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This paper argues for conceptually dislocating national identity from the nation-state, so that we can recognise the risks and opportunities for global inclusion that national identity presents. The paper offers two arguments for this dislocation approach. First the origins of national identity lie in international mobility and exchange. Second, the contemporary experience with national identity frequently exceeds and may in fact be re-shaping the nation-state. The paper then considers two risks of this dislocation. One is that the strategic choices of individuals with multiple national identities will create unfairness or inequity, the other is that the interpenetration of national identity into the affairs of other states creates problems for democracy. Yet these practices can also provide avenues for representing complex patterns of mobility and attachment, as well as integrating the fates of disparate states, which means they present resources - as well as risks - for global inclusion. So if national identity does not neatly map on to the state structure, and is unlikely to ever do so without considerable conflict and alienation, then we should seek ways to bring out the inclusive potential of such dislocation, while minimizing its tendency to generate patterns of privilege or influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States contracts foreign democracy assistance work out to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Although this is a long-standing practice, rooted in development assistance norms, the efficacy of such delegation remains to be determined due to inconsistent and methodologically flawed evaluation practices. This paper examines the manner in which nongovernmental organizations - as democracy assistance contractors - seek to deliver on their commitments to donor states and evaluate the effectiveness of their democracy assistance endeavors. The paper finds that NGO democracy assistance practices seek direct impact in terms of capacity building at the individual level, yet report on impact at the state level. NGO evaluations that ignore individual level change undermine the ability of states to hold NGO contractors accountable. A new approach to democracy assistance evaluation is proposed that seeks to increase NGO accountability through a shift in focus to individual level analysis and data collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International efforts to promote peace and democracy in conflict areas create a great deal of local resistance. International and domestic actors enter into a bargaining relationship whereby each attempts to promote its own values, norms and practices, extract most concessions from the other side and resist giving in to pressures. The end result is a condition of hybrid peace governance, one in which liberal and illiberal norms, institutions and actors exist alongside each other in a context where violence, actual or potential, may continue to play an important role. Such a hybrid political, economic and social order is a far cry from the liberal idea of peace based on legitimate and accountable democratic institutions, the rule of law, human rights, free media, market economy and an open civil society. This paper accounts for the emergence of hybrid peace governance and develops a typology based on the war-peace and liberal-illiberal spectra. Furthermore, this paper discusses the implications of hybrid peace governance, and in particular whether it may avoid the pitfalls of top-down liberal peacebuilding and provide new opportunities for a more sustainable, locally engrained version of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty years ago, Arnold Wolfers and Hedley Bull skeptically argued that a world order characterized by overlapping systems of authority could eventually replace the sovereign state system with what is now called "fragmented sovereignty." In such a system, many states would exhibit the characteristics of Grotian sovereignty--stable international borders, a government with international recognition, a metropolitan core providing some public goods, and some semblance of a national military--but they would not necessarily exhibit Weberian sovereignty --a monopoly on the legitimate use of violence--over significant amounts of that territory. Instead, some of the internationally-recognized territory would be controlled by smaller but stable political units using some combination of economic, military and cultural means to remain in power for multiple generations. Our 2010 ISA paper focused on three emerging military challenges to Weberian sovereignty: gangs, warlords, and private military corporations. In this paper, we support our earlier arguments with a more systematic theoretical explanation of these changes. We use the McNeill- Olson-Strayer-Tilly (MOST) model to highlight a set of fairly idiosyncratic historical circumstances that led to the emergence of the European nation-state at the end of the medieval period, and argue that these are weakening, and consequently elements of fragmented sovereignty are reemerging. We consider four ideational changes that have contributed to this: the obsolescence of war, democratic/liberal peace, the delegitimization of elite violence, and the emergence of failed states. We also consider four material changes: economic globalization, the mass production of small arms, urbanization, and global communications. Due to these changes, the sovereign state is unraveling in some important aspects, though it is likely to remain relevant. However, far from being the ultimate and inevitable unit of global political organization, the system where the nation-state system is considered the sole important actor is probably transient. Fragmented sovereignty theory provides a means to transcend the constraints of IR theories that are overly reliant on the assumption of sovereignty and consequently will provide a better understanding of recent phenomena in world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of UN peacebuilding efforts in post-conflict countries has grown dramatically in recent years. However the politics of contributing peacekeeping forces to these UN operations still tends to be taken for granted. Where do peacekeepers come from, and what is the politics involved in countries contributing armed forces to the UN? These are some of the questions that this paper sets out to answer. As the global deployment of UN peacekeepers is now famously second only to that of American armed forces, understanding the dynamics of peacekeeping contribution has become a necessity. This paper sets out to understand UN peacekeeping contribution in the aggregate, and to understand the place of such contributions in the context of global governance. This paper also offers a critique of existing theories of peacekeeping contribution. The implications of these massive new deployments of military personnel are sketched out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the declining Austro-Hungarian Empire, Otto Bauer's work "The Nationalities Question and Social Democracy" (1907) appeared, within the Marxist political thought about the concept of nation, as a theoretical proposal about the issue of peripheral nationalisms. On the eve of the First World War, the Habsburg monarchy was facing a crisis of identity, in which Czechs, Croats, Poles and others were aspiring to more autonomy, and in some cases, to independence. It was in this context that Bauer presented socialism as a solution to the question of nationalities, particularly in Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is the aim of this paper to analyse Bauer's theory of nation, not merely within Austro-Marxism thinking and the political context of the Habsburg Empire in early 20th century, but more particularly with the aspiration of highlighting constructive ideas of multiculturalism presented by this author, applied to potentially explosive situations in terms of ethnic or nationalist conflict. Furthermore, which features of his theory can be linked to political and institutional nation-building processes? Does Bauer's theory can still have interest for the study of the national question? These are the questions to which this paper will try to give an answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern democracy centred on the nation-state has been invariably patriarchal. Men are viewed as the natural leaders of nations and continue to dominate in the political arena. Women's roles are relegated to the private sphere of the home and in supportive roles to men in the process of political decision-making. Thus the question arises how global democracy could and should be grasped as an opportunity to overcome patriarchy and work towards gender equity. Certainly there have been some