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Digital collage produced using the free software Photopea (Online Photo Editor) with free images from the Unsplash website to represent the experience I observed from a study that sought to identify the organizing process in a Black Collective, which articulates embodied political practices. It was Coletivo Encrespa, a social movement that values the use of curly/kinky hair, based in the city of Governador Valadares, in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This reflective paper describes a relationship to mapping as a collective and southern practice. Using examples from the author's own involvement in collective map‐making practices based in New Delhi, the paper roots mapping in the context of southern urbanisms, taking examples of informal housing, work, and workplaces to debate the role of mapping vis‐à‐vis the desire for either more or less visibility. It then argues that mapping must reflect prevailing rationalities of governance and power, thinking about both why we make maps and who makes maps. Finally, it suggests that mapping as a process must extend from the making of a map to an active engagement in how it circulates and is read. The paper suggests the author's own experience with collective political formations as a possible institutional form that can hold such an approach to mapping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Thailand, the volatile period from 2019 to 2023 was marked by changing material and political atmospheres. Air pollution, the COVID‐19 pandemic, and government restrictions on speech transformed how Thai citizens breathed and how they related to the monarchy. Understanding this period as a history of breath reconceptualizes the citizen‐body as volumetric, recasting politics as an intermaterial practice. Breath, its vibrations, and its constraints, as it moves across the topologies of the respiratory system, generate densely material, richly symbolic political relations that bind citizens to one another, to the polity, and to the world. Small particles, dust, viruses, speech restrictions, and tear gas constrained the breath of Thai citizens while shaping the conditions in which dissenting vibrations could shake the country's cosmologies. Attention to the citizen‐body as volumetric thus recasts the lungs as relational chambers of political capacity, resituating political analysis within the material world and suggesting that all politics are, in some sense, environmental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a list of contributors to the journal "Sociological Inquiry." The contributors come from various academic backgrounds and research interests, including labor sociology, social computing, historical sociology, inequality and injustice, educational tracking, social work, racial biases, oppression, public administration, health policy, poverty governance, ethnic inequality, sexual orientation identity development, and many more. The contributors represent diverse perspectives and offer valuable insights into a wide range of sociological topics. [Extracted from the article]

College students and campuses have played key roles in social movements because colleges' cultural and structural features tend to facilitate movements. But such attributes vary across campuses. This quantitative study models how two campus features that correspond to core elements of social movement theory—students' collective identity strength and social network density—appear to impact United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) groups' presence and success on 1,265 US 4‐year public and private nonprofit campuses during 2000–2006, operationalizing success as schools' joining the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) monitoring organization. Results generally indicate that collective identity strength and network density promote USAS presence and that network density facilitates WRC membership. USAS presence is pivotal, though not required, for WRC membership. Our logistic regression models also confirm that campus opportunity structures and off‐campus movement actors' roles help account for these USAS outcomes; notably, antiunion location ("Right‐to‐Work" states) undermines and Roman Catholic school affiliation encourages USAS presence and success. We identify theoretically why certain factors may promote only some forms of student activism (e.g., conscience constituent but not beneficiary‐based groups). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the influence of civil society participation on income inequality, a topic that has received limited scholarly attention. Civil society participation refers to the activities of citizens who organize into various groups, known as civil society organizations, to pursue common interests and goals. These organizations span a wide range, including interest groups, labor unions, spiritual bodies engaging in civic or political activities, social movements, professional associations, charities, and other nongovernmental entities. Our research utilizes an extensive panel dataset, encompassing a global sample of countries from 1975 to 2019. We aim to comprehensively analyze the direct effects of civil society participation on income inequality. Our findings reveal that higher levels of civil society participation are effective in reducing inequality over the short, medium, and long term. These results have significant implications for policymakers. They suggest that encouraging and facilitating civil society participation could be a viable strategy for addressing income inequality. By understanding the dynamics of how civil society engagement influences economic disparities, policymakers can better design and implement measures that promote more equitable economic outcomes. This research contributes to the broader discourse on economic inequality and the potential role of civil society in mitigating it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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College students and campuses have played key roles in social movements because colleges' cultural and structural features tend to facilitate movements. But such attributes vary across campuses. This quantitative study models how two campus features that correspond to core elements of social movement theory—students' collective identity strength and social network density—appear to impact United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) groups' presence and success on 1,265 US 4‐year public and private nonprofit campuses during 2000–2006, operationalizing success as schools' joining the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) monitoring organization. Results generally indicate that collective identity strength and network density promote USAS presence and that network density facilitates WRC membership. USAS presence is pivotal, though not required, for WRC membership. Our logistic regression models also confirm that campus opportunity structures and off‐campus movement actors' roles help account for these USAS outcomes; notably, antiunion location ("Right‐to‐Work" states) undermines and Roman Catholic school affiliation encourages USAS presence and success. We identify theoretically why certain factors may promote only some forms of student activism (e.g., conscience constituent but not beneficiary‐based groups). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal bureaucrats in the United States—mostly on the social side of the state (e.g. public health, welfare, educators, housing, and sometimes urban planners) but not exclusively so (e.g. district attorney offices)—have shown growing willingness to engage in political battles within the bureaucracy, connect with social movements, and construct oppositional identities centred on social and racial justice. Critical urban theories of the state highlight important constraints that shape state strategies, functions, and policies but tell us little about the contradictions propelling some bureaucrats into political contests over power and legitimacy. Consequently, we turn to theorists who conceive of the bureaucratic state as a contradictory and relatively autonomous field where conflicts between dominated and dominant bureaucrats overlap and converge with conflicts between dominated and dominant class forces (Bourdieu, Gramsci, Hall, and Poulantzas). Their observations are used to formulate the three propositions that underpin our theoretical framework. These propositions draw attention to the structural, relational, and conjunctural processes involved in forming individual bureaucrats into an insurgent political subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of insurgency in scaling up the co‐production of housing. Co‐production has gained in popularity in the past 15 years as both a set of practices and an intellectual framing for analyzing urbanization in the global South. Discussions of co‐production have largely emphasized the cooperative nature of the approach, asserting that a mostly non‐confrontational politics has proven effective at reshaping urban governance in ways that better meet the needs of the urban poor. However, recent analyses have identified conflict versus confrontation as a key tension in co‐production, especially as co‐productive programs seek to go to scale. I contribute to these discussions by analyzing a well‐known case of large‐scale co‐production, Thailand's Baan Mankong program, to understand the roles of insurgent versus cooperative community networks in the program's trajectory. I conclude that a more insurgent network opens up new land, resources and avenues for political participation. A more cooperative network then renders many of these interventions broadly politically acceptable to those in power. The two networks thus exist in a dialectic that has enabled the program's scaling up. I argue that research into co‐production should pay more attention to the importance of confrontational tactics by community networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American anarchist‐feminist Voltairine de Cleyre created a radical vision of liberation informed by her experiences of chronic illness, depression, poverty and misogyny. This article traces the connections between de Cleyre's embodied experiences and her theorisations of anarchism. Drawing on feminist and disability theories, it argues that de Cleyre's suffering led her to an empathetic vision of anarchism which prioritised freedom from suffering, highlighting the role of embodiment in social movements and political theory. Anarchism provided de Cleyre both a means to understand her own pain as well as its remedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great Recession, a group of identitarian nativist associations emerged in Spain, which, over time, gave shape to a new social movement: the Cultural Associations of National Aid (Asociaciones Culturales de Ayuda Nacional). Based on a digital ethnography and critical discursive analysis, this paper aims to examine their worldview and 'repertoire of contention', focusing on the latest events that have shaken the world and, more particularly, Spanish society. This research highlights two contributions to the nationalism and far‐right social movements study: 'national priority' as a radicalization of the 'national preference', and 'national aid' as a new discriminatory non‐state aid, which we will refer to as 'ultranationalist charity'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legacies of Chile's democratic crisis pose challenges for workplace gender equity. This paper brings together scholarly debates on gender regimes and factory regimes to examine the gendered labor practices in a high‐tech, transnational agricultural sector. Specifically, I ask how gender regimes and regulatory practices entrenched in Chile's authoritarian past shape labor dynamics in this industry today. I argue that we must look to the past to understand how firms benefit from unequal social relations embedded in institutions and for identifying mechanisms of change. I document how the neoliberal and authoritarian policies of the democratic crisis in Chile (1973–90) became the baseline conditions in democracy, leaving stark gender and labor inequalities that persist today. The resulting neoliberal pact continues to privilege elites and marginalize the working poor, especially women, contributing to the slow‐brewing inequality crisis that came to a head in 2019. Based on ethnographic observation and semi‐structured interviews in Arica, Chile, a major hub for corn seed development, I show how these legacies enable firms to benefit from Chile's unequal gender relations to develop high‐value products without paying the price associated with the skill needed to produce them. I find that conservative gender norms together with labor relations inherent in Chile's neoliberal model, rooted in a 17‐year dictatorship, create obstacles to efforts to address gender inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Question/Issue: This paper investigates whether