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In this paper we present the analysis and interpretation of data collected during an intercultural virtual exchange undertaken in 2020 in which students from Argentina and the USA explored how trauma and suffering associated with COVID-19 can be channeled through collaborative artistic multimodal creations, and how approaching this in a productive way can lead to self-transformation in terms of intercultural and civic growth. To obtain unbiased data, we did not give the students information on the Council of Europe's Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture (RFCDC; 2018) which was fundamental to our conceptualization. Here, we apply an ex post facto research method to explore which of the 20 competences for democratic culture included in the RFCDC were mobilized and deployed by our students during this project. We do so by analyzing their multimodal artistic creations, social actions, and their civic statements from the perspective of the RFCDC definitions and descriptors. Findings indicate that the virtual exchange project contributed to the cultivation of 'democratically and interculturally competent citizens' as conceptualized in the Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture.

The aim of this paper is to describe Dewey's reception in the Spanish-speaking countries that constitute the Hispanic world. Without any doubt, it can be said that in the past century Spain and the countries of South America have been a world apart, lagging far behind the mainstream Western world. It includes a number of names and facts about the early translation of Dewey's works in Spain, Chile, Cuba, Mexico and Argentina in the first half of the century and a brief explanation of the decline of Dewey in the second half. To a great extent, Dewey's conception of education was immersed in the international movement of reform that started at the turn of the century and would eventually slowly but surely, renovate the structure of the educational system throughout the entire century, including that of South America. But it is equally clear that the Spanish-speaking countries have displayed a general ignorance of Dewey and, by extension, of American pragmatism during most of the century. In spite of mutual incomprehension, a deep affinity between Dewey's pragmatism and Hispanic philosophy is suggested in this paper, anticipating that the gradual process of democratization of Spain and the Hispanic countries of South America may be in some sense related to the rediscovery of Dewey and to the application of his key ideas in education. After decades of neglect of Dewey and of his contribution, there is a strong feeling not only that his conception of things is important to understand the last century but that Dewey--along with Peirce and other American classical pragmatists--may very well prove to be a key thinker for the XXIst century also in the Hispanic world. Along this vein, the recent resurgence of pragmatism can be understood not as the latest academic fashion but the occasion to start to close the gap between the two worlds.

In this article, the author describes Cecilia Braslavsky's pioneering work in the training of academics and technical-professional teams in Argentina. She divides the paper into two parts. The first one covers a period (between 1983 and 1993) in which Cecilia, along with other intellectuals from the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, proposed creating new perspectives to consider the problems of the education system and at the same time to train new generations of professionals able to confront the period just beginning in the country, at the end of one of the bloodiest dictatorships in Argentina's history. The second part of the paper describes her role in the training of professionals between 1993 and 1999. In this period, Cecilia had new concerns. Ten years after the return of democracy and after having trained a complete generation of leaders in the educational field able to carry out interesting diagnoses and go beyond the ideologies imposed by the military government, the focus of her concern shifts to a training of specialists which, without neglecting the theoretical aspect, will focus on transforming the situation in which they are acting, in order to guarantee a better distribution of educational goods. In this context, and without entirely abandoning her vocation for training undergraduate and graduate students, she places the emphasis on practice, and moves to training professionals who, with a solid theoretical education, can in parallel attempt to change reality. (Contains 3 tables and 2 notes.)

In recent decades, many Latin American governments have implemented policies to expand opportunities in higher education, aiming at reducing discrimination and social inequalities. These policies have taken different forms, according to the peculiarities of the respective higher education systems. The purpose of this paper is to explore the scope and limitations of these policies. We develop our analysis of theoretical literature on the subject, and review empirical information available from secondary sources of recent experience in five countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Venezuela. Argentina has increased opportunities for disadvantaged social sectors by expanding the public sector. Brazil has attempted to improve access for ethnic and social minorities in both public and private institutions. Chile is a unique case because of the continuing commitment to allow market forces to shape higher education. In Mexico, increased opportunities for access have resulted from the creation of intercultural universities and technical institutions in the public sector, as well as through growth in the private sector. Finally, in Venezuela, expansion occurred through the creation of a new system of universities that operates in parallel to traditional public institutions. We note that, in all cases, the policies reflect an underlying belief that there are only benefits to unlimited expansion, without regard to possible consequences, such as an excess of university graduates in economies with limited job opportunities for them. Moreover, these policies do not take into consideration the deficit of cultural and educational capital of young people who come from the most marginalised social sectors, deficits that may hinder their success. Concepts such as 'overeducation' or 'credencialism' call into question that optimistic belief and explain the limitations of the coverage expansion in terms of real democratisation.

