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Focuses on the symposium on historical geographies of modern southern Africa held at University of Sussex, Great Britain in April 2002. Analysis of developments in tradition of historical geographies; Effect of structuralist Marxist history on historical geography.

The case study presented here relates to Ursus – one of the world's oldest makers of agriculture tractors. Founded in the late 19th century, and nationalised in the inter-War period, Ursus became one of the success stories of communist-era Poland. This denoted that, when the transition to a market economy took place, the enterprise came to typify state-owned 'dinosaurs'. However, once Poland had acceded to the European Union, Ursus was acquired by a family firm and began to increase its international presence rapidly once again. This paper therefore revisits the processes whereby the state firms of post-communist economies underwent organisational transformation; and sheds light on the non-linear nature of its subject's development process, unfolding in the context of radical institutional change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an external account of the demise of the `old' Marxist educational theory flowing from social reproductionism/resistance theory. Five developments are explored in terms of how they have undercut the 'old' educational Marxism, hyper-academicism, dislocations/disfuncions between theory and practice, the postmodern challenge; the new liberal `Left' challenge, and, the `death of Marxism' syndrome. The first two elements from the basis of some important `lessons' for the revitalisation of Marxist perspectives on education. It is also argued that, although the five bends and developments have posed a serious challenge fir the `old' Marxist educational theory, nevertheless, it will probably circulate for some time-given revival revisits, and as a source of easy critisism for anti-Marxists Finally, there has been a recent flowering of new approaches to theorising education from a Marxist perspective, which this paper maps out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the initial output decline in transition economies by estimating a cross-sectional model stressing two major factors: conflicts and the legacies of the Soviet period. We link the Soviet legacies in place at the outset of transition to the subsequent path for the development of market-related institutions. Institutional development, as proxied by measures of corruption, is used as an intermediate variable. An instrumental variable approach is followed to derive estimates that are not biased by the possible endogeneity of corruption with respect to output developments. Assuming that the extent of Soviet legacies was positively correlated with the length of communist rule allows us to use years under the Soviet regime as an instrument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the second conference of the Michigan Project on International Communism, held at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor from November 14 to 15, 1986, focusing on the national context as a ground of communism. The significance of the national context is viewed by the conference organizers as an end product if the institutional growth of civil society. Two cases of fusion of cold war ideology to post-war economic exigencies in France and England were presented by Fred Cooper. A similar case involving India is the concern of the paper presented by Benedict Anderson.

Introduces the papers published in the Summer 1990 issue of the 'Eastern European Economics' journal. Critique of Marxist economic thinking as practiced in Czechoslovakia; Foreign trade strategy needed to revive the Czechoslovak economy; Issue of the nature and timing of economic reform.