and how millennial mutual fund managers differ from managers born in other generations in terms of environmental, social, and governance (ESG) orientation in portfolio choices and voting decisions. Research Findings/Insights: We find that millennial mutual fund managers hold portfolios that are more ESG oriented than do managers from other generations, consistent with anecdotal evidence suggesting that millennials are more driven by purpose than profits. Our findings suggest that the observed relationship is stronger when managers have more discretion over portfolio choices, that is, in active funds and funds with lower flow‐performance sensitivity. Furthermore, we find that millennial managers respond more strongly to social movements by reallocating assets into more socially conscious firms. We also find that millennial managers are more supportive of environmental proposals when their outcome is contested. Theoretical/Academic Implications: Our paper shows how cultural, political, and economic events, including social movements experienced by people of the same age cohort, shape preferences and beliefs and result in different investment strategies and voting among mutual fund managers. We also show how institutional constraints might limit managers' ability to impose their own preferences when investing or voting their shares. Practitioner/Policy Implications: Millennials are increasingly replacing older generations in managerial roles and investing in the stock market due to wealth transfers from their parents. This study offers insights to policymakers and investors interested in understanding the drivers of ESG investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies analyzing the pattern of international refugee flows have so far focussed on movements to OECD destinations, even though the vast majority of refugees live in non‐OECD countries. Employing a standard gravity model of international migration, we fill this research gap by investigating the impact of destination country characteristics on south‐south refugee movements over the period 2004–2019. Our findings suggest that refugees tend to move to safe neighboring countries but also positively respond to local pull factors such as relatively high per‐capita income levels and the availability of education and health services when choosing their country of destination. Donors have the ability to affect the direction of south‐south refugee movements by investing in the social infrastructure of potential destination countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In liberal democracies, protest can serve as a trigger for necessary policy reforms, but it can also be used by a loud minority to advance political goals against the will of the majority. Focusing on such vocal protests in the context of the Covid‐19 pandemic, we investigate the following question: How does the location of protest events affect the likelihood of political engagement with the protests in a multilevel system? Combining social movement literature with studies of issue attention and rhetorical responsiveness, we analyze how German members of parliaments’ (MPs) responses vary using their tweets from the onset of the pandemic to the German federal election in September 2021. Using quantitative text analysis, we measure rhetorical responsiveness to Covid‐19 protests and apply multilevel regression analyses and difference‐in‐differences. We find that more protests lead to more attention; however, MPs respond most strongly to protests within the state they represent. Furthermore, politicians’ level within the German multilevel system affects their attention to these protests, with MPs elected at lower levels of an electoral system responding more to local protest events than MPs elected at higher levels. The results highlight the importance of the location of protests in attracting political attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing research on state‐organized mobilizations (SOMs) has yet to establish a clear connection between cultural backlash movements in authoritarian regimes and a broad range of state‐led contentions, especially SOMs. The case of SOMs in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IR), exemplified by cultural backlash from 1995 until 2010, considerably enriches our understanding of various forms of state‐led contentions. Pro‐regime cultural contentions in Iran also give insights into how states upgrade their actions and rhetorical repertoires in response to a wide variety of perceived and real threats. Drawing on a unique longitudinal newspaper data set and analysing street rallies, policies and rhetoric of pro‐regime actors and factions, I show how culturally motivated social justice contentions by revolutionary rightist (RR) groups in Iran evolved into a long cultural movement, giving rise to a new type of SOMs – theorized as proactive performative ideological mobilizations – in the context of the IR. Further, this long cultural movement paved the way for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ascent to power in 2005, resulting in salient policy outcomes. Moreover, my findings suggest that pro‐regime RR actors exercise their agency by not only countering anti‐regime contentions but also by challenging the IR's various governing bodies. Finally, I propose that SOMs should be understood as enduring cultural movements in order to better make sense of their emergence and material consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although mutual aid organizing is a social movement practice long sustained by queer/trans people, immigrants, people of color, and disability communities, among other communities pushed to the margins of society, with the emergence of the COVID‐19 pandemic, and subsequent government failures in addressing unmet needs, mutual aid proliferated into new (and more socially privileged) communities in the United States and across the world. Amidst this landscape of extraordinary and unique crises, our study sought to understand the benefits experienced by those engaged in mutual aid in the early months of the COVID‐19 pandemic in the state of Colorado, United States. Our team conducted semistructured individual interviews with 25 individuals participating in mutual aid through groups organized on social media or through intentional communities. We found that participants, who engaged in mutual aid in the early months of the COVID‐19 pandemic, built empathy, a sense of nonjudgement, and critical consciousness as they created common ground as