This paper reveals and analyzes the cinematographic, political, and aesthetic transitions intersecting two Southern Cone films that premiered concurrently in 1991: the award-winning Chilean movie "La frontera" by Ricardo Larraín and the forgotten Argentine independent production "La redada" directed by Rolando Pardo. Despite bridging similar historical circumstances and tackling sensitive issues that rose to the forefront during the transition to democracy, "La frontera's" and "La redada's" editing techniques, treatment of characters, mise-en-scènes, and conclusions reveal divergent aesthetics that affected the films' reception at the time of their release and that deserve a close critical analysis. Not only can these artistic differences be interpreted in relation to the political moment of transition of the late 1980s and early 1990s in Argentina and Chile, but they also resonate with current discussions about inequality and discrimination in postauthoritarian society and the actual state of democracy in the Southern Cone.

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In recent years, citizenship education has been the subject of much international attention, including two major cross-national studies. However, few reviews of civic education scholarship include research from post-conflict societies. This omission is notable because post-conflict situations offer distinct challenges to instilling both democratic norms and a sense of social cohesion to ensure democracy and social justice in the future. This paper seeks to address this need, providing a review of research on citizenship education in post-conflict contexts published in English-language journals in order to delineate similarities and differences across such contexts. Findings common to many studies on citizenship education in post-conflict countries include the avoidance of controversial issues, the unique role of ethnicity, a lack of trust in political parties and authoritarianism. Some studies also reported a movement towards global or regional identities and student desire for active citizenship education. (Contains 1 footnote.)

From 1952 onwards, following the approval of the "Second Five-year Plan," a series of profound changes took place in the Argentinean national curriculum and in its schoolbooks. Some authors have pointed out that such changes implied the use of the educational system as an "agency for indoctrination." Other authors have emphasized, on the other hand, the--at least partial--processes of democratisation implied in those changes. This paper aims to analyse, as part of the vast educational transformations that occurred during this period, the new visibility that was acquired by subjects, classes and social processes which were practically absent in the curricular contents before the Peronist government, as well as the new type of treatment they received. At the same time, the inclusion of new subjects and points of view implied, in a more or less explicit manner, the recognition of the existence of social relations of domination and inequality, which were no longer presented as "the nature of society," but as a field of conflicts concerning political values such as justice, freedom, democracy or authoritarianism. While Peronist values questioned the previous political and social order and allowed the possibility of reflecting on other models of society, the regime's curricular contents aimed to transmit and inculcate the populist political ideology that was preached by the government, transforming the schoolbooks into a contradictory mosaic of images of social mobilization and disciplinary acceptance, of criticism and passiveness, of personal participation and collective obligation. (Contains 28 footnotes.)