promising developments to bring women's voices, participation and control into global politics, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing process. Such global initiatives have also furthered struggles for gender democracy in the Caribbean more particularly. However, full incorporation of gender into global democracy has been largely subordinated in global discourses. Instead, prevailing patriarchal methods of negotiation have insufficiently incorporated women into decision-making and treat gender as a marginal aspect of achieving democracy internally. While global imperatives required that Caribbean states ratify global conventions and draft national gender policies for gender equality and equity in all spheres, there is no commitment on the part of governments to accept and implement the policies that are drafted. This is highly regrettable, as the persistence of gender inequities undermine democracy in relation to global circumstances as women's voices and the ideas that they propose for change are viewed as incidental to growth and development of nations. What could be done to correct this situation? Perhaps recent experiences with national gender policies could offer important suggestions. In particular this analysis assesses the possible implications for global democracy that might be drawn from the formulation of national gender policies in the Cayman Islands, Dominica, and Trinidad and Tobago between 1999 and 2006. The value of gender policies might be that they stimulate change and initiate a democratic process of engaging women's and men's voices at the national and local levels without yet finding its way to feed back directly into global democracy. The paper has four main sections. The first section explores theoretically the existing relationship and future possibilities for enhancing gender democracy through global democracy. The second section reviews the experiences of the three national gender policies in the Caribbean, assessing how they have and have not advanced democracy in these contexts. The third section indicates how global circumstances have both furthered and frustrated strivings for gender democracy in the three societies of Trinidad and Tobago, Dominica and the Cayman Islands. The fourth and final section of the paper identifies and elaborates the key implications of the Caribbean experiences for ideas of global democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's accession to the European Union has been the subject of much debate and controversy across regions. However, diverse governmental and non-governmental actors, interviewed by us in May 2010, emphasized the distinction between the EU accession process from actual membership and the profound impact that this process has already had on the country. This paper draws on interviews and meetings conducted with political officials and civil society actors at the national and local level and members to explore how the EU process affects democratization efforts in Turkey, particularly in the Kurdish region. The paper applies the two-level game to explore how domestic debates regarding identity issues, women's empowerment, the role of religion in politics and local development are all framed as essential to democratization in an effort to appeal to wider domestic and international audiences. While many different political and civil society actors coopt the term "democracy" in presenting their own demands, they are quick and forceful to downplay the democratic credentials of political opponents. We work to parse out the different stakeholders, their unique and shared perspectives on democracy, their individual investment in the EU process and commitment to actual accession. We focus on the following question: what is the impact of the EU accession process on democratization in Turkey? We present our argument using evidence from interviews conducted at the national and local level in Turkey, newspaper accounts, EU reports, and additional secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper explores the Americanization process of the IDF, thus the process in which the IDF increasingly adopts US doctrinal ideas and operational practices. The paper argues that this process stands in contrast to the diverse sources and original learning's of the IDF in its first three decades of existence. The paper concludes with a word of cautious: While some of the emulation is unavoidable and other is justified, there are some areas that an indiscriminate copy - paste may become counter-productive, particularly on the strategic level which is so different between the countries. Indeed, since 2006 the IDF is more concerned with finding original solutions to its own particular problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the intellectual origins of NATO operational planning doctrine and how it has migrated to other international organisations such as the EU and the UN. It argues that some of the key concepts it contains - centres of gravity, decisive points, lines of operations and end-?states - are increasingly difficult to apply in the modern crisis response operations armed forces are tasked to undertake. In this sense, doctrinal ideas stretching back to the days of Clausewitz are coming near their point of culmination not because they are invalidated but because political guidance no longer allows for them. The paper concludes with some thoughts on the implications of this state of affairs in terms of the strategic instrumentality of crisis response operations and the structure of politico-?military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the South Korean people's authoritarian experiences in developing and sustaining a popular New Community Movement since its creation in 1970. By analysing three key features of the initial stage of the NCM under the growth-oriented authoritarian Park Chung Hee state (1961-1979), the paper argues that the NCM experience provided the majority of Koreans, particularly rural peasants and women, hands-on-training in participatory village-community democracy, which in turn provided a wide range of social opportunities, even unwittingly, for their own empowerment. The paper also argues that the Korean people's training in village-community democracy also provided a self-awakening experience, through which they built their own set of ideas of self-identity as the people or minjung and of minjung democracy which was essentially an off-shoot of the NCM, more specifically, Park's idea of "Korean democracy". The paper suggests that the recent resurgence of the NCM may reflect the democratic legacy of the authoritarian Park era, epitomized in its "Can-do" participatory ethos and the fierce nationalism of the Koreans, albeit in a highly sophisticated and yet paradoxical way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper develops a two-dimensional typology of political reasons for governments to pledge referendums on European integration when they are not obliged to do so: the first dimension is about the political level at which the strategic use of referendum pledges is targeted and it distinguishes between domestic and European reasons; the second dimension attends to the strategic mode of governments when pledging EU referendums which can either be about avoiding political losses (the defensive mode) or about realising political gains (the offensive mode). In combination, the typology yields four ideal types of reasons for governments to commit to EU referendums: the depoliticising, plebiscitary, red-line and internationalist EU referendum pledges. In the empirical analysis, the paper applies this typology to classify 28 cases of discretionary government commitments to EU referendums and it presents the findings of an expert survey that has been conducted for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The specter of a long-term administrative role for the UN in post-conflict societies including Kosovo, Haiti, and Timor-Leste has led observers to dub such problematic arrangements 'neo-trusteeship.' The main supposition of this research is that 'neo-trusteeship' is primarily a by-product of the gap between Charter obligations to maintain peace and security and the resources committed to the UN to attend to those obligations. This paper draws upon the insights of the path dependency 'approach' (Pierson, 2004; Thelen, 2003) as well as two recent UN operations in the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (UNTAET and UNMIT) in advancing the case that 'mechanisms of reproduction' common to the dynamic of path dependence are responsible for the emergence and reification of the 'neo-trusteeship' model in UN peace operations. In doing so, this paper seeks to demonstrate that the chief obstacle to the UN's ability to effectively deliver on its expansive mandates in post-conflict societies arises