humans. Participants also found mutual aid engagement to provide nourishing support, to hold pain among more people, and, simply to "feel good." We discuss the potential implications of these benefits for sustaining mutual aid movements through the ongoing COVID‐19 pandemic in the United States and beyond. Key Points/Highlights: Mutual aid organizers during COVID‐19 experienced benefits to individual and collective well‐being.Mutual aid built a sense of empathy, nonjudgement, and critical consciousness among participants.Mutual aid provided nourishing support, an ability to hold pain among more people, and "felt good."Horizontal interdependent care models have benefits as we face complex crises of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia has recently witnessed the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts leading to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans–non‐humans and their territories, territorialities and their rights. These geographies enter dialogue with other disciplinary trajectories and Indigenous and Afro‐descendant perspectives. These new perspectives also interact with critical, feminist and decolonial geographies. These encounters have led to the arrival of new approaches, which I call destabilising geographies. The proposals positioned from these new perspectives look to decolonise the founding binary categories of geography. They are perspectives and proposals that destabilise institutionalised visions of geography because they emerge with and from social processes and movements that require political spaces and the recognition of territorial and environmental rights. These geographies propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human–non‐human territories, the political and the collective. They also reveal the racial territorial processes of extractive dynamics and armed conflict. In this text, I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialised extractivism, Black geographies and Indigenous relational spatialities. These reflections are based on my experience of over 16 years of teaching in the geography programme at Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Colombian has recently witnessed of the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts that lead to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans‐non‐humans and their territories, territorialities, and their rights. I call these geographies, destabilising geographies because propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human‐non‐human territories, the political, and the collective. I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialized extractivism, black geographies, and indigenous relational spacialities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rise of "climate projects," which are purposeful responses to climate change undertaken by individuals, groups, or institutions. These projects range from individual actions to national policies and can involve concrete changes or future plans. Sociologists are well-suited to study climate projects and can examine issues such as social inequalities, democratic politics, culture, and knowledge and expertise. The study of climate projects can provide insights into how people respond to climate change and inform public deliberations on climate action. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the rise of identity studies and the potential limitations and consequences of focusing on cultural differences. It introduces the term "IDology" to describe the study of identities and argues that it can align with neoliberalism and consumerism. The article also discusses the complexities of identity formation and the relationship between individuals and their social context. It suggests that ethno-cultural and religious resurgences among minorities may be a response to the limitations imposed by neoliberal governance. Additionally, the article explores the emergence of ultra-politics and the securitization of migration, which contribute to civilizational polarization and the erosion of democratic deliberation. The text introduces the concept of "sub-politics," referring to non-conventional forms of politics individuals use to navigate polarizing aspects of ultra-politics. It argues that social scientists should focus on examining socio-economic, political, psychological, and spatial factors that give rise to the formation of new communities, rather than solely emphasizing cultural and religious differences. The author suggests a post-IDology thinking that magnifies similarities among individuals facing similar challenges, rather than amplifying differences. [Extracted from the article]

The present research examined the psychological processes underlying engagement in non‐normative forms of resistance and the role of repression. We conducted two studies in the contexts of two distinct social movements, both characterized by high levels of repression— the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in Hong Kong and the "Chilean Spring" protests of 2019–2020. First, we tested whether non‐normative resistance was motivated by (1) moralization of non‐normative actions (moralization hypothesis), (2) perceived low efficacy of normative actions and lack of hope (nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis), or (3) perceived efficacy of non‐normative actions in achieving movement goals (strategic choice hypothesis). Our results provided converging evidence for the moralization and strategic choice hypotheses, but not the nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis. Furthermore, we proposed and provided evidence for a model of movement escalation, whereby experiences of police violence predicted stronger willingness to engage in future non‐normative actions via heightened motivations for non‐normative resistance and increased risk perceptions. Taken together, these findings illuminate that repression in the form of coercive police violence may be ineffective in quelling social unrest. Rather, it can contribute to the radicalization of protesters. Potential boundary conditions and cross‐contextual generalizability of the current results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically synthesizes leading edge scholarship on neurodiversity, arguing that sociology could expand its account for the relationship between self and society through attention to the (a)social practices of those constructed as neurologically disabled. Autistic scholar‐activism birthed the neurodiversity paradigm, which claims respect for