicated empirical and analytical task. In this article we explore the potential of analyzing such 'disorder' from the perspective of an expansion of the public in Côte d'Ivoire and how such a study of an actually existing civil society can challenge any notion of an easy instrumentalisation of civil society to serve the ends of transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

PM2.5 emissions have serious adverse impacts on health and impede transport activities, especially air and highway. Consequently, policymakers and economists have focused on this issue. The primary objective of this study is to investigate the effect of democracy, political globalization, and urbanization on PM2.5 concentrations within G20 countries. Ecological modernization theory is used to gain the best understanding of the impact of these driving forces on PM2.5 concentrations and obtains an analytical framework. The method utilized is the panel quantile regression, which takes into account the unobserved individual and distributional heterogeneity. The results demonstrate that, first, the direct effect of democracy on PM2.5 concentrations is significantly positive in countries with higher emissions, and has no impact on lower-emission countries. Second, the direct effect of political globalization on PM2.5 concentrations is significantly positive and especially greater in extremely low- and high-emission countries. Third, persuasive evidence proves the existence of an environmental Kuznets curve between urbanization and PM2.5 concentrations. Additionally, this paper further assesses the direct and indirect influence mechanisms of democracy and political globalization on PM2.5 concentrations across pollution levels. Both have a positive (negative) indirect effect on PM2.5 concentrations in countries with higher (lower) emissions, through its effect on GDP per capita. The total effect appears positive, suggesting that the increase in democracy and political globalization degrade environmental quality. These results provide policymakers with critical policy recommendations that contribute to the reduction of PM2.5 concentrations and ensure sustainable economic development in the G20 countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the literature in the intersection of renewable energies and politics adopting a multidisciplinary social sciences perspective. We begin by analyzing the recent literature dealing with renewable energies and politics, illustrating the analysis with bibliometric data. The search protocol revealed 853 contributions dated from 1998. Then we focus on the 186 contributions approached from a social sciences perspective, establishing a taxonomy to classify the contributions into the main issues covered. We identify contributions dealing with governance, with public acceptance, with markets and prices, and with political or policy determinants of renewable energies. In an empirical application we show that more democratic countries tend to invest more in renewable energies, taking into account other determinants (e.g. income, energy dependence, pollution emissions) of this investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates a program sponsored by the Millennium Challenge Corporation to promote civic participation in local governance in Rwanda. Called the Strengthening Civic Participation, the program supported civil society organizations advocating for local issues and trained district government officials to increase responsiveness to citizens. Our evaluation uses a stratified random assignment design, whereby districts were matched on baseline characteristics and randomly assigned to either a treatment or a control group. Using nationally representative household-level survey data, we find a pattern of small negative effects on citizens’ perceived access to government information, perceived personal influence on government officials, and satisfaction with government services. There were no discernible impacts on citizens’ awareness of government meetings, familiarity with government officials, or knowledge of local government affairs. We investigate the underlying mechanisms that produced these impacts using qualitative interviews and find that the program succeeded in encouraging citizens to question local government policies more openly in some circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a lively debate whether to consider vote decisions based on leader evaluations a threat to democracy, as this has long been assumed to constitute irrational decision-making behavior. Empirical evidence indicating that leader effects are not necessarily expressions of irrationality has recently mounted up, though skepticism towards leader effects remains resilient especially when considering voters being influenced through media coverage of party leaders. This paper studies some of the core assumptions of the ‘irrationality of leader effects’ thesis, by testing the conditionality of mediated leader effects based upon four voter characteristics: education, political interest, ideological distance to the leader's party and political cynicism. Two datasets are combined: a manual content analysis of leadership images in television coverage and a five-wave panel-dataset in the four months preceding the 2012 Parliamentary elections in the Netherlands. The results are mixed: one the one hand, being influenced by leadership images through the media is not a shortcut for voters who are incapable of understanding politics, while ideological considerations and other political attitudes are not completely excluded from the decision-making process, but, on the other hand, mediated leader effects are found to be strongest for voters who care least about politics. Thus, the empirical evidence can be brought to bear on both sides of the discussion, and, hence, does not conclusively settle the issue how mediated leader effects must be considered in relation to the irrationality of the vote decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We examine the interrelatedness between regime types of democracy and non-democracy and poverty reduction. • We find democratization reduces poverty rates by about 11–14% in the first 5 years and about 20% after 10-14 years in treatment effects estimates. • We find no statistically significant effect in dynamic panel estimates (Two-way Fixed Effects and GMM). • This suggest that electoral democracy does not have a clear-cut effect on poverty. • The mixed results are supported by theory and could be due to data limitations. In this paper we examine the interrelatedness between regime types of democracy and non-democracy and poverty reduction. The liberal international order and democratic principles have been challenged by the populace's general discontent in recent years, while the reduction of poverty is a central goal of the global development agenda as embodied by the Sustainable Development Goals. Democracies could promote poverty reduction by encouraging redistribution, lifting barriers for poor people, or giving better access to the institutions of society. Democracies might hinder poverty reduction if they are captured by elites or become dysfunctional in general. Our data cover around 140 countries and a period from 1980–2018. We use a mix of methods to address endogeneity concerns. In dynamic panel estimates that control for past influences of poverty, GDP and inequality we find no significant impact of democratization – measured mainly by electoral democracy – on poverty rates. In more flexible and causal treatment effects estimates we find democratization reduces poverty rates by about 11–14% in the first five years after democratization on a 95% significance level and about 20% 10–14 years after democratization on a 90% significance level. Although we find mixed results, we are still confident that democratic political institutions matter greatly, and societies are better off when the political systems are more inclusive. The fact that our results do not find clear support for this suggest that electoral democracy – without further aspects considering the level of democracy – does not have a clear-cut effect on poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]