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E-learning plays a key role in an individual's mental growth and a nation's future in today's competitive world. Traditional learning is teacher-centered, and teaching the same subject well every time is tough. Traditional teaching approaches can't be used everywhere. By mitigating this flaw in traditional learning, E-learning becomes a potent weapon for intellectual progress and contributes to intellectual society. Traditional learning's high prices, set hours, and limited classroom access may be avoided through e-learning. People are India's major strength as the world's first and biggest democracy. E-Learning benefits these countries and plays a crucial role in establishing intellectual think tanks that can be utilised by the entire world for constant growth and an aggressive reaction to other nations' logical cultures. In this regard, a more focused approach has been considered on introducing new e-learning methodologies, priorities set for each methodology for easy e-learning, and upcoming technological trends in the field of elearning such as Mobile learning, Microlearning, Beacon learning, Internet of Things(IoT), Cloud-based e-learning, Gamification, and others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decades, several grassroots movement organisations across the world have tackled the issue of corruption with the aim of mobilising knowledge on this widespread problem. In our paper, we look at three bottom-up civil society organisations and collective actors fighting for greater transparency and curbing of corruption in Indian society, highlighting how they employ visuals to debate on these issues and to communicate their mission to their audiences. The focus is on how the initiatives employed visuals to discuss a particular anti-corruption policy of the central government. In particular, our paper sheds light on the dynamics between the three initiatives and the government especially at a time when democratic credentials of the country are in decline. Inspired by Rodriguez and Dimitrova's four levels of visual framing, we propose a revised schema for visual framing analysis, taking into account contextual dimensions, in our study of visuals as tools enhancing public debates on corruption and anti-corruption practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In India, the world's largest democracy, the right to express dissenting opinions has come under increasing pressure due to governmental reactions to violent and non-violent activities and opposition. As well as direct suppression, a concerning trend has arisen whereby individuals and groups may choose to self-censor rather than risk the consequences of speaking out. These outcomes are related in this paper to