neurological diversity and its social manifestations. Sexual and gender variation are among those. I review research on the confluence of neurological, sexual, and gender variance, pointing to opportunities for documenting the roles of social institutions in constructing and regulating divergent bodyminds, as well as new intersectional identities and social movements. Next, I synthesize nascent literature developing neuroqueer theory. "Neuroqueer" articulates the queer nature of neurodivergence and examines the entwinement of the two. Centering the epistemic authority of bodyminds problematized as lacking self‐control/intent, perspective‐taking, and reliance on the social symbolic, neuroqueer scholars forward (a)social ways of knowing, communicating, communing, and being human. Focusing on neuronormativity, interdependent with better‐recognized normativities (e.g., gender, ethnicity, etc.), neuroqueer theory offers fresh perspective on how dominant concepts and relations render some bodyminds problematic—legitimate objects of exclusion, marginalization, and "rehabilitation." In doing so, it troubles sociological ideas about agency, sociality, communication, and what it means to be/have a (social) self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines the quality of coverage received by social movement organizations when they appear extensively in the news? Research on the news coverage of social movement organizations is dominated by case studies supporting the “protest paradigm,” which argues that journalists portray movement activists trivially and negatively when covering protest. However, movement organizations often make long‐running news for many different reasons, mainly not protest. We argue that some of this extensive news will lead to worse coverage—in terms of substance and sentiment—notably when the main action covered involves violence. Extensive coverage centered on other actions, however, notably politically assertive action, will tend to produce “good news” in these dimensions. We analyze the news of the twentieth century's 100 most‐covered U.S. movement organizations in their biggest news year in four national newspapers. Topic models indicate that these organizations were mainly covered for actions other than nonviolent protest, including politically assertive action, strikes, civic action, investigations, trials, and violence. Natural language processing analyses and hand‐coding show that their news also varied widely in sentiment and substance. Employing qualitative comparative analyses, we find that the main action behind news strongly influences its quality, and there may be several news paradigms for movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’ for far‐right diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the multiple and shifting meanings of children's activism and addresses some of the potential benefits and disadvantages of framing a given set of practices as children's activism. After recognizing the potential dangers of overuse of the term, we offer our own conceptual understanding of children's activism, focusing on collectivity, challenging expectations and transforming power. Further, in questioning what is new and old in theory and practice on children's activism, we illustrate how scholars and practitioners supporting children's participation can benefit from established literature, strategies and tools from youth activism and broader work on social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 elections, several feminist groups emerged in the U.S. in response to the election of President Trump. This manuscript focuses on a feminist assembly located in marginal and conservative Appalachia. Grounded in reflexivity, we employ affective solidarity to better understand feminist organizing in a post‐Trump rural Appalachian town. Based on a collaborative ethnography, including the National Organization of Women's local chapter members, conducted between 2016 and 2022, we analyze how political engagement has been initiated by an affective response—vulnerability, misery, rage, passion, and hope. By organizing open houses, marches, and voter guides, this group's outreach strives to inform and engage community members in dialogs around women's rights to improve gender equality in West Virginia, a state historically characterized by a conservative, heteronormative, patriarchal, and anti‐abortion mentality. We show how the dissonance between Trump's glorification of these ideologies and our affective responses served as a mechanism for feminist solidarity. This paper uses Butlerian principles to explore how vulnerability and resistance shape a feminist social movement held together by affective solidarity. We argue that responses to threats prompted by the Trump Presidency have been critical to the resurgence of our feminist agency and political engagement where conservative and masculine ideologies impose control over vulnerable populations. This paper advances the knowledge of vulnerability and agency and contributes to the literature on assemblies for political resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and political anti‐government movements have been major headlines across the globe in recent years, with a noticeable participation of women. In the MENA region, such movements spanned Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon among others. Through an ethnographic inquiry into the Algerian pro‐democracy movement Hirak (2019–2021), we delve into women's experiences of the Hirak to show how women remain marginalized politically, economically, and socially despite their heavy and praised participation. Using a recognition theory lens, we unveil dialectics of unity and division in the struggle for recognition among women in Algeria, a post‐colonial context charged with conflicting ideological stances. We detect two structural dimensions of the struggle, a spatial/physical dimension and a historical/temporal dimension that help surface different gender positionalities and their dynamics as they vie for recognition. We stress the importance of not homogenizing women's political struggles, especially in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on feminist geographies of space, proposing a feminist critical spatial practice approach to study social movement organizing. Inspired by the work of Jane Rendell, a feminist theorist and architectural historian, we propose embodiment, materiality, affectivity, and alterity as co‐constitutive of feminist organizing. Specifically, we prioritize