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This paper draws upon the writings of 20th century philosophical thinker Michael Polanyi to illuminate aspects of the political thought of Edmund Burke. In the process, an effort is made to make progress toward a new understanding of relationships among politics, culture, and thought. In some of his earliest public and private writings Burke displays an interest in non-rational dimensions of learning and knowledge, and in the role of worldviews in shaping learning and thought; this early interest would inform his later political writings. Michael Polanyi is known both to recognize objective truth and to emphasize the personal nature of knowledge; he also explores the nature of learning and belief much more explicitly than does Burke. By combining Polanyi's more systematic thought with Burke's political-philosophical insights, this paper identifies and highlights aspects of the nature of thought, knowledge, and reason, with special attention to their relationship to politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing the homogeneity of a party’s support across the nationâ€"party nationalizationâ€"is a key concern to new democracies. This paper tests the impact historical development, intra-party and institutional variables in explaining party nationalization in Central America. During the 1990´s, five of the six Central American countries experienced transitions to democracy. Although there are similarities in the democratization trends, my data covering the years 1980-2008 show remarkable, inter- and intra-country differences in terms of geographic distribution of the parties’ vote. An important focus of the paper is to distinguish among factors that explain differences between parties, among countries, and across time. Specifically I hypothesize that historical development factors and institutional elements are associated with party nationalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women enter college with less self-confidence and different educational aspirations than men. Gender-role attitudes (modern versus traditional) are involved. This paper examines the effects of political ideology (liberal versus conservative), family background, and peer group relationships on student attitudes and goals. It is hypothesized that the gender gap in educational attainment is greatest among conservative male and female students. The sample for this study consists of white students at a liberal arts college in the south (n=1774). Students were asked how smart they thought they were compared to others and their educational goals after graduation from college. Among those on the far left of the political spectrum, there is little difference between female and male students in their self-confidence and how far they intend to go in school. However, as one moves from the far left to the far right, the gender gap in self-confidence and educational goals widens appreciably. Highly conservative male students have the highest level of self-confidence and educational aspirations while highly conservative females have the lowest. This gender difference by political ideology is not due to religious fundamentalism or social conservatism. Rather, it has more to do with the values and way of life associated with economic conservatism. The paper closes with an analysis of which family background and peer group factors explain why these gender differences are found among (highly) conservative students. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines democracy as an international norm, and the problems encountered establishing it in Africa. The paper argues that each country's unique characteristics act as filters through which international norms are implemented. Uganda is used as a case study to generate hypotheses that can be untilized to study ways in which democracy is defined, or ways in which its institutions are adopted.Three hypotheses that we can use to explain democracy in Uganda are presented in this paper. First, it is hypothesized that countries with a history of violent ethnic conflicts are more likely to prefer no-party/one-party democracy. Second, it is suggested that the meaning of democracy in African countries is defined by the dominant elite faction. Third, it is hypothesized that African leaders who are capable of providing security are more likely to succeed in framing a norm differently from the international standards. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion and foreign policy in Latin America has been sparsely studied in its own right. This paper seeks to test hypotheses drawn from the study of American and comparativist politics. Since the 1920s the impact of public opinion on American foreign policy has been a point of both optimism and dismissal. Liberals have argued that public opinion has the potential to promote peace while pessimists have questioned the stability of public opinion and the ability of the public to make decisions toward foreign policy. Within Latin America, the study of public opinion and foreign policy has been largely overlooked as the emergence of the scientific study of public opinion occurred during a period of authoritarian rule. The rebirth of democracy and liberal economics in Latin America began within the "lost decade" of economic crises of the 1980s. Democratic and structural adjustment reforms since the 1990s have changed the region dramatically making issues of trade a potential touchstone for every citizen. This makes the present the opportune moment to study the public opinion and foreign policy nexus within the Latin American context. Specifically, this paper asks whether public opinion toward economic integration can be predicted by established hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the role of political parties in a legislative environment that makesdecisions over both ideological and distributive policies. We develop a simple model inwhich the majority party leadership, seeking to achieve non-median policies as a means ofmaximizing the probability its party retains the majority, trades off distributive bene¯tsto obtain non-median ideological policy. The key prediction of the model is that moderatemembers of the majority party receive