from a disjuncture between the increasing returns associated with (and accounting for) that agenda and the negative externalities of resource constraints and risk-averse decision making that characterize UN operations 'on the ground'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global security concerns in which technology plays ambivalent roles are proliferating, it is timely to revisit the post-war decades when liberals and realists alike sought to grasp the impact of technology on international politics. Combining intellectual history, science and technology studies, political theory, and International Relations (IR) theory, this paper examines visions of technology in liberal and realist thought with a particular view to their role in bolstering arguments for global (security) governance. While liberals are often seen to emphasize the role of nonmilitary technological innovation in growing interdependence, which they interpret as both a motivation for and a harbinger of wider spatial security architectures, realism's engagement with (military) technology is often reduced to a weapons-astools approach. Recent scholarship has complicated these beliefs. Exploring the fertile but often disregarded overlap between the liberal and realist traditions, this paper analyses the conceptions and roles of technology in the political thought of Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) and John H. Herz (1908-2005). Particularly in the wake of the nuclear revolution, both scholars developed a distinct global orientation in which the interrelations between technology, modernity, democracy, freedom, and individuality were critical. It is argued that Russell and Herz's visions of technology and (global) politics are (i) insightful and of considerable contemporary relevance, (ii) that their resemblance and common liberal ancestry call for a less rigid attitude to the "isms" of IR theory, and (iii) that in important ways they anticipated contemporary critical and reflexive approaches to technology and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, there has been rising interest in candidate quality and characteristics among political scientists. Scholars have analyzed the impact of candidate quality on electorates' candidate evaluations and vote choice. Most of the often-cited work on candidate quality deals with candidates and elections in the U.S. with a lesser amount of work focusing on European countries. It is remarkable that very few of these studies on candidate quality focus on elections in new democracies. As new democracies have had relatively little time to develop candidate recruitment processes, candidate quality is probably low compared to the established democracies of Western Europe and North America. Therefore, new democracies can be fertile ground for the study of the lack of candidate quality and its impact on voting behavior. In this paper, we study candidate quality and elections in one of the new democracies, Korea. Previous studies of voting behavior in Korea and in new democracies, in general, usually look at the vote choice of the electorate along established and/or emerging social cleavages, such as class differences, regionalism, religion, as well as macro environmental factors, such as the national economy. We utilize survey data to analyze the impact of the specific quality of candidates (candidate characteristics) on the vote choice of the electorate. If the quality of political candidates does not keep pace with that of the sophisticated public, we may see apathy on the part of the electorate (low turnout) or a form of negative voting. The election we analyze is the latest presidential election in Korea held in December 2007. Our results show a high level of negative voting in response to the candidates' perceived negative traits. Our work is a testimony that voters in new democracies also pay attention to the individual candidate's quality or characteristics, and make their vote choice accordingly. Therefore, future studies of voting behavior in new democracies should include candidate quality (or characteristics, traits or whatever it is called) as an explanatory variable in their models. We end the paper by offering our conjecture about why the electorate's perception of candidate quality is so low in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research on democratization and peacebuilding tend to emphasize macro-level issues such as institutional arrangements or elite group formation and compliance. However, this paper suggests that we need to look at how these two parallel processes interlink at the micro-level. As a way to take on the challenge of how such policies feed into democratization, we should take a closer look at Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR) programs and their rarely studied political impact among excombatants. By doing so, we also address three major challenges within current DDR research, namely: 1) the normative challenge of how these programs structure and condition the ex-combatants' continued political voice has not been studied enough; 2) research in this field has approached this from the perspective of political reintegration, which suffers from several conceptual challenges; and 3) at present this research has lacked a theoretical framework in which to grapple and make sense of the political consequences of DDR, i.e. how do the programs shape the political outlooks of the ex-combatants. In this paper various types of reintegration programs are studied in terms of their political ramifications among ex-combatants in Liberia, as we need to take a closer look at the design of the programs in order to understand the varying impacts of these programs. This paper suggests that the work methods employed within the programs, as well as composition of beneficiaries matter for the ex-combatants' relation with politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-democratic regimes often do experience some degree of freedom of the press. This paper develops and tests a theory to explain the differences in this respect between non-democratic countries. Starting from Geddes' distinction between military, personalist and single-party regimes, the paper argues that press freedom will be most restricted in personalist regimes because of the political isolation of leaders and ruling cliques. Single-party regimes, being the most transparent and inclusive among non-democratic regimes (Geddes, 1999) will allow the greatest level of press freedom. This however, depends on their level of heterogeneity: in singleparty regimes with little or non-existent opposition, there will be more censorship, the leaders being able to coordinate better; in single-party regimes with much opposition, there is more media freedom. Military regimes are also expected to censor the press based on the fact that their leaders are socialised within a culture o violence and will be capable of censoring the press in order to stay in power. These theoretical expectations are empirically tested using country data from Freedom House and Reporters without Borders, which are analysed in a panel data research design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last twenty years, many regional intergovernmental organizations have adopted rules requiring that all member-states be democracies, and specifying certain penalties that are to be imposed on any state that undergoes a democratic reversal. These rules - occasionally called democracy clauses - have recently received increased attention from political scientists. In keeping with this year's theme of "Political Authority in Transition," this paper asks whether rules that transfer some authority over domestic politics to international organizations, like the Inter-American Democratic Charter, are in fact constraining the ability of domestic political actors to overthrow or undermine unconsolidated democratic regimes. Building on models predicting coup risk, this paper shows that from 1991- 2008 democracy clauses were correlated with a decrease of almost 25% in the likelihood that a state would experience a coup in any given coup-year, holding other factors constant. This finding contributes to our understanding of the international influences on democratic consolidation, and on the efficacy of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The choice of a governance regime has ceased being an exclusively domestic process. Though debates continue about its effectiveness and morality, democracy promotion has become a channel of virtual global governance, shifting and modifying the domestic authority of the democratizing country. However, the conditions and the extent of similar shifts are yet to be understood. This paper analyzes the conditions and the potential impact of the policies of the main democracy promoters, the EU and the USA, on