The article presents comments of the author on the article "Geographic Inequality Under Socialism," by Roland J. Fuchs and George J. Demko. This paper competently reviews the evidence for the persistence there of spatial inequalities. Their conception of Marxism and their generalizations about the effects of socialism on inequality, are very much subject to question, however. Essentially authors share a misunderstanding with most geographers concerning the nature of Marxist theory and the work of Marxist geographers-thus Marxism is assumed to consist only of a politics, defined narrowly as the advocacy of a certain form of socialist state, one which we are supposed to believe will solve all human problems within a short time.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the home country radical change of institutional conditions influences the firm-level internationalisation process understood as exporting. In particular, we aim to broaden our understanding of how changing institutional conditions affect the internationalisation process of Polish firms founded in different institutional conditions; i.e. under the communist regime (before 1990), in the transition period (1990-2003), and in the post-transition period (2004 and later). We compare and contrast in each period three crucial aspects describing the internationalisation process: time to internationalisation, direction and degree of internationalisation. We find support for the assertion that the institutional conditions at a firm's birth influence the internationalisation paths of emerging market firms in terms of speed, direction and degree of internationalisation. Firms founded either in the transition (1990-2003), or in the post-transition phase (2004 and later) are more likely to: (1) make the decision about internationalisation earlier in their life cycle, (2) enter developed markets, and (3) achieve a higher degree of internationalisation than firms founded under the communist regime (before 1990). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study introduces a collection of theme issue papers on metropolitan processes in post-communist states. We first identify and discuss five key significant socialist-era legacy aspects that continue to mould the course of events in the post-communist urban scene. These are central planning, land allocation, the second economy, defence considerations, and the implications of the ideological leadership of the communist parties. We then procede to investigate the literature on the unfolding urban geography of post-communism and the factors underpinning its development, and we place the papers collected in this theme issue into their context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a glance into the life and times of the forgotten Iranian revolutionary and political theorist, Mustafa Shu'a'iyan, and his engagement with the orthodox and militant Iranian Left of the 1970s. A brief biographical sketch situates Shu'a'iyan in the context of the leftist groups of his time. In particular, the paper shows how upon his agonizing organizational relationship with the People's Fada'i Guerrillas, he set himself the unenviable task of launching the pathology of Stalinism that dominated the Iranian Left for decades. In this context, his bitter debate with the Fada'i Guerrillas on the role of the intellectuals in revolutionary struggle appears as a step toward unravelling the plagues that have won the Iranian Left its ill repute of being ideologically and organizationally undemocratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with a reactivation of the dimension of the political in political economy. The question of politicization is explored in connection with recent theoretical reflection on postmarxism and the systems theory of Luhmann. A main contention is that, in contrast to naturalistic perspectives, there is no pre-given object of political economy. Rather the objectivation of the economy has to be considered in strictly hegemonic terms; terms that, I argue, are the condition of possibility for a politicization of political economy. On these grounds, the paper advances an alternative approach to political economy that may be considered radical insofar as it does not attempt to conceal the fundamental dimension of the political. This approach will be developed further in the context of contemporary themes and debates surrounding the question of globalization and the potential openings for hegemonic intervention by the left. Here again the status of the political is taken to be paramount. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to present the overall socioeconomic thoughts of Mahatma Gandhi as an origin of alternative development. The first section of the paper provides Gandhi's criticism of modern civilization, that of economics and that of Marxist socialism and communism. The second section analyzes his ideas for a "post-modern" construction of India, where his views on Swadeshi (self-reliance), his theory of trusteeship (theory of class and distribution) and his images of an ideal village economy are examined. The paper, referring to the works of E. F. Schumacher and the Other Economic Summit as well, concludes that Gandhian style of development theories have persistently furnished a critique of "modern" ways of thinking and presented alternative visions of socioeconomic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an outcome of a project that started with exploring theories of development in advanced societies, especially those of functionalism and Marxism, and then moved on to consider the role of knowledge development in the process of societal change. This shift is connected with the presumption of critical humanism. Critical humanism maintains that social inquiry and social theories should also reflect on the social-structural context and context of application-praxis, should relate to the self-reflection and social consciousness of people, and should be oriented towards problems of social transcendence and social emancipation. History is seen as a dialectic process where social conditions create man and man creates history from given conditions. The development of social knowledge and social consciousness plays an important role in this process. The explication of social emancipation should take its point of departure in human conditions in human needs and the exploration of emancipatory means, goals and transcendence should be part of an increasing self-consciousness of society and people. The functionalistic theories of evolution and modernization appear as naturalistic and deterministic notions from the point of view of critical humanism.