disproportionately large side-payments from the partyleader. This prediction receives support when tested against data from the 104th and 105thCongresses. In the second half of the paper, we demonstrate several important consequencesof a legislative environment with vote-buying: vote-buying biases ideal point estimates andgenerally causes researchers to overstate both the true level of polarization and the degreeof party homogeneity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to a long held belief in post-authoritarian Taiwan in the omnipotence of democracy to ensure the island's autonomy in the face of China, this paper argues that toward the end of the second Chen Shui-bian administration the 'marginal utility' of Taipei's use of democracy in garnering international sympathy has been drastically decreasing; recent examples include its failure to persuade major members of the 'liberal democratic community', the United States in particular, to support or at least acquiesce in its proposed referendum on joining the United Nations under the name of Taiwan held alongside the presidential election in March 2008. The underlying reason, however, is not found in the blame game between Taipei and Washington as to whether the United States is bowing to Chinese pressure at the expense of Taiwan's democratic deepening, or Taiwanese ruling elites' tactic of mobilising mass support is unnecessarily provocative which could end up drawing the US into an unwanted conflict with China. Rather, this paper suggests that the quarrel is indicative of the emergence of a new standard of civilisation based on the degree of democratic-ness in world politics. While mainstream security discourse in Taiwan has been deeply embedded in the binary structure of a democratic, peace-loving Taiwan versus an authoritarian, war-like China, in urging Taiwanese leaders to 'responsibly' strike a balance between promoting their political values and protecting their people's vital interests, senior US officials too unwittingly reproduce the rhetoric of democracy as civilisation. Unable to comprehend the operation of this civilised/barbarian trope in which Taiwan as a 'maturing' democracy (meaning potentially trouble-making) has been located between the West and the rest for the purpose of strategic appropriation, Taipei mistakenly believes that it has occupied the moral high ground vis-a-vis the great powers to 'go it alone' as seen in the UN referendum. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By making the spread of democracy a foreign policy goal, the U.S. is assuming that external factors influence the process of democratization. This paper examines this assumption more closely, looking at how the international system, and specifically conflict within the international system, affects the spread of democracy both regionally and globally. A number of studies have documented a relationship between democracy and the international system both spatially and temporally. Although these studies pose a number of explanations for temporal and spatial trends, none of them test their hypothesized causal mechanism. They only provide evidence of aggregate trends at the global and regional levels. This paper seeks to go beyond analysis at the aggregate level to test one of the hypothesized casual mechanisms, namely emulation. Drawing on Waltz's argument that competition in an anarchic environment leads states to emulate the most successful states in the system, I argue that the success of democracies in the international system prompts other states to emulate them. According to Waltz the driving force of emulative behavior is conflict and so a test of this mechanism begs the broader question: What is the impact of international conflict on the likelihood that a state will become a democracy? I test three sets of hypotheses. The direct emulation hypothesis suggests that states should imitate their competitors: thus nations that have lost wars to democracies should democratize. The indirect emulation hypothesis posits that nations should imitate the most successful states in the system: thus the likelihood of a democratic transition should be a function of the United States relative power and the regime type of the most militarily powerful state in a country's region. The socialization hypothesis predicts that countries imitate states they interact with on a more amiable level: thus states with democratic allies should be more likely to democratize. I use a logit estimator to test these hypotheses. Contrary to Waltz's expectations, I find that emulation prompted by military conflict does not play a major role in the democratization process, with one exception. I find some evidence indicating that countries are more likely to undergo democratic transitions if the most powerful country in their region is democratic. The more powerful the leading country, the greater the influence of its regime type on the likelihood that a country in its region will experience a democratic transition. Thus, if the leading country is a democracy, the more powerful it becomes the more likely countries in the region will democratize. If the leading country is an autocracy, the more powerful it becomes the less likely countries in the region will democratize. I also find support for the socialization hypothesis: the more democratic allies a state has the more likely it is to undergo a democratic transition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a new panel dataset measuring non-market coordination in OECD countries across several spheres of the political economy. The paper uses the dataset to test hypotheses about the origins and maintenance of non-market coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a panel # 030982 entitled : Researching Women’s Movements and Gender Politic: Feminist Inquiry and Methodology in Empirical Research proposed by Jean C. Robinson Since the fall of the Soviet Union, there has been an explosion of in-depth studies of postsocialist societies crucial to broadening our understanding of postcommunist politics. While anthropologists have been contemplating feminist ethnography in the postsocialist states (e.g. Fieldwork Dilemmas: Anthropologists in Postsocialist Societies, 2000), little has