the intertwining of space and body in resisting extractivism to analyze visual artifacts produced by artists/activists who have joined the anti‐extractivist struggle against mining in Northern Greece, Chalkidiki area. In particular, we focus on how bodies transgress and reconstitute space by affecting its materiality during artistic performances. We argue that the protesting (moving and ensounded) body enacts affective solidarities and invites collective action against exploitative neoliberal regimes. Finally, the article brings together body‐land territory and territorial‐community feminism literature to enrich our understanding of spatial practices of resistance against neoliberal extractivist regimes while highlighting the role of emotions and affect as a means of mobilizing for action and maintaining momentum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Social movement theory argues that activist movements emerge when the political opportunity structure is favorable. This article contributes to the literature on social movements and minority activism by showing that individual‐level activism happens even without a favorable opportunity structure. Methods: The legal journal Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht (Case Law on Reparations Legislation), published from 1949 to 1981, reported on West German courts' decisions about reparations claims appeals. All issues were examined for decisions on reparations claims appeals that Romani Germans submitted regarding West Germany's 1953 federal reparations law, despite the unfavorable political opportunity structure. The number of these appeals is reported, and select cases are discussed. Results: Every time a Romani claimant appealed a denied reparations claim, they were, according to feminist definitions of everyday activism, committing an act of activism. Such appeals appear repeatedly in the Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht, demonstrating that if scholars look for activism at an individual level, not a group level, evidence shows that members of marginalized minority groups engage in activism regardless of the political opportunity structure. Conclusions: These findings show that, if individual‐level activism is included in scholarly analyses, it becomes apparent that minority activism occurs even when the political opportunity structure is unfavorable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since labour geography first started demonstrating workers' ability to shape geographies, geographers have problematised the agency of labour. This article responds to a recent intervention by Strauss (2020a; Progress in Human Geography 44 [1]:150-159), challenging the sub-discipline to reflect on who counts as a worker and what counts as work. By combining theories of roles and intersectionality, the article poses a related question: as whom do workers act? Theoretically, a critical realist approach to labour agency forms the basis for an intersectional reading of the active subject. To illustrate our argument, we juxtapose the accounts of three people who speak for groups of workers or are asked to justify the actions of collective actors like unions or social movements. By showing how these actors improvise their own role incumbency while actively negotiating social identities, the article problematises the epistemology of constrained labour agency while responding to Strauss' call for a rethinking of the ontologies of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decolonial ecological imaginations entail a critical interrogation of mainstream environmentalism to unmask and unsettle it. These reflections expose how mainstream environmentalism legitimizes and perpetuates the colonization of the Earth and subaltern and Indigenous communities. Mainstream environmentalism is a colonial project to perpetuate the interests of settler colonialism and racial capitalism. This calls for a new search for decolonial and alternative ecological reimagination, informed by the epistemologies and eco‐politics of the Indigenous and subaltern communities and other grassroots social movements. Decolonial ecological imaginations involve the task of contesting and unsettling settler colonialism, extractive/exploitative capitalism, white supremacy, and all ideologies and practices of domination and exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical concepts of scale, space and place have informed and refined the theory of "framing" in the social movement literature. Going beyond the conventional approach of understanding social movements, this article aims to bring discussions on relational ontology into conversation with the geographical literature on scale and spatial strategies in social movements, proposing a theoretical framework that goes beyond established approaches in the literature on collective action framing. This article proposes for a holistic cross‐disciplinary dialog among political and development geographers and with activists and scholars from other cognate disciplines of social science to understand the complexities of framing in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, scholars have investigated how alliances begin and end, paying particular attention to factors that facilitate the emergence of movement and campaign coalitions. However, the issue of maintaining co‐resistance among distinct activist groups that lasts over time is still understudied. This contribution aims to fill this gap. Through an in‐depth empirical study of the long‐lasting cooperation of Israeli‐Palestinian activist organizations in the Palestinian region of the South Hebron Hills, this article singles out various factors that allowed this alliance to survive intense repression and change in political opportunities. Methodologically, a Protest Event Analysis was carried out after 2 months of preliminary fieldwork in Palestine (2019). It was followed by another 3 months of fieldwork in spring 2022 spent living with the community of Susiya and joining their everyday life and activism. Twenty‐three interviews with activists from both communities were conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twenty‐first century has been one of democratic backsliding. This has stimulated wide‐ranging scholarship on the causes of democratic erosion. Yet an overarching framework that identifies actors, behaviors, and decision processes has not been developed. I offer such a structure that includes elites (e.g., elected officials, the judiciary), societal actors (e.g., social movements, interest