the democratization processes of Armenia and Georgia. Special attention is paid to elections and civil society building projects as a way of influencing the choice of the authority and the choosers. This paper adapts the international socialization framework by introducing new variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the gap between globally promoted definitions of liberal democracy, on the one hand, and the different national 'bottom-up' based interpretations of democracy, on the other hand. Departing from an interest in the gap between 'hegemonic' views of democracy, and then moving to the nationally lived Cambodian experiences and strategies, it will be argued in the paper that one of the basic concepts of liberal democracy, namely 'politics of ideas', does not match national facets of democracy. Put in a different way, followers of liberal democracy give priority to the representation of ideas and ideologies over who represents them. This priority, however, corresponds poorly to the reality in Cambodia. Based on interviews with 100 politicians and development workers, conducted between 1995 and 2007, the paper shows how Cambodian interpretations of the Western discourse of 'liberal democracy' try to bridge the gap between 'the politics of ideas' and 'the politics of presence'. The final conclusion of the paper is that two dimensions of Cambodian democracy need to be further investigated, namely, how are Cambodian notions of a 'politics of presence' influencing, assimilating and hybridizing with notions of liberal democracy? And, how might a 'politics of presence' be brought in to develop a democratic system that is in line with Cambodian notions of decision making?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Russia and Venezuela are rentier states; their economies rely on windfall profits from oil and gas. The majority of literature argues that for rentier states high oil profits tend to result in poor economic performance, unbalanced growth, weakly institutionalized states, and authoritarian regimes. Thad Dunning's Crude Diplomacy argues that some Latin American countries such as Venezuela have experienced an increase in democracy when crude prices rise. Dunning argues that the positive relationship has to do with a political bargain between the elite and society, particularly the role of minimal taxes on the elite in non-oil sectors and increased spending by the government on social programs. This paper applies Dunning's hypothesis to Russia and asks: What factors enable some resource abundant states to utilize their natural resources to promote democracy? Does Dunning's hypothesis work for Russia? I will consider the 2000s through the financial crisis of 2008, when Presidents Chavez of Venezuela and Vladimir Putin of Russia consolidated their power amid high oil profits. The first section of the paper reviews the debate in the rentier state literature. The second section places Dunning's work on Venezuela within this literature. The third section explores Russia's policies concerning taxes and social welfare spending. The paper concludes by comparing the experiences or Russia and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the application of democratic principles to the decision-making rules in Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs). It focuses on three such basic principles a) participation of all member-states in decision-making; b) involvement of transnational civil society groups in the deliberative processes within IGOs; c) public access to information regarding IGO deliberations. The paper makes two basic arguments that have either run counter to traditional views of IGOs or, at least, have been downplayed by most of the literature: 1) democratic principles have always been applied, at least to some extent, to the functioning of IGOs; 2) the degree to which the principles were applied did not vary in a linear fashion over the past century. I first develop several measures of the application of democratic principles in order to illustrate these arguments. I then offer a series of hypotheses to explain the variation in the application of democratic principles. I test them across developments in the League of Nations, International Labour Organization and United Nations over approximately ninety years. I find that the power of domestic democratic norms can account, at least in part, for such variation. Moreover, I find that the three democratic principles have not been applied simultaneously across IGOs. I suggest that one reason why these three norms have not gone hand is hand is that member-states have used norms instrumentally, promoting those that support their specific interests and downplaying the ones that run counter to such interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the debate over whether US foreign policy is shaped by geostrategic, realist concerns or by liberal-democratic ideals, the end of the Cold War was assumed by many to represent a turning point in favor of the latter, while the new War on Terror may suggest an era of renewed primacy for the former. This paper seeks to address these two turning points with regard to US foreign aid and the freedom, or lack thereof, of recipient states. In Part One, US aid is sorted according to the Freedom House categories of recipient states, and the resulting graphs are qualitatively analyzed. In Part Two, OLS regression is employed to introduce dummy variables for 1991 and 2001. In Part Three, the authors offer basic, preliminary measures of which countries represent "frontline" states in the Cold War and War on Terror periods. The preliminary findings suggest that the end of the Cold War was not as clear a turning-point for US aid as assumed, but that 9/11 did mark a sharp turn toward renewed primacy for realist, geostrategic policies. The paper concludes with a discussion of the process of creating better measures of "frontline" status in order to improve the analysis in Part Three of this project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a comparative look at EU citizens' attitudes towards Turkey-EU relations and examines the impacts of values, threats and transatlantic foreign policy orientations on Turkey's 'belated' accession to the EU. Do concerns over Turkish membership reflect themselves in the form of Turco-scepticism or do they fade away as Turco-phile attitudes prevail? In a multitude of dimensions, these two competing attitudes are present in Europe at the mass and elite levels due to several considerations such as (i) value compatibility (ii) threat perceptions (iii) cost-benefits calculus of the enlargement (iv) Atlanticist vs. Europeanist foreign policy preferences. This paper builds a comparative quantitative insight into public perceptions as the 'essential domino' of foreign policy decisions in democracies towards the EU's most intransigent enlargement case and process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two foundations of American democracy are the citizen-soldier and the necessary support by the citizenry for its government waging war. This paper is not focusing directly on the validity of these democratic foundations, the efficacy and dilemmas of creating citizen-soldiers, nor judging those who have or are serving. Rather, the paper strives to demonstrate how popular culture can be utilized in an academic setting to illustrate and examine these foundations. The Political Fiction and Film (PF&F) course discussed in this paper addresses, inter alia, the following questions: Why and how should Americans pay attention to their government's war-making actions? What is the intersection of Americans understanding of war, the government's support for and ability to wage war, the role of the military in carrying out war, and the role of citizen-soldiers to fight these wars? To this end, I have created an upper-division, political science course to assist students in analyzing American values toward the military and war, as well as to understand the dialectic process between popular culture and the American citizenry in shaping and being shaped by our reasons to fight. This course is different in that its basis is the use of film and literature as the primary learning tool and subject matter. Films and literature provide essential heuristic tools for today's technological-focused students, as well as the "mirrors" to illuminate popular culture and public perceptions of war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two decades on from the collapse of Soviet dominance in Central and Eastern Europe and the flourishing cottage industry of 'transitological' studies attempting to explain the transitions in the region have reached a peculiar confluence concerning the relative importance of internal and external causes. Most analyses have focused on how best to achieve the practical