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Copyright of POSTData: Revista de Reflexión y Análisis Político is the property of Grupo Interuniversitario Postdata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the articulation of race, class, gender, and politics in erotic magazines during the Argentine and Peruvian destapes in the transition from dictatorial to democratic rule at the turn to the 1980s. We argue that porn, as a genre, was not limited to a niche of readers seeking to use the magazines only for erotic purposes. In Peru, porn was one of the main agents in the opposition to military rule, and it only became a separate, autonomous genre devoid of politics with the coming of democracy. The emergence of magazines focused mostly on eroticism developed as editors attempted to lure readers among recent migrants from the Sierra who lived in the pueblos jóvenes (squatter settlements) in Lima. In this context, the audience demanded pictures of local women to replace foreign white female nudes. In Argentina porn became a crucial aspect of democratic politics, understood as a tool to overcome inhibitions, develop a self-exploration, and undermine traditional mores while fostering democracy. Driven by an impulse to emulate the alleged open-mindedness of Europe and the US, Argentine porn cemented white middle-class identity at a time of economic decline. In this context, Argentine erotic magazines praised sexual experimentation as courageous and gave voice to women, gays, and lesbians. Our approach combines social, political, and cultural history focusing on how the readership shaped magazines and at times achieved significant editorial changes. Through the study of porn we offer new insights regarding the transition to democracy in late Cold War Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the Argentine socio -political polarization known as la grieta has influenced the country’s politics and impacted democratic standards during the Covid -19 pandemic. It uses qualitative data to present the nature of Argentine socio -political polarization, the outbreak of the Covid -19 pandemic in Argentina and new areas of polarization that emerged in the country under the pandemic situation, mainly the quarantine measures and vaccination campaign. The paper also takes a look on potential challenges for the Argentine democracy in a post -pandemic reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colección is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using second-level agenda setting, this paper examines the coverage of Argentina's 2009 media reform. To investigate the attributes the media used, data were collected from three national newspapers' online publications (Clarín, La Nación, and Página/12). Results from the analysis suggest that the newspapers used different attributes and tone based on their political leanings. Content analysis before and after selected court's rulings on the new media law demonstrate that La Nación and Clarín tended to converge in the way they used attributes and tone. When the rulings went against the interests of Clarín and La Nación, both newspapers reacted negatively, in tone and attribute, relative to Página/12. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the Cold War influenced the discourses on basic research and on Science and Technology Policies (STPs) of some leaders of the Argentine research community. It explores two key intersections to study the Cold War: the first between politics and policies; the second between the global and the regional/national. The basic assumption is that, just as there was no one Cold War, specific regional and national traits lent specific meanings to basic research. In dialogue with the literature on Latin American history of STPs, on Cold War and on the conceptual history of science, the paper identifies three discursive configurations around S&T: the first refers to the semi-peripheral scientific context; the second is associated with the 'democracy-totalitarianism' dichotomy, and the third is linked to the 'development-dependence' dichotomy. Finally, the paper also traces some connections between these discourses and the institutional models proposed by different key actors of the research community to implement STPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the migration issues in Argentina, as they are perceived through the lenses of the European Union. Argentine society has faced capital changes in the past twenty years, going from a militarist regime to market economy and liberal democracy. All these have culminated with a profound economic crisis at the beginning of the years 2000, changing perceptions and creating new social patterns. Even though Argentine was since its creation a nation of immigrants, in the latest years this has become a sensitive issue. Deteriorating economic factors gave birth to an anti-immigration wave and to an emigration phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relationship between youth and politics in Argentina by analyzing the characteristics, meanings and tensions that have shaped the production of youth and their political rights during recent years. Qualitative methods were used in this investigation. Documentary sources are analyzed regarding two legislative proposals: the so-called "youth vote" law passed in 2012, which enabled optional voting from the age of 16, and a National Youth Law, which was approved only by the lower chamber in 2015 and then lost its parliamentary status. The paper addresses main issues on the field of youth studies: tensions and modalities on the production of youth, the legitimization of certain forms of youth participation and the conceptions of youth in the public debates regarding these two legislative initiatives. The study provided an important opportunity to advance in the understanding -based on the analysis of the Argentine case-, of a process that is characterized, on one hand, by a context were youth political mobilization had an impact on the perceptions of Latin American governments who implemented policies for the extension of rights. On the other hand, by a set of initiatives that placed youth issues on the public agenda from a rights-based perspective. Additionally, it also offers important insights to the study of changes and continuities after governmental change in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early years of Independence, through the failed constitutional projects of 1819 and 1826, and culminating in the 1853 Constitutional Convention of 1853, the River Plate provinces witnessed a varied number of juridical and political debates on the status of democracy and its different meanings: as an expression of social forces announcing the dawn of a new form of social organization; as an ideal of representative government that was to accompany the transition from monarchical to republican forms of government; and as a number of possible electoral regimes and technical solutions to the problem of representation. On the other hand, constitutionalism promised not only a way of structuring the new governments but also the adoption of the idea of individual rights as an ideological foundation for the new liberal regimes, and a project to transcend the inorganic rule of provincial caudillos. This paper explores the different languages in which nineteenth-century Argentine constitutionalism was shaped, through an analysis of political and constitutional debates and the writings of many of the actors of the period, taking into account the ways in which the conflictive context of independence, civil wars, national unification, and state building delineated a particular conception of liberal constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a comparative study of forensic anthropology as the field has developed in Argentina and Uruguay, two Southern Cone countries that have transitioned from dictatorship to democracy in contrasting circumstances. In the context of investigating crimes against humanity, the archaeology of the recent past offers a "third narrative" alongside documentation and testimony, and it has had a great impact as a source of probatory material in judicial contexts in both countries. However, its focus has been almost exclusively on locating and retrieving human remains, whereas we propose a broader integral forensic anthropology that takes account of the wide range of materiality related to crimes against humanity. If forensic anthropology and archaeology are to fulfil this potential, it is