groups, media), and citizens. I discuss erosive threats stemming from each actor and the concomitant role of psychological mechanisms. The framework highlights the challenge of arriving at a holistic explanation of erosion within a given country during a finite period. It also accentuates why scholars should regularly consider the implications of their specific findings for democratic stability. I conclude by discussing various lessons and suggestions for how to study democratic backsliding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following recent events involving racism and violence in policing, the current study sought to understand factors associated with support for related social movements and worries about personal, family, and peer safety. Data were from 78 currently incarcerated young people (M = 16.5 years; 31% Black) and 20 juvenile prison staff (M = 40.3 years; 72% Black) via online surveys. A comparable proportion of young people (47.3%) and staff (47.4%) reported participating in the Black Lives Matter movement. Among young people, prior experiences with police were significantly associated with support for social movements and worries about safety concerning racism and violence in policing. Among staff, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and racial and ethnic identity were significantly associated with social movement support and worries about safety. Civic education and interventions to promote racial and ethnic identity may promote support for systemic change and buffer against worries about racism and violence in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter‐reaction of dissociating centre‐periphery relations suggestive of pre‐democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco‐era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualizes the phenomenon of historizing the present, defined as emphasizing the historical significance of present events and treating the present from the perspective of history. The authors identify four modes of historizing the present (emphasizing that: (1) the present will shape history; (2) the present is a unique moment in history; (3) the present will be remembered in history; (4) the present echoes history) and demonstrate how historizing can be employed by marketers of for‐profit and nonprofit organizations in a variety of contexts. The paper examines the psychological implications of appreciating the historical significance of the present and outlines a research agenda for studying the downstream behavioral consequences of historizing the present across diverse substantive consumer domains. It concludes with an examination of the broader societal implications of historizing the present as well as its implications for consumer well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on Hayden White's understanding of the subject and explores how best to move forward discussions in theory of history after his arguments about narrativity. To do so, I reconsider his arguments in light of more recent feminist and queer theorizations. Through a reconstruction of the current international new wave of feminism and LGBTQ+ activism as a rich and complex social movement that involves a narration of its own (practical) past, I will recontextualize and revaluate White's insight from the perspective of Judith Butler's theory of subject formation. The argument will unfold in four parts. First, I will recall White's ironic and existential stance on language and narrativity in the representation of reality and in relation to social beliefs. Second, I will again raise the question of the value of narrativity, as framed by White, in the context of the publication of a recent feminist manifesto. It is here that another issue will emerge as crucial: the relationship between the limits of linguistic self‐consciousness and the question of the subject. In the third part, my argument will take a partial turn "against White" and toward Butler's subject formation theory. My claim will be that there is a residue of the belief in the sovereign individual in White's insistence on self‐consciousness. However, I will also show that his suspicion regarding the psychological impulse toward narrative closure can be re‐elaborated as the challenge Butler is facing with their theory of subject formation: that of critically resisting the belief in our being coherent and self‐sufficient individuals. In the fourth part, I will present Butler's refiguration of the thesis of the subject's opacity in terms of the primary relationality that binds human beings to one another, and I will offer a new understanding of the individual, norms, agency, infancy, and ethics. Finally, I will conclude that we are bodies in history and that theory of history can find a promising line of research through this conception of the subject, a conception that reframes how we understand the intimate links between political consciousness, historicity, and embodiment. I also claim that this line of research constitutes an ethics for our historical undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explored Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism within national gun violence prevention organizing spaces. Interview data were analyzed from 17 Black and/or Latinx youth (Mage = 20.17, 47% women) across the United States who organized against gun violence. The findings identified three forms of racism that Black and Latinx organizers experienced in national organizations: (1) being tokenized for their racial identities and experiences without having real decision making power; (2) feeling a burden to educate their white peers about the structural causes of gun violence and how to improve organizing spaces for other youth of color; and (3) being silenced in their racially conscious organizing efforts to address the structural causes of gun violence in their communities. This research highlights how Black and Latinx youth gun violence prevention organizers contend both with structural racism in their everyday lives and racism in organizing spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which explores the opposition of White conservative evangelicals to environmental protection efforts in the U.S. Topics discussed include the way the late evangelical leader Jerry Falwell portrayed environmentalists as competitors, the possible reasons behind the anti-environmental stance of the Religious Right movement, and the views of the White conservative evangelical community on climate change and other environmental issues.