Previous research asked why peopledovolunteer, but rarely asked what makes themnot to. When indeed this happened, in Eastern Europe answers were rather conventional attributions to the communist system. This paper revisits this statement by looking at the perceived present-day constraints likely to be responsible for young people's low rate of cross-border volunteering in a transition country. In doing so, it relies on qualitative research with young people having different experiences of volunteering (including non-volunteers) and with representatives of non-profit organisations from Romania. The paper argues that contemporary processes (including, but not limited to the drive for consumerism, migration, low generalised trust and the weak volunteering infrastructure) are likely to pose barriers. The results have implications for future research on youth in the region for policy development and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Burma's first well known welfare plan was entitled Pyidawtha or Happy Land, and it was launched in 1952. In vernacular terms, the literal meaning of Pyidawtha is 'Prosperous Royal Country'. The government's attempt to sustain tradition and culture and to instil modern aspirations in its citizens was reflected in its choice of the word Pyidawtha. The Plan failed and its implications still overshadow the development framework of Burma. This paper discusses how the country's major decisions, including whether or not to join the Commonwealth, have been influenced by language; how the term and concept of 'development' were conceived; how the Burmese translation was coined to attract public support; and how the detailed planning was presented to the masses by the government. The paper also discusses the concerns and anxieties of the democratic government led by U Nu in introducing Burma's first major development plan to a war-torn and bitterly divided country, and why it eventually failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reply to the comment made by Jeanne Kay on the paper titled, The Social Origins of Environmental Determinism, written by the author in the September 1985 issue of the journal Annals. The author agrees with Kay that others have previously traced the relations among social Darwinism, racism, and environmental determinism. Thus, the main purpose of his paper was not to disparage racism, but to explain it from the perspective of a Marxian theory of ideology. His paper documents scientific avoidance, in the particular form of legitimation theory, which began as a search for truth but ended as the justification of imperialism.

The paper examines the origins of Marxism in Europe in the second half of the 19th century in the context of the industrial and political revolutions of the previous century. The philosophical, economic, social and ethical ideas of Marxism are explained and critiqued. It is suggested that although many of Marx's predictions have proved wrong and the application of his ideas often disastrous, his concern for the exploited and his emphasis on the dynamic of change still has relevance today for OR. The paper explores where that relevance lies and how advantage might be taken of the insights Marx's analysis of society offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interprets Gavin Hood's film adaptation Tsotsi (2006) of Athol Fugard's eponymous novel (1980) from a constellation of angles: institutional (exploring the politics behind film funding and viewing in South Africa), historical (in relation to the interpretation of terms such as tsotsi, and the importance of understanding historical places such as Sophiatown and the impact of art forms such as kwaito), socio-political (in terms of the circulation of political discourses in contemporary South Africa), and aesthetic (examining the ways in which the film medium may be orchestrated for particular meaningful ends). After contextualizing the film within the landscape of post-apartheid cinematic production, I proceed to analyze whether Tsotsi represents a truly independent national cinematic voice, or whether its potential critique is compromised by commercial aims and certain ideological underpinnings. Situating the film at the intersection of South Africa's two major political discourses - liberalism and Marxism - I examine how the film engages with questions of violence, critique, the representation of South African realities, and redemption. To do so I draw on rare archive material concerning the novel, as well as personal interviews that I have undertaken with contemporary South Africa filmmakers. I offer a comparative perspective on Tsotsi in relation to other recent South African film adaptations, which - like Tsotsi - 'update' South African literary texts written in earlier periods so as to offer stringent critiques of contemporary violence in the country. Ultimately I argue that Tsotsi, however, focuses on certain forms of contemporary violence at the expense of another, very important kind of violence in South Africa: violence against women and children. I also argue, in the final instance, that the film sacrifices a possible Marxist critique of class division and submits to a neoliberal point of view on social relations. In conclusion, I question whether Tsotsi, a film about redemption, has its own redeeming features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