been written by political scientists. This paper, based on my struggles to do fieldwork in Russia, the Czech Republic, and Armenia, will examine the limits to objectivity, the paradoxes of activism, and the obstacles of trying to the hit the moving target that is postcommunist civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tony Blair and Bill Clinton constructed a “Third Way” ideology that helped their parties win political power in the 1990s. This novel ideology created a middle path between socialism and neoliberalism that moved parties of the Left closer to the center of the political spectrum. Some scholars have tried to understand the Third Way by describing the factors that influenced its creation. Others have detailed the exact policies of the Third Way, asking whether it is really new or just a revision of an older ideology While these works have added to our knowledge of this subject, questions remain about this ideology. It is still unclear what barriers Blair and Clinton faced when trying to implement the Third Way. Did interest groups try to stop them? How did the media react to this ideology? In our paper, we deal with this issue by focusing on the implementation of Third Way policies. Basically, it seeks to highlight those factors that either promoted or prevented the passage of Third Way legislation in America and Britain. To address the issue of implementation, we present a case study of Blair and Clinton’s immigration policies. We ask, were Blair and Clinton’s policies similar? Or did these leaders enact different immigration proposals? By answering these questions, we are trying to highlight those forces in society that enhanced or prevented policy convergence. We argue that there are several “push” factors that make it more likely for Blair and Clinton’s policies to be similar. Economic changes in the US and UK, electoral difficulties confronting the Left, cultural change from materialism to post-materialism, organizational cooperation between Labour and the Democrats, and the attitudes of Blair and Clinton are all identified in this paper as factors that promote policy convergence. However, while policy convergence might occur in some cases, other variables exist that might create differences between Clinton and Blair’s policies. Specifically, they could face pressures from interest groups, public opinion, media elites, economic forces, and opposition parties when trying to implement the Third Way. These “pull” factors will make it difficult for Clinton and Blair to enact similar policies. Our paper examines these push and pull factors in an attempt to identify whether the Third Way can be successfully implemented cross-nationally. This topic needs to be considered for several reasons. First, as the Left struggles to find an ideology to replace socialism, scholars need to study the new ideologies that they adopt. This can tell us about the future direction of the Left and whether it will succeed as a political force in the upcoming years. Second, this topic has not received much attention in the literature. Most research deals with why parties are adopting the Third Way or considers the clarity of this ideology. There needs to be more focus on whether the Third Way is being successfully implemented in the US and UK. Third, there is a need for more comparative scholarship when it comes to this topic. Most of the literature looks at the Third Way without comparing it to different cases and contexts. Our approach is comparative and examines this ideology in America and Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The responses of African states to the HIV/AIDS epidemic have varied greatly. This paper will analyze the political reasons that South Africa and Ghana have addressed the HIV/AIDS epidemic in different ways. I will examine the cases of South Africa and Ghana because of their different political experiences, HIV infection rates, and levels of economic development. Politically, South Africa endured over forty years of apartheid and a recent democratic transition. After years of military rule, Ghana recently underwent a transition to democracy. In terms of the HIV/AIDS issue, South Africa has an HIV-positive rate of 20 percent among its 18-49 year old population, while Ghana’s infection rate is 3 percent . South Africa’s GNP per capita of $3,210 is ten times higher than that of Ghana ($390). Data for this paper come from government documents, news accounts, and interviews with policy-makers. This paper questions how several variables shape policies on HIV/AIDS in each country: civil society associations, dependence on donors for health revenue, democratization, political leadership, media coverage, public opinion, and the neopatrimonial nature of the African state. In doing so, the paper illustrates the complex relationship between political forces and aspects of the disease itself that make policy-making to address HIV/AIDS problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political inclusion of minorities has rarely been studied cross nationally and when it has it is most often used as an independent variable. Most often political inclusion is assumed as a component of democracy. This paper explores those factors that increase the probability of minimal political inclusion for minorities. We aggregate the treatment of Minorities at Risk to the state level and examine the causes of minimal political inclusion at the state level. In this paper we examine the impact of democracy on both the international and domestic level on states minimal political inclusion of their minorities. Controlling for a countries wealth and the international security environment. We find that democracy both as an international norm and as a regime have a positive impact on a state having minimal political inclusion for its minorities. The other variables, were not significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper substitutes variables for countries in analyzing attitudes toward democracy in six Asian nations: Korea, China (Mainland), Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, and Thailand. The working hypothesis of the paper is that national differences in attitudes and opinions reflect underlying socioeconomic variations across