An essay is presented which explores the possible reform of American evangelicalism with regard to the #ChurchToo movement which aims to address clergy sexual abuse. Topics discussed include the connection between #ChurchToo and the #MeToo campaign against sexual abuse, the sexual abuse experienced by writer Emily Joy Allison as a teenager which led to the launch of the said movement, and the signs of spiritual abuse such as manipulation, enforced accountability, and coercion to conform.

This article uses a process‐tracing approach to understand changes in Singapore's health sector from the start of self‐rule in 1959 to the end of the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2022. Singapore is a developmental state recognized for its effective management of healthcare costs and its lack of political freedom. In both respects, the 'Singapore model' is of interest to other cities and nations. The standard narrative is one of technocratic proficiency in a context in which civic freedoms are heavily constrained, but this article identifies the surprisingly important role of social voices at key moments. It finds episodes in which effective changes to social policies are not the product of a state embedded in an organized society, but rather are influenced by the independent organizational capacity of certain social groups providing inputs to state elites on social grievances and policy needs. Effective policy changes require a responsive state elite that — even if it is technocratically dominated, as is the case in Singapore — can listen to social claims and provide answers that are not repressive. The article conceptualizes these dynamics as 'grievance politics' and shows their role in explaining health reforms. It contributes to understanding global health systems and policy making in developmental states by a fruitful cross‐fertilization with social movement studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over a century, abortion has been politically and socially contested, affecting people's lives through personal experience and/or public discourse. In the United States (US), abortion is sometimes exceptional—treated differently from other procedures, professions, and political issues—and sometimes an exemplar—an accessible example of a commonly occurring social, political, or personal phenomenon. It is, in other words, an excellent sociological case study. Yet the sociological literature on abortion is relatively thin. In this essay, we review research on abortion and opportunities for future sociological work in eight areas: gender; race; the body and embodiment; political economy; organizations, occupations, and work; medical sociology; law and society; and social movements. Sociologists have much to contribute to characterizing and understanding abortion, particularly following the 2022 US Supreme Court decision overturning the constitutional right to abortion. The discipline also has much to learn from studying abortion as a case. With its multifaceted social and political status and intersections with key areas of sociological interest, abortion offers a generative case for advancing sociological concepts, subfields, and constructs. While not exhaustive, our review aims to spark interest and inquiry, showcasing how a topic that spurs strong opinions can also catalyze sociological insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian regimes are known to repress the political activity of their diasporas transnationally by threatening harsh sanctions. But is this their only mode of transnational repression? This article builds on scholarship on social control to explore whether migrants bring internalized forms of political repression from their authoritarian home country to their democratic country of settlement—and if so, how it shapes their transnational political activity. In‐depth life‐history interviews with 29 U.S.‐citizen and permanent‐resident Syrian immigrants living in Los Angeles, California and Louisville, Kentucky reveal that for many U.S.‐based Syrians, demobilizing emotions, interpretive frames, and habits learned in Syria depressed their transnational political activity during the Arab Spring. Four internalized mechanisms of transnational political repression are conceptualized: learned helplessness, chronic fear of politics and the State, political trauma, and disciplined aversion to political expression. Leveraging comparisons between activists, demobilized activists, and non‐activists, this article demonstrates the connections between specific political socialization experiences, internalized political repression, and transnational political (in)activity. This article contributes to the growing literature on constraints and barriers to transnational mobilization, and to the debate over the role of pre‐migration political experience on immigrants' political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why develop leaders? What politics are implicit in our practice? This paper uses the history and practice of Popular Education as a comparative framework to survey the politics of intentional emergence leadership pedagogy, surfacing potential alliances for building social change movements. Using a case analysis, the article elucidates the ways the classroom embodies an opportunity to explore and enact a prefigurative politics of significant social change that upends traditional relationships to authority, hierarchy, and decision‐making. Exploring the opportunities and dangers of connecting the classroom to broader social movements, the article concludes by advocating that such connections could offer a firmer and more explicit stance to the question: why develop leaders? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]