fundamental that they remain independent of state power and holistic in scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educación is the property of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite its permanent presence in all ZOPACS meetings, the Argentine government has had a low profile, just following Brazil's initiatives. A relatively low interest in the South Atlantic maritime issues and in the African countries could explain this position. The vindication for the argentine sovereignty over the Malvinas (Falkland Islands) Georgia and Sandwich - a constant claim in Argentina's Foreign Policy - and other connected matters such as the protection of the sea resources and disarmament, are the main issues that justify the participation of Argentina's governments. Taking into consideration the three more important landmarks which pointed out the Zone's activities, the objective of this paper is to shed light on the domestic and international argentine positions and actions towards the South Atlantic, taking into consideration the Malvinas issue and the place of African countries and mainly of South Africa and the countries of the western coast of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Raúl Alfonsín in October of 1983 represented the return of democracy to Argentina after more than seven years of a military dictatorship that left the country in a terribly distressed state. Since the dictatorship had joined the boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics led by the USA, for Argentina, the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics meant both coming back to the Olympic fold and the first such festival under the new democratic government. This paper explores Argentina's trajectory towards, and construction of, its participation in the country's first post-dictatorship Olympics. In doing so, this paper reveals why participation in the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics was not a priority for the incoming administration and why such participation was not conceived as a potential emissary capable of reaffirming on the global Olympic stage the hard fought, yet still emerging, democracy of Argentina. In addition, it reveals not only the determination of the Alfonsín administration to make his sport policy work but also its aspirations, complexity and ambiguities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of POSTData: Revista de Reflexión y Análisis Político is the property of Grupo Interuniversitario Postdata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Right-winged Argentine nationalism underwent a series of transformations in the mid 20th Century. These changes were registered in the biographies of many Nationalist intellectuals. Thus, the aim of this paper is to examine the case study of Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo. The work of this well-known nationalist intellectual covers over seventy years and influenced many generations of nationalist militants. In analysing his discourse on democracy and political leadership, this paper tracks the long-term changing process of his political and ideological discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subnational governments are generally funded by fiscal rents, that is, transfers of centrally levied taxes. Existing literature concurs that fiscal federalism breeds rentierism and, consequently, hinders subnational democracy. However, in Argentina, fiscal rents do not always lead to low provincial contestation. Building on research on oil-based rentierism and fiscal federalism, we argue that this variation results from the provincial fiscal institutions that distribute central-government transfers from the province to municipalities. Specifically, we claim that as provincial fiscal institutions decentralize fiscal rents from the province to municipalities, they empower mayors to challenge governors. Conversely, as these institutions centralize rents at the province, they empower governors and weaken opposition from below. Using panel data and a comparison between Tierra del Fuego and Santa Cruz—the provinces that receive the largest fiscal transfers—we show that the effect of fiscal rents on incumbent party advantage decreases and eventually disappears as institutions become province-decentralizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an expert-based operationalization strategy to measure the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. Starting with a mainstream and "thick" definition of regime type, I assess each of its aspects using a subjective or perception-based approach that taps the knowledge of experts on the politics of each province. I present and justify the methodological design of the resulting Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP) and conduct a preliminary analysis of its results. Some aspects of the provincial regimes appear to be clearly democratic, while others are mixed or even leaning towards authoritarianism. Moreover, some show little interprovincial variance, while others vary considerably from province to province. An analysis of the central tendency and dispersion of the survey items allows for a general description of the Argentine provincial regimes. Inclusion is the most democratic dimension, while the effectiveness of institutional constraints on the power of the Executive is the most deficient. Electoral contestation is generally free of traditional forms of fraud, but incumbents often command far more campaign resources and media attention than do their challengers. Physical repression is rare, but opponents in some provinces face subtler forms of punishment. While the survey does not uncover any clear cases of subnational authoritarianism, stricto sensu, provincial regimes do vary significantly from basically democratic to clearly hybrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Bank's endorsement in the 1990s of institutional reforms as a constitutive dimension of economic development led to the adoption of a governance agenda. The paper analyses the role the Bank exercised in Argentina and explains its influence in the adoption of a new state model, of new state civil society relations and on particular key components of democracy. This paper argues that while the Bank has helped to set up an agenda of reform regarding governance problems, the push for particular policies and practices has also produced partial and contradictory results on the consolidation of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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• This paper explores the developmental consequences of introducing slum-level elections to formally select slum representatives. • Slum elections help improve the provision of public goods and services only in communities that are highly organized. • First, in communities that are organized, residents are better able to collectively demand and monitor public goods provision, making slum leaders more responsive. • Second, organizational structures and experiences encourage the emergence of new leaders that challenge old brokers, skewing political competition towards public goods provision. Does electoral democracy improve public goods provision for the poor? This paper considers whether and how the introduction of elections to choose slum-level representatives affects the provision of basic public goods and services in these communities. To address this question I take advantage of an unexpected interruption in the judicial process that introduced elections in urban slums in Argentina. Drawing on an original household survey, an expert survey, and insights from in-depth interviews, I show that the introduction of elections enhanced public goods and services provision only in slums with high organizational density. In such a context, existing organizational structures and citizens' organizational experience facilitated individuals' endeavors to demand and monitor the provision of public goods and the emergence of new leaders other than partisan brokers that skewed political competition towards the provision of public goods. These findings contribute to our understanding of the relationship between elections, organizational activity and public goods provision in urban informal settlements and have implications for development practitioners: Under the right conditions, the democratic selection of slum intermediaries vis-à-vis the state can substantially improve the livelihood of these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]