*I would like to thank Alex Day, Mobo Gao, Matt Hale, Tom Lutze, Matt Rothwell, Dan Vukovich and Yan Hairong for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper, and for helping to provide some of the materials and reviews referred to in it. As always, any remaining errors or misinterpretations are my own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent crackdown by the Chinese Communist Party government on the efforts of Chinese dissidents to organise the China New Democratic Party has raised a serious question among scholars: why has the Chinese leadership been so reluctant to initiate democratic reforms? But an equally important question is: how has the Chinese political system been able to accommodate drastic socioeconomic changes? Although Chinese leaders from Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin have strongly opposed the Western style of democracy, they have continuously adjusted the country's political system to prevent socioeconomic chaos from occuring, chaos that has troubled many former communist states and Third World countries. This paper explores China's political incrementalism and explains how incremental political reforms have worked. It argues that, although Chinese leaders have so far been successful in accommodating social changes through incrementalism, they are still uncertain about how to cope with increasing social demands for political reform and democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the returns to social capital in occupational attainment in the GDR, once a communist showcase. It examines the extent to which getting ahead in an industrial communist society depends on social capital, which by existing research was shown to be the case in agrarian communist and capitalist industrial societies. Industrial technology and a Marxist ideology supposedly both impede particularism, suggesting that social capital is not that important for getting ahead. In addition, the relationship between the use of and access to social resources is explored. Retrospective data from two random samples collected in 1992 and 1993 in Leipzig and Dresden have been used to test our expectations. Although universalism seemingly dominated the attainment process, as a person's education was more important than his father's resources, nearly half of the employed got their jobs through some informal channel. Yet, the use of informal resources only led to a better job if the contact person had high occupational prestige. Part of the influence of human capital on occupational achievement should be attributed to the effect of a person's social capital, i.e. a contact person with high prestige. Access to occupations through informal ties did not imply that these ties were used. Although one reached higher occupational ranks through weak ties (acquaintances), access through strong ties (friends or relatives) was crucial for finding a contact person with high prestige. This probably reflects the high damage potential of using illegal particularistic ties under communism. Using a high prestige contact person was far more important for getting a better job than having access to higher occupations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines a range of proposals by art educators to include popular culture within the general art curriculum. Four basic social theories assumed by these art educators are examined: liberal humanism, two variants of liberal pluralism, and Neo-Marxism. The positions of Bersson, Beyer, Chalmers, Chapman, Feldman, Lanier, and Nadaner, in particular, are examined. Drawing on Neo-Marxist theory, the paper concludes with a proposal for adopting a sympathetic view of popular culture as it functions within peoples' lives, but one informed by a critical consciousness of the political embeddedness of both popular culture and its appraisal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the collapse of the communist states of Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the old Soviet Union, is it only the capitalist model which remains? Or is there another way which is neither capitalist nor the old Marxist? Is there a third way for economic and political development? Possibly a better way? Vietnam is trying very hard to find the answer to these questions and if any country deserved to find that better way, it would be Vietnam. Thirteenth largest country in the world with a population of 67 million in 1991, up 2.5 million in two years, it is also one of the poorest. This paper considers the future of socialism in Vietnam in the light of the economic and political reforms which have been taking place, particularly since 1986. It also looks at the major current problems, the impact of the collapse of the former communist regimes and the possible way ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a paper on economic reform in post-communist countries analysing what factors determined which enterprises and which sectors received subsidized credit.