transformation of the construction of functioning democracies and moribund planned economic institutions while acknowledging the significance of the global context in which capitalism was reconfigured in the region only incidentally. This paper develops a critique of this confluencebased on a Gramscian critical economy. The paper explores how the social transformation associated with the emergence of neoliberalism arose in the global political economy and then deploys an understanding of this in order to offer a more nuanced grasp of the historical emergence of transition, primarily in Poland, but to some degree throughout Central and Eastern Europe, as Poland's Shock Therapy approach to transition has been the paradigmatic exemplar and as such has significant ramifications throughout the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's decision on its role in the Iraq war in 2003 illustrates the power -- and limits -- of parliaments as actors in foreign policy. Traditionally, national assemblies are not seen as important players in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Instead, the cabinet is generally considered the locus of policymaking authority. Parliaments are seen as forums for debate, and if the government enjoys a parliamentary majority, legislatures are expected to support the cabinet, if they are brought into the process at all. In Turkey, the president and the military have also been considered more important actors than parliament. But the March 1, 2003 vote by the Turkish parliament to not allow the United States to use Turkey as a base challenges this conventional wisdom on parliamentary influence (in addition to interest-based explanations of foreign policy). This paper examines this decision in the context of the role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies and explores the relationships between parliamentary influence, leadership, intraparty politics, and public opinion. This paper uses this case to offer ideas on when and how parliaments are influential in foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper treats democracy as a problematic yet under-theorised feature of the relations between states, as shown by the US and EU understood as "states unions". In such systems, the retention of the units' sovereign status is fundamental to their anti-hierarchical design yet subject to ongoing contestation, leading to ambiguity over the nature and extent of units' sovereign status. Given this context, the paper analyses how democratization - the process of appealing directly or indirectly to the people to settle political conflict - brings to the fore the question of the hierarchical relationship between the system and the units in the US and EU. In the antebellum US, the original settlement for preventing hierarchy broke down as both the Union and the units sought to justify their positions in an appeal to the people to settle political conflict. Similar appeals by EU member states and European institutions during treaty re-negotiations have likewise led to a clash over the proper locus of popular sovereignty. Hence the US and EU experiences serve to expose the potentially adverse consequences of democratizing relations between states. Consequently, the paper suggests that whereas democracy within states is associated with the improvement of relations between such states, the extension of democratic practices beyond the state poses profound difficulties for political organization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines a research proposal for a longitudinal study of terrorism in Indonesia from 1949 to 2008, and contains some preliminary findings on key trends in terrorist attacks in the country of study. It calls for the investigation of the relationship between political transition and terrorism and analyzes data on terrorist incidents occurring in Indonesia from 1970-2004, using data from the Global Terrorism Database administered by the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and the Response to Terrorism This paper builds on hypotheses and past research on the relationship between political transition and terrorism, and aims to contribute to the scholarly and policy debate on whether endorsing democracy as a way to eradicate terrorism is a sound recommendation for policy-makers. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the process of normalizing civil-military relations in Chile and Argentina. "Normalized" civil-military relations confine the military to the national security arena and are characterized by collaborative interactions between the civilian and military spheres. Such "normal" or "routinized" civil-military relations would represent a significant increase in civil-military interaction than occurred in the past. The full or partial assumption of decision-making authority on the part of civilians in the defense bureaucracy would be one indicator of "normalizing" civil-military relations. Field research in Chile and Argentina indicates that as democratic institutions mature, interest in civilian oversight of national security matters is increasing. Civilian Ministries of Defense are increasingly interested in acquisition, budgetary, and deployment issues. Effective civilian management and control, however, depends on the preparedness of the senior civilian and military leaders for their national security roles. This paper examines the strategic education and professional development opportunities that senior military, civilian, and defense bureaucrats have to support their national security responsibilities. New attitudes toward using the military to achieve national interests through the application of national power are evolving in these cases, however the expertise to conduct "normalized" civil-military relations is still lacking. The paper discusses the progress of "normalization" of civil-military relations in the two cases and proposes recommendations for U.S. policymakers interested in positively influencing this process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some in the literature on the Democratic Peace, particularly John Owen, have suggested that the underlying mechanisms of the democratic peace function both with other democracies and with non-democracies. Unfortunately, the mechanisms of the democratic peace remain ambiguous. Constructivist work on the democratic peace, and security in general, has made significant headway in exploring the mechanisms that drive the phenomenon, but significant gaps remain. In particular, while constructivist scholars have shed considerable light on the construction of security within the mind of leaders, little work has been done on how democratic leaders convey those constructions to the public. The paper seeks to address this lacuna. Using the Copenhagen School's securitization framework, this paper focuses on the role of identity in how democratic political leaders construct security threats. The paper also seeks to link the construction of threat in the mind of policy maker with the construction of threat in the public. To do so, a case study is made of the buildup to British involvement in Iraq. The conclusions are significant. The paper finds that at the personal level, Tony Blair relied on identity as a critical marker indicating potential threat. In turn, Blair used the language of identity in his efforts to securitize Iraq to the public. While there are some indications that he was successful, there are also indications that the democratic identity of Britons also served to block support of unilateral action. For the public, the role of identity is complex, and while the public democratic identity is clearly powerful, it operates in nuanced ways. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major turning points for Turkish politics is the opening of its accession negotiations for European Union membership in 2005. The EU has significant leverage on countries aspiring for membership due to its political conditionality and through the applicant country's adaptation of its rules and laws to those of the EU. Thus, the process of membership negotiations impacts the applicant country's political process in a significant fashion. This paper proposes that as Turkey moves towards meeting the EU's standards in democracy as part and parcel of its accession requirements, the underlying anti-democratic tendencies and tensions in Turkish politics come to the fore front with the unexpected result that the process of democratization carries the danger of threatening the basis of individual rights and liberties in Turkey. This is because the democratization process that gained momentum in 2002 has led to a high degree of polarization in Turkish politics with the Islamists and secularists located at the opposite ends. This paper analyzes the main cleavages in Turkish politics; the Islamists versus the secularists and nationalists versus the globalists with respect to the issues of gender equality, the Kurdish problem and the role of the military in politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine the impact of global civil society in world politics through investigating its effect on Intergovernmental Organization (IGO) democracy. In so doing I first clarify the conceptual framework of the democratic deficit in IGOs given that there is no academic consensus in defining the concept. Based on a minimalist definition, I employ the outside-in model and the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) to explore the influence of global civil society over improving the democratic deficit in IGOs. I argue that weaknesses of global civil society decrease its role in improving IGO democracy, though it does have a positive impact in the process. In particular, three important factors in global civil society contribute to the lagging democratic development in IGOs: different levels of knowledge and expertise in NGOs; the marginalization of women, southern, and rural NGOs; the accountability problem of NGOs themselves. The paper highlights the strengths and weaknesses of global civil society in changing the landscape of world politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 20th century the social sciences have been heavily influenced by a philosophy of science that has led social scientists to separate scientific/explanatory and moral/normative inquiry from each other. The discipline of economics has been at the forefront of arguing for the separation of scientific and value-based inquiry. However, economics has not always been, nor is it necessarily, an a-normative science. Indeed, some of the founding fathers, as well as many leading figures, of modern economics were explicitly driven by normative questions and principles regarding the 'good life'. This paper seeks to explore whether and how normative assumptions might be embedded within supposedly a-normative economic science. It does so specifically with the aim of elucidating how economic theorists and their discourses may support, encourage, or delimit assumptions made about the meaning of 'democracy'. Taking as its focus a selection of leading economic scientists, classical and neoclassical, the paper asks, first, how is the role of normative assumptions conceived in their work and, second, what kinds of normative visions of democracy do their frameworks support, even if implicitly? The interest in these questions here is not abstractly theoretical: it is informed by a set of puzzles about the ways in which economic science discourses are treated in current debates on global financial governance and also on democracy promotion. Indeed, the paper is ultimately interested in examining the consequences that hidden democratic discourses within economic science may have in constraining and enabling the roles of global financial organisations and in shaping the practices of democracy promotion. This paper, which seeks to both speak to themes of the present ISA panel on the normative-explanatory theory relationship and a wider project by the author on 'political economies of democratisation', argues that despite the value-neutral image that is widely held about economic science, it embraces a whole series of normative assumptions, as well as a variety of different theories or visions of democracy. This finding contradicts the theoretical basis for the perception that global financial governance organisations and their economic discourses are 'value-neutral' and 'a-political', and exposes them as surreptitiously involved in 'democracy promotion'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Confronting terrorism from within as well as from without is a fraught and complex task for any government. First and foremost, there is the crucial challenge of holding the balance between public safety and fundamental democratic liberties and values. Terrorism shapes interactions among political actors over long periods of time through a dynamic process in which violence alters the conditions under which it initially occurs. Many consequences are unintended, but it is rare that the government's responses in countering terrorism do not alter political institutions, values, and behavior, as well as the overall function of society. This paper will argue that it is critically important to assess the effects, not only of terrorism, but of counter-terrorism on social and political structures as they relate to stability and democracy. It is this paper's view that certain models of counter-terrorism policy and rhetoric can actually do more harm than good. Drawing on the UK's post-7/7 counter-terrorism experiences this paper will try to answer the question of how does a society assess how many of its values should be surrendered in order to increase protection from terrorist attacks, and whether the resulting policies should preserve both value-driven politics, as well as liberal democracy on which these policies are based. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A seemingly new approach to conflict management, statebuilding discourse has depended on a conception of the 'Weberian state' as the object of its endeavours in the global South. Increasingly, authors have tried to conceptualise 'legitimacy' as an element of statebuilding. This paper contrasts these functional views of legitimacy-as-democracy with those of Weber himself, who argued for a 'sociological' approach, resulting in a much more subjectivist, pluralist and relational account that that currently used. The paper explores the case of post-conflict Mozambique using the 'sociological' approach as an attempt to explain and understand the structures of domination in Mozambique that have allowed the consolidation of a one-party state as a seemingly stable centre of power. It is argued that this account is more useful in understanding conflict management in Mozambique in terms of the 'legitimacy' that underpins the state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the field of critical political economy exists a literature urging a re-conceptualization of democracy (Munck 2002, Cox 1997, Webster and Adler 1998). Liberal, particularly neo-liberal, political systems are critiqued for their binary separation of economics and politics leading to substantive disenfranchisement and elitest governance. Robert Cox (1997) has called this ‘limited democracy’ and argues that consumer choice and infrequent elections cannot be equated with democratic citizenship. One theorized response to this problem builds on the work of Karl Polanyi (1944) and his concepts of ‘embeddedness’ and the ‘double movement’. Democracy can be deepened and strengthened by asserting social control over the economy and society at multiple levels and across issue areas. This is accomplished by a movement of social forces forcing a re-embedding in response to periods of increasing economic and elite consolidation. A problem in this literature has consistently been the agent or agents of change.This paper critically explores the argument that Social Movement Unionism (SMU), the organizational and theoretical blend of trade unionism and social movements, can and may serve as the agent of a Polanyian double movement in Canada. While theorists of SMU argue that labour necessarily needs to branch out laterally as a response to neo-liberal policies, I explore the tensions between ‘old’ labour and contemporary social movements in Canada, such as the environmental movement. I ask: to what extent is organized labour taking on issues beyond their narrow collective-bargaining interests? Is there significant personnel overlap between labour and social movement organizations such as environmental, women’s or anti-war groups? In answering these questions I intend to draw out the tensions between various actors these theories look to for change and assess their relevance in the Canadian context. By bringing together literature on transnational social movements, labour studies, political economy and international relations this paper takes an interdisciplinary approach to understanding these challenges. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using John B. Thomson's book Political Scandal: Power and Visibility in the Media Age as a model, this paper will examine three late twenteith century scandals, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and the Lewinsky Affair to determine how and under what circumstances scandal impacts on American Foreign Policy. If Thompson is correct, what he labels the media age and other modern developments have created an environment where scandal cannot be marginalized and treated as aberrations. Scandal is part of an accelerating pattern of political discourse that has a particularly powerful impact on liberal democracy and foreign policy creation. Increasingly, foreign policy decisions are distorted by domestic scandal. When we factor in some interesting American cultural variables the problem of scandal and foreign policy becomes even more acute. Using Thompson's scandal typology: money, power, and sex, this paper explores whether some types of scandal have grater impact on foreign policy decisions as well as the manner in which scandal distorts foreign policy decisions in harmful ways. Finally, the paper will explore the question of whether the quickened pace of scandals in the United States in the Bush administration is a harbinger of permanent change in the dynamics of American Foreign Policy. Indeed fear of scandal may become more important than external threat. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the allied occupation of Japan from 1945-1952 as a public policy issue. It articulatesand explores the general concept of institutional continuity during an occupation; more precisely, this paper will look at resiliency in terms of the prewar political authority of the bureaucracy. At its most basic, an important pre-surrender institution—the Japanese bureaucracy—can endure and resist substantive change during a system altering transformative period: Bureaucratic resilience during an occupation. One would expect that a celebrated democratization process that began with a military occupation would be peopled with those who seek to dramatically alter a variety of institutions; instead, one discovers a more accurate blend of continuity and change—hence, the challenge. At the most general level, I am identifying instances where institutional continuity can be recognized and then observing this condition and offering the implication for budding democracy. Specifically, with a finer focus on Occupation-era Japanese bureaucracy, this paper will first introduce this concept of resiliency. This introduction is followed by short discussion of the concept resiliency in relation to the Japanese bureaucracy; then, it presents them in relation to the following four topics: It maps the landmarks of (1) the purge process in Japan, (2) the enduring and problematic role of the Emperor, (3) the secretive crafting of the postwar constitution that celebrates democracy and curbs Japan's military, and (4) the role of Japanese bureaucratic reforms in the construction of postwar political power. Goal: To understand Japan during this uncertain times, the resiliency of institutions. Use of secondary sources &archival material. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uniquely builds on previous research on cross-national democracy and income inequality. The refinement of multivariate cross-sectional time-series models that explain variation in both democracy and income distribution has proceeded to the point of incorporating variables that represent cross-national economic structure. These variables include ordinal scales of economic openness as published by the Fraser Institute and the Heritage Foundation and interval-level measures of governmental economic activity such as public sector size. However, given issues regarding the limited time frame and reliability and validity of the economic openness variables, and the limited country coverage of public sector spending variables, one can question the applicability of the findings of these models to a broad swath of developing countries over a lengthy time period. Developing countries tend to be less well-represented in these cross-national models. Yet the most interesting over-time variation on income distribution, democracy, and openness is in the developing world. I propose to make the case for proxying economic openness and governmental economic activity through a measure of economic development such as GDP per capita or energy consumption per capita. This will considerably broaden the developing country coverage and time frame of the study. Additionally, transitions toward capitalist development in developing countries can be more fully examined. I will use Heckman selection models of economic development to test whether or not the democracy-income inequality relationship changes across development levels. The resulting paper will be a unique advance on better accounting for cross-country, cross-development variation in income inequality, democracy, and capitalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand one of the processes of change taking place in the so-called ‘New Europe’ in its process of enlarging the circle of states whose shared identity and core values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, makes them a value-based community with some specific qualities. The specific focus of this paper is ideational change at the domestic level and its consequences at the international level and vice versa. Interest is focused on the adoption of liberal democracy. Therefore, the main question that is addressed in the proposed paper is how and why a democratic norm set seems to have been adopted relatively easily is some Central and East European states, but with considerable difficulty or not at all in other similar states, despite the appearance of similar structural and practical circumstances. In addressing this question, the paper focuses on the way in which the mechanisms of socialization are used by three European organizations, namely the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In other words, is effective democratization related to the type of socialization mechanism employed? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is written in response to John Horgan and Michael J. Boyle, whose article, 'The Case Against a "Critical Terrorism Studies"', appeared in the last issue of the journal Critical Studies on Terrorism. The paper addresses the claim that the call for a greater emphasis on state terrorism by liberal democratic states in terrorism studies constitutes a 'reinventing of the wheel'. I show that there continues to be a selective application of definitions of terrorism so that state terrorism in which liberal democratic states are complicit continues to be widely ignored. This results in considerable gaps in the literature, which I identify. I argue that the absence of state terrorism by liberal democratic states from debate results from a complex range of factors that influence scholars across the social sciences, which I discuss in detail. I then show that a credible research agenda exists and is already being pursued by Critical Terrorism Studies scholars, and that that this goes well being simply reinventing the wheel. I make the case that headway can be made through collaborations that transcend disciplinary boundaries. Finally I show that where work on state terrorism by liberal democratic states is concerned, an explicit aim is to explore the use of state terrorism within the broader context of the foreign policy objectives of liberal democratic states. Those objectives have consistently involved widening access to resources and markets in the global South, and competing for political and economic dominance. I show that a priority of those working on state terrorism by liberal democratic states should be to offer alternatives to foreign policy practices that involve state terrorism and other forms of repression. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is being submitted for the panel on "Bridging the Theoretical Divides: A Multi-Disciplinary Approach to Issues of Peace and Conflict." It contributes an example of scholarship drawing gender studies into peace studies. The term "peace process" refers to political processes and strategies for resolving conflict through peaceful means. The first image one might have of "peace processes" is that of official representatives of warring factions and third party interlocutors sitting around a table, airing concerns with the ultimate goal of hashing out a peace agreement that will put an end to hostilities. Diplomacy and formal peace negotiations are critical elements of peace processes, however a much broader array of actors and actions are implicated by this term. The first stage of peace processes -- peacemaking --- does refer to attempts to end hostilities through "negotiation, mediation, and dialogue in both official and unofficial arenas." However, the second stage of peace processes, commonly termed "peacebuilding" or "conflict transformation," encompasses much broader attempts to shape more peaceful futures through the design of new political institutions which repair relationships and support democratic processes and the implementation of human rights guarantees. This paper considers the gendered nature of both peacemaking and peacebuilding and identifies possibilities and limitations for addressing gender inequities and for advancing women's role in the full range of