nations, rather than inherent cultures within the nations. According to this hypothesis, urban-rural configurations of the populations should dominate opinion orientations, rather than idiosyncratic characteristics of these nations. The fundamental rural-urban cleavage will explain attitudes toward traditionalism-modernism which, correspondingly, will contribute to an explanation of attitudes toward democracy. The data for the study come from probability samples across the selected nations in a multi-nayion study using the same questionnaire in 2001. The analysis shows that rural-urban cleavages, seldom used in cross-national comparisons, are significant explanatory factors within nations. This study examines whether these within-nation associations are also significant for explaining attitudes and opinions in a cross-national analysis. The essential issue is: Is within-nation variance greater than variance among nations on the issues of interest? The inclusion of both developed and developing Asian nations permits examination of whether levels of development contribute to national profiles of public attitudes toward elements of democracy such as preference for democracy over authoritarian forms of government, satisfaction with democracy, desire for democracy, and other indicators of democratic support and consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the effects of ethnicity on trust relations in a diverse community. In particular, I am asking if an emphasis on ethnicity, via multicultural politics, has an effect on trust relations, and if so, how that effect manifests itself. I am posing this question in the context of a range of critiques launched at multicultural politics. There are, it seems to me, two general categories of critiques faced by multicultural politics. On the one hand, critics go so far as to accuse multiculturalist politics of creating the problem to begin with. According to these general critiques, diversity is a fact of life, but not a fact that matters all that much to politics, and multiculturalists have created a problem out of, as it were, thin air. In this category of critiques, multiculturalists are accused of creating problems at the social level as well as the political level. On the other hand, multiculturalists are accused of misidentifying the problem faced by diverse communities. Multiculturalists wrongly identify the fact of diversity as a social and political problem that must be dealt with in a concrete way. A variant on this critique suggests that while multiculturalists may indeed have properly identified ethnic and racial diversity as a problem facing contemporary democracies, the solutions they propose – multiculturalist policies – are largely ineffective. In this paper, I consider each of these critiques from the perspective of trust relations; I argue especially that each raises important questions about trust relations in a diverse citizenry. By way of introduction, I explain the import of trust to democratic politics. In the first section of this paper, I outline the critiques launched at multicultural politics in general. In the second section, I argue that ethnicity – as reflected by multiculturalists and their critiques – is a subject that oftentimes must be dealt with in partnership with trust. I hope, ultimately, to show that the critiques launched at multiculturalist politics are wrong-headed, because although they do properly recognise the danger posed by a political and social emphasis on diversity, they do not recognise the trust issues that at the heart of their critiques. When critics argue that emphasis on multiculturalism damages the sense of social solidarity that ought to pervade a polity or the quality of democratic decision-making in a polity, they are correct. They do not recognise, however, that these are all symptoms of damaged trust relations – trust relations damaged by the fact of diversity, not multicultural policies – the solution for which cannot be to ignore the claims by advocates of multiculturalist politics. I propose that any successful multiculturalist policy will include a recognisable trust-building or trust-strengthening component, so that any effective policy will necessarily not have the damaging effects that critics worry about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the recent popularity of American Political Development (APD) as a subfield of Political Science, there has been a resurgence of interest in ideology and American political thought among numerous scholars. However, the accepted place or role of the study of American political thought in APD is uncertain. This paper will examine the status of the study of political thought in the subfield of APD, discuss what contribution it might have to this growing subfield, and explore possible tensions between the study of political ideas and ideology and the study of history and institutions so fundamental to APD. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do democratic nations make the constitutional choices they do? More specifically, why do some nations choose presidential systems while others choose parliamentary (or mixed) systems? System performance is widely studied (Lijphart; Linz ). There is a modest literature on electoral systems (Horowitz; Shugart and Carey). But this question is little studied (Rokkan, Lijphart, and Shugart are exceptions) and only as case studies or small-n comparisons. Colonial legacy seems to predominate both for emulation and for rejection of the "parent" type of constitutions. But choosing constitutional arrangements appears more complicated than the legacy explanation posits. Previous experiences with democracy also matter, again both positively and negatively. More importantly, it is commonly suggested in the scant literature that a strategic bargaining between old parties and new parties, based on rational calculation about their future electoral performance, heavily influences the constitutional design of newly democratizing countries. In this paper we seek to “model” constitutional choices during the democratization events of the post World War II period with presidentialism, mixed-systems, and parliamentarism as the dependent variable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Who gives to political parties, and why? Small individual donations to political parties are often seen as the least tainted form of political finance. Because of this, many countries have developed political finance policies which encourage individual giving. Despite this, there are wide cross-party and cross-national differences in the extent to which parties rely on donations, differences which persist whether finances are measured in absolute or relative terms. This paper explores some the reasons for these differences, using both survey and institutional data to examine how contemporary European parties benefit from cultural patterns of philanthropy, whether tax laws actually stimulate political contributions, and how parties’ fundraising strategies reflect these different patterns of individual giving. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the last two decades have seen a proliferation of comparative studies analyzing the impact of institutions over quality of government, most studies are geared towards the input side of the state. They examine the effect of democracy, electoral systems or veto players, factors dealing with incentives of those taking policy decisions, leaving a side the incentives of those implementing policies. Generally, we lack comparative studies of how public employees are selected and which incentives they have to deliver quality of government. With the exception of Rauch & Evans (2000), the literature has not taken into account the features of the output side of a state, such as the bureaucratic structure. But in turn, Rauch & Evans (2000) lacks control of factors of the input side of the state. This paper is bridging the gap between these two approaches by testing the bureaucratic structure hypothesis together with input-side factors. Data comes from a new expert survey covering more than 50 countries. Controlling for standard political variables, we check the impact that bureaucratic factors such as meritocratic recruitment, level of salaries and career stability have on effectiveness and corruption in the public sector. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the U.S. Supreme Court renders a decision, the Court’s opinion becomes a binding precedent. Moreover, Supreme Court opinions serve as the foundation for the language attorneys utilize in their litigation efforts. Given the significance of Supreme Court opinions, it is surprising that scholars have dedicated little systematic research to investigating the factors that contribute to the content of the Court’s opinions. In this paper, we examine whether, and under what conditions, lower courts influence the content of Supreme Court opinions. We argue that lower court opinions will influence the content of the Supreme Court’s opinions based on a number of factors, including the ideological proximity of the lower court to the Supreme Court opinion author, the prestige of the lower court opinion author, and the Supreme Court’s treatment of the lower court’s disposition of the case. We use plagiarism software to compare lower court opinions with the majority opinions of the Supreme Court during the 2002-2004 terms in an effort to connect the language of lower court opinions to the language of Supreme Court opinions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will highlight major features of the Chinese political system and elaborate a China’s model of democracy. In a world where democracy has been regarded as a universal value, the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been a suspect. There have been calls for democratizing the Chinese political system, implicitly after the fashion of Western democracies, in particular the American model. Few scholars have questioned the desirability of building a democracy in China, yet it is far from being clear what the Chinese model of democracy should be. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

William Connolly is one of the foremost exponents of the trend of "Left Nietzscheanism." In this paper, I critique Connolly's appropriation of Nietzsche both hermeneutically and normatively, and suggest the outlines of a liberal alternative. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper utilizes the voluntary aspects of John Rawls' political liberalism to defend a legitimate, justified political authority while rejecting any political obligation to obey that authority. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses experimental methods to test how labeling a candidate as an extremist affects evaluations of that candidate as honest, hard working, competent, and overall favorable. My results show that contrary to expectations, ideological extremity actually increases the likelihood that an individual rates that candidate more highly than his opponent. The implication of this finding is that there is something about an extreme stance that voters appreciate and reward, and that a vast amount of research relating candidate quality and ideology still remains to be done. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a systemic-level analysis of the determinants of armed great power conflict between 1870 and 1913. It finds that globalization and the spread of democracy were the most important causes of rising military conflict in this period. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a hierarchical Bayesian model of citizen ideology both at the state and individual levels that are directly comparable to the ideal points of U.S. senators. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes that the key feature of Carl Schmitt’s political thought is its formalism. Unlike most anti-liberalisms, Schmitt’s political concepts do not demand specific national, racial, or other content but are open and universalizable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper problematizes arguements which suggest that post-communist states should strive towards liberal and procedural democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the conventionalists' critique of philosophy's relation to the public sphere. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the renowned abolitionist Frederick Douglass’s understanding of the virtues proper to citizens of a free society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the puzzle of extreme right discourse by proposing a new bi-dimensional model that helps us to understand the core similarities between parties of the extreme right party family but also the logic of their strategic variations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper extracts, primarily from his Discourses Concerning Government, Algernon Sidney's tumultuous vision of modern political society. The way Sidney's political theory combines elements of natural rights liberalism, neo-Thomist contract theory, and Machiavellian sociologyâ??a combination as fascinating as often hap-hazardâ??holds great promise for a liberal theory with agonistic sensibilities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the theory and practice of participatory democracy in recent, current, and future contexts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the paradoxical endurance of non-consolidated non-performing democracies focusing on the identification of factors contributive to social consent (or political absenteeism) that fill the gap between the stage of institutionalization of a non-consolidated democracy and that of fully consolidated democracies. It utilizes the understanding that consolidation requires the routinization of and a normative commitment to democracy (Diamond 1999), and proposes that to secure democratic continuity the incomplete fulfillment of those requirements demands consummate performance legitimacy, the absence of which must be mitigated by counterbalancing factors. The plausibility of this framing of the endurance of non-consolidated non-performing democracies is tested by examining Brazil's democratic regime. The findings support the instrumentality of the framework of analysis and suggest that counterbalancing factors allowing democratic endurance may in fact preclude consolidation and substantive socioeconomic advances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between family life and politics in the thought of John Rawls, concluding that Rawls’ liberalism can address inequities in the family while maintaining a distinction between comprehensive and political doctrines. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the origins of development-promoting property rights institutions. Specifically, I focus on democracy and veto players as key political foundations of property rights institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interdependencies between policy areas: how do positions on one issue constrain the choice of positions on other issues? Expert survey data from established democracies is used to explore this question. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interactive effect of direct democracy and racial diversity on social trust. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the United Nations General Debate speeches by Islamic country leaders at the opening sessions of the UN in autumn 2005, 2006 and 2007. It assesses levels of support for rule of law, good governance, electoral democracy, political participation, religious freedom, human rights, and economic freedom, and considers them against established benchmarks of political, civil and economic freedom. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the "social factory" in postwar Italian Marxism as separately formulated by Panzieri and Tronti. The concept is contextualized in the wave of struggles in the "hot autumn" of 1969 and subsequent rise of autonomia. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines William Graham Sumner's views on plutocracy and democracy, tensions within those views, and their relationship to his understanding of liberalism, in an effort to better inform contemporary political-philosophical discourse. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Joseph Nye Jr.'s theory of soft power and its relation to the use of art exhibitions as a means of spreading and conveying political agendas and ideologies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines philosophical approaches to forgiveness as an ethical relationship that has implications for the political world. It argues that the notion of violence in its capacity to destroy persons and objects, but also relationships, should be re-examined for a better understanding of ethical issues surrounding forgiveness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the traditional approaches that political theory has taken towards questions of loss. It then presents a critique of these approaches, and suggests an alternative understanding of loss informed by the concept of sacrifice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to chart a model of liberalism centering on the political need to foster cross-cultural understanding. I argue that neither comprehensive nor political liberalism offers sufficient tools to address cultural pluralism's challenge. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the survival of liberal societies depends on their citizens' understanding of the uses and misuses of violence in the service of freedom. An awareness of the contingency of liberal political life is essential in this regard. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the extent to which greater female representation in cabinet-level positions in advanced industrial democracies influences the implementation of additional female-friendly social policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the ways in which Montesquieu's liberalism modifies that of Locke, particularly with a view to his abandonment of the social contract, and his emphasis on moderation and piece-meal reform. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the foreign direct investment patterns across regions in India and China. It examines why certain regions have been successful at attracting FDI more effectively than others by focusing on regional policies and political ideology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the petition drive as a prominent yet relatively unknown feature of contemporary democratic politics. It seeks to determine why some petitions attract the attention of political leaders, while others are some simply ignored. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]