Amazement and surprise were the common reactions of Western political scientists to the fall of communism; they did not foresee, nor could they explain, the collapse of the regime. This paper argues that the reason why Western political scientists could not foretell the fall of the communist system was their overcommitment to artificial models of society and their lack of concern with economics. Western political science, especially, overlooked how the concept of privatizing the economy affected the devolution of the communist order, in contrast, I examine the question of the "sudden revolution" in the historical context and in the context of the privatization of the economy. The privatization of the economy, or rather, the specific ways privatization is conducted, is the main factor that explains the "peaceful collapse" puzzle and the newly emerging tensions as well. The paper consists of two parts. In the first part, "Trismus," I argue against the picture of Central Europe painted by Western political scientists. The question "Why did the communist order, a regime that defended itself stubbornly for a long time, at last collapse peacefully?" concludes the first part and opens the second, "Transformation." The point "Nomenklatura Chrysalis" is crucial for solving the puzzle of the "sudden" and peaceful fall of communism. In the conclusion, I refer to the current, and probably future, economic and political tensions that are likely to emerge in countries undergoing ownership transformations. Eventually this involves me in Fukuyama's proposition of the "end of history." Amazement and surprise were the common reactions of Western political scientists to the fall of communism; they did not foresee, nor could they explain, the collapse of the regime. This paper argues that the reason why Western political scientists could not foretell the fall of the communist system was their overcommitment to artificial models of society and their lack of concern with economics.... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of John Dewey's critique of Marxism. We trace the development of Dewey's critique from his early political writings and his political encounter with Leon Trotsky to his mature critique. We also examine how Dewey's concerns anticipate ideas expressed in the contemporary discussion of Marxian morality and how this discussion helps clarify Dewey's concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We will briefly outline some of Marx's central ideas and concepts. Our purpose here is to show non-Marxists the excitement and potential that drive the enterprise. This review can also be of use to those who seized upon part of the Marxian enterprise and either misunderstood it or used it in a way that did violence to the integrity of Marx's methods and theories. While we do not make a claim for the correct reading, we argue that some readings are more plausible than others. We wish to underscore the fact that Marx is not just another sociologist or conflict theorist. Though sociologists have taken over part of the methods and some of the terms in question, sociology is not Marxist, nor is Marxism just another variant of sociology. I believe that many sociologists have no idea of what interested Marx, or why, and that many who parade under Marx's banner have forgotten the complexity of the intellectual enterprise which he identified. There has been a degeneration of the Marxian project, as well as a rebirth. These dual themes are explored in the course of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the nature of critical theory, its historical development, its connections to sociology and Marxism, and the central debates over its core ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two purposes: (1) to show how previous work in complex organizations, social movements and political development converges to predict routinization of successful social movement organizations, and (2) to explore the Chinese experiment in organization as a deviant case for the "law" of routinization. First, theories from three substantive areas are shown to predict routinization of social movement organizations. Next, an alternative model of organization, the Maoist model, is presented. Then, recent social history of China is examined to see if the model has been implemented. Lastly, several generalizations about the routinization process are drawn from the Chinese case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although we acknowledge the debt that mainstream behavioral geography owes to positivism, our central argument here is that much of that research tradition has now transcended its positivist roots and that we should preserve only those virtues of analytic discourse that appear to be of enduring value. In this paper we examine the strengths and weaknesses of analytic behavioral research and compare the perspective of this research with the viewpoints adopted by geographers espousing phenomenologist and Marxist philosophies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the diversionary procedure of Chouinard and Fincher to level their critique on the article "Structural Marxism and Human Geography." Poststructural work of the article that needs to be analyzed; Arguments on the structural Marxist geographers that talk about class struggle that could not be engaging in reification; Impoverished materialism that is a driving force of idealism in the vies of structural Maxism.

This paper assesses critically both the strong theoretical claims and the empirical work of a number of structural marxists in analyzing the geography of advanced societies. Such work offers a holistic mode of explanation that has important philosophical affinities with Hegelian idealism. In explanation reified entities such as capital ore treated as the formal cause while people are regarded as the efficient cause, the mere carriers of a structural logic This perspective raises a number of serious theoretical problems that are not resolved, including the status of individuals as a creative force in shaping events the ontological slams of structures the relationship between consciousness and structure and the tendency to functionalism and teleology in explanation. These shortcomings have severe consequences for empirical study. The fundamentally economic nature of the central categories provide at best a partial analysis and not a general comprehension of society as a whole. If applied literally, key categories such as the dichotomous class system, fit poorly with empirical events. However, if adjusted to march historical events, they depart markedly from the form of the theoretical structure. The result is a confused interplay between theory and empirical study, and a tendency toward the mystification of causal processes and the denigration of empirical study in order to sustain the integrity of the theoretical argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews both the contributions and inadequacies of Marxist and neo-Marxist efforts to account for the persistence of ethnicity in modem societies. The former approach relegates ethnic group relations and consciousness in capitalist society either to a vestigial survival of pre-capitalist class relations or as a case of false consciousness. It treats ethnicity as a necessarily dependent variable, and predicts that ethnicity eventually will disappear. Recognizing the continuing significance of ethnic forces in modem capitalist societies, neo-Marxists concerned with uneven development at both an external global and an infra-societal level offer explanations as to how structures of ethnic inequality are functional for capitalist accumulation. Critiques of such theories are offered. The essay concludes by evaluating the limitations and prospects of a Marxist analysis of ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explain the continuous friction between Marxist sociology and Marxist ideology in terms of the premises of the theory of scientific communism, which accords to proletarian ideology the status of scientific truth. The successive stages of the evolution of Soviet sociology are related to the parallel development of views on the scientific ethos. The notion of the "ethos of ideology" is introduced and applied to the analysis of the ideological turmoil Soviet sociology underwent in the course of 'its establishment as an academic discipline. "Value tolerance" is advocated as an alternative to the "value-partisan" and "value-neutral" orientations in social science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a response of authors on comments made by scholar Richard Peet on their article "Geographic Inequality Under Socialism." Much of Peet's comment on our article is irrelevant to the substantive issues raised in the paper and is instead an attempt to publicize further, in the form of a commentary, Marxist views of histography. The latter are already the subject of an extensive literature to which little of import can be added here. Our comments will therefore focus on Peet's misinterpretations of our position and his attempts to evade the significance of our substantive finding.