peace activities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the choice of the Korean legislative electoral institution in 1988 as an example of the electoral system choice in new democracies. Through analyzing multiple steps leading to the choice, the paper shows that unforeseen political situations as well as unusual institutional setting play a large role in choosing an electoral system in the developing world. More specifically, this case study suggests three potentially generalizable findings. First, when parties choose a legislative electoral institution in a presidential system, it is highly likely that parties will prefer an institution that helps them in the subsequent presidential election even though the institution might harm them in the upcoming legislative election. Second, parties in the developing world at times face unusual systems that are neither majoritarian nor fully PR. Under such unusual systems, party size would not be a reliable predictor for the party's preference over electoral institutions. Finally, in new democracies, labor parties can only induce old parties to shift to PR if they have mobilized the working class prior to democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the apparent tensions and divergence in approach between the United States and the European Union in efforts to promote democratic reform in the Middle East. Since this issue rose to prominence in 2002, the two sides of the Atlantic have often been viewed as taking diametrically opposite views of the relative urgency of Arab democratization, and of how best to achieve progress toward that goal. Yet, in a thorough review of diplomacy, official development assistance, and democracy assistance funding and programs, this paper finds that the divergence is more apparent than real. The paper finds significant similarities in the two actors' strategies and in their mix of democracy promotion activities. Yet both the European Union and the United States find reasons to sustain rhetorical divergence, and an element of strategic competition also colors their respective policies. The paper concludes that -- even if unintentional -- policy convergence between Europe and the United States in promoting democratic reform in the Middle East is not only evident, but may improve further over time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper defends the case for a non-exclusionary theory of global democracy. The argument is built through the examination of two key dilemmas of global democracy that touch upon the issue of inclusion and jurisdictional boundaries. While the first concerns the legitimate principle to be used to draw political jurisdictions, the second considers the subsequent institutional model to be adopted. Three principal options are examined both for the first dilemma (i.e. the principle of all-inclusion, stake-holders, and political communities) and for the second (i.e. the models of world federalism, global governance, and cosmopolitan multilateralism). The paper shows that the options most consistent with the principle of political participation delineate an all-inclusive and cosmo-federalist model of global democracy. As a response to the current state of international exclusion, the radical project of stretching the paradigm of democratic inclusion to the extreme limit encompassing the whole of mankind is defended. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to initiate the discussion by exploring to which extent it is possible to talk about security governance in Mercosur—the Common Market of the South created in 1991 by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.For the discussion of security governance in the Southern Cone, this paper distinguishes between three types of security issues that have been the subject of regional security policy coordination. Firstly, when Mercosur was an integration project and prior to its foundation, leaders opted for a broad definition of security that encompassed the success of the democratic transitions and domestic civil-military relations, as well as insertion in the world economy. A second set of security issues is formed by more traditional threats, which indeed have long been part of the Latin American security agenda. These are the issues associated with the use or threat of violence and military force, territorial integrity and sovereignty, and questions of armaments, balances of power and nuclear development. Finally, especially since 9-11 but also before then, a new set of issues have been incorporated into the regional security agenda. Among these are the so-called new threats to security, which include 'transnationalised' domestic threats such as drugs traffic, illegal traffic of weapons, criminal networks with transnational connections, environmental issues, and others. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Do states provide more foreign aid to those nations from which they can import oil? What is the relationship between foreign aid and imports/exports of oil? The current literature offers many of foreign aid determinants but little of this literature has explored the effect of oil imports on the amount of foreign aid received by the oil exporter. This paper's working hypothesis is that if state A buys oil from state B, state A will be inclined to give less foreign aid to state B. From the point of view of state A, the logic behind the inverse relationship is that the exporter's oil revenues in a sense finance the exporter's economy, so there is less need for foreign aid from state A to state B. The demand for oil and its byproducts is highly inelastic, and the revenues earned by oil exporters are substantially large. Importers consequently reduce their commitment of foreign aid to oil exporters. On the other hand, following "resource curse" literature, oil exports are related to the level of democracy in an oil-possessing country that may experience higher levels of corruption and lack of transparency and accountability of the government. Democracy is also correlated with foreign aid as donors tend to reward good governance and democratization. For these reasons, democracy is included in the model as an independent variable.To test this hypothesis, a time-series cross-section regression analysis is employed utilizing panel corrected standard errors and country fixed-effects. The analysis includes 81 countries from 1996 to 2004 for a total of about 700 observations. The states in the sample are all the countries of the Middle East, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the former Soviet Union, regardless of their possession of oil and regardless of whether they receive aid from the United States. The dependent variable is the amount of aid per capita received from the United States. The United States is selected as a donor for this study because of its prominence in provision of foreign and importance in the international system. The results of the regression analysis show that the value of oil imports to the United States has an inverse and statistically significant relationship to the amount of foreign aid the United States provides to an oil exporter. Democracy is positively related to the amounts of foreign aid. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the concept ‘interiorization’ (Poulantzas, 1974)provides us with a subtler understanding of the interrelated spatial fixesof the contemporary IPE that overcomes the more or less Kautskian/Leninistand Supranational/Intergovernmental dualisms that continue to characterisethe field. With regards to the economic structure, the concept allows usto grasp how it is possible for European capitalism to be subsumeddirectly within the social relations of US capitalism whilst stillmaintaining independent bases of competition. With regards topolitico-ideological structures, the concept allows us to understand why atransnational neo-liberal hegemony at the same time is a distinctly UShegemony, whereby the US state increasingly displaces externalities on therest of the world, including Europe, without this undermining theconsensual aspects of transnational relations. In a concluding section,the paper also demonstrates that the concept of interiorization is centralto the (terminal?) crisis of European social democracy: A Europeanbourgeoisie ‘interiorized’ with American capital is increasingly alienatedfrom European social formations and as a result is not amenable to theclass compromises which social democracy presupposes. This in turnundermines the capacity of social democracy to perform a ‘politics ofmediation’ over a wide range of cleavage structures. This undermining isdangerous as it has been essential to the very essence of European (socialand Christian) democracy in the post World War II period (cf. vanKersbergen, 1995). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]