This article chronicles the anti-imperialism and the communist movement in the U.S. from 1925-1929. It traces the initial process from 1925 to 1929 whereby the Communist Party of the U.S. (CPUSA) came to develop a political position on the U.S. occupation of Haiti, how this position changed over time and the political practice that paralleled this trajectory. It discusses the militant protests against "Yankee Imperialism" in December 1929 in New York, which was led by two of the CPUSA's front organizations: the Anti-Imperialist League and the American Negro Labor Congress.

This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War IL In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and "Yishuvism," a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 193 6-39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the implications of Stalinism for politics in the Soviet Union. Implementation of grandiose schemes of industrial construction to transform the country's productive base within one decade; Arguments on the vast inefficiencies and structural imbalances generated by the command economy; Absence of market mechanisms regulating supply and demand.

The article focuses on global social policy actors and the shaping of East European welfare. With the collapse of the Cold War and the historic defeat of a particular statist and command economy version of socialism, the world has entered a new phase. On the one hand, there are possibilities of the emergence of numerous national rivalries, or regional trade wars, and of the growth of racism and liberalism. On the other hand, there is now the opportunity for the emergence of an effective global politics that will not be so much concerned with the protection of national sovereignties, but rather with intervention in the global economic system to improve the well-being of the world's population. Beyond the crippling ossification of the claims and counterclaims of existing capitalism and existing socialism that have marked the past seventy years, there is now a chance for the search for global and social justice and for the meeting of more of the human needs of more of the world's population. Factors other than the collapse of the Cold War impel this development. An increasing global concern with sustainable growth that no longer threatens the environment and the future is one important factor.

This paper critically examines the 'new' sociology of education with respect to the study of learning environments. While borrowing much from the interpretive schools, such as symbolic interactionism, phenomenology, ethnomethodology, and Marxism, the new paradigm has emerged in Britain partly as a reaction to the lack of success of earlier reform policies based on traditional research. It promises to advance understanding of educational processes related to classroom interaction, classroom language, and the curriculum. At the same time, ambiguous theoretical links, an implicit positivism, and unresolved relativism toward policy formulation weaken its appeal. Rather than replacing the traditional sociology of education, the new paradigm complements it both theoretically and empirically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John R. Commons sought to orient the U.S. economy in the direction of reasonable value as a way to "save capitalism by making it good." In particular, he offered two paths to that "middle way" between the socio‐political extremes of fascism and communism: judicial sovereignty and collective democracy. This policy note considers a variety of present‐day challenges to pursuit of those paths; some possible ways forward are also suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article ponders the future of NATO after the collapse of European communism. NATO leaders have thought of seven reasons to stay in business, even though the communist threat has crumbled. NATO members indeed have a good reason for being pleased--the epic change in Europe's political and military landscape. More tacitly, NATO also served to fetter West German military might. For political and military reasons, the United States should remain closely allied and militarily present in Europe, and NATO guarantees that coupling. In the meantime, NATO should actively participate in building the European security community, although, in the process, it will lose importance as the Soviet Union turns into a political partner and as CSCE institutions progressively assume more of NATO's current functions.

The article presents a comparative analysis of the Chinese science policy. Though China has contributed impressive scientific discoveries and technological innovations in ancient times, oevr the years they have failed to participate in modern science development and technology. When the Communists came to power in 1949, they seized the modernizing efforts of becoming blind imitators of western policy in innovations of science. China adapted selective techniques from advanced countries and its own cultural heritage.

This article discusses the effects of communist industrial pollution in Eastern Europe. A nightmarish panorama spreads out from the hillock near Bilina, Czechoslovakia. A gigantic black pit, the Gorky strip coal mine, runs on the left all the way to the horizon. Faced with such economic uncertainties, leaders intensely debate how to balance economic reforms with environmental cleanup and protection. Whether the revolutions in Central Europe ultimately succeed or fail is a matter of global concern. Regional stability depends on these governments establishing their legitimacy, says Frank Loy, president of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and for eight years president of the Environmental Defense Fund -- and that legitimacy depends on solving environmental problems. Loy speaks of success as "clinching the Cold War." INSET: From dissident to deputy.

An interview with American historian and social activist Max Elbaum is presented. Elbaum talked about the rise and fall of the New Communist Movement in the U.S. and the renewed interest in his book "Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao and Che" amidst the growth of a new generation of Left thinkers and scholars in the U.S. Elbaum also discussed the global picture of communism in the face of the rise of authoritarianism and various reactionary forms of nationalism.

The article discusses social theorist Antonio Gramsci's analysis of the distinction between a war of maneuver and war of position within the revolutionary strategy of a socialist. Topics include the difference between Gramsci's model and the Bolshevik model espoused by Vladimir Lenin; participatory, counter-hegemonic character of Gramsci's model; and communist theorist Friedrich Engels' assessment of the possibility of a successful military insurrection by the proletariat. The concept of consent and coercion in classical Marxist theory of revolution is also explored.

The article discusses ways in understanding the notion and ideas of communism. It highlights the annual gathering of the Marxist Literary Group's (MLG), which featured intellectual exchanges and political engagement from radical scholars, teachers, and activists in the U.S. and Canada. It also features insight and ideas shared by the event's speakers, who were Marxist intellectuals and authors, Michael Hardt and Fredric Jameson. It explores how both Hardt and Jameson presented lively discussion and big picture of how to conceive communism and revolutionary subjectivity in the contemporary times.

An interview is presented with author and academician Jodi Dean, in which she discusses her book "The Communist Horizon." Topics include the development of her radical political views, her research in Soviet studies and encounter with Marxist sociologists, and the role of networked media and capitalism in inequality.

The article looks at the history of China and its relations to the West from the 19th century through 2013. It describes the Yuanmingyuan, or Old Summer Palace, in Beijing, China, the Qing dynasty residence, noting it was destroyed by British and French forces during the mid-1800s Opium Wars and saying its remaining ruins are a symbol of Western imperialism. It outlines the period of foreign domination of China in the century following the Opium Wars, saying it was reversed by the 1949 Communist revolution under Mao Zedong. It describes Mao's effort to implement Marxist ideas of class struggle, which it says were reversed in the country's move toward a capitalist economic system beginning under Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. It traces Chinese-Western relations into the 21st century.

The article offers information and opinions about a Maoist revolution in India in 2011 led by the Communist Party of India, a political party. Topics include the history of Maoist insurgency in India, the effects of global capitalism on India, and neoliberal globalization. The article also discusses the support of the Indian Maoists for a one-party system, the mobilization of the working class by Maoists, and the political doctrines of the Maoist Party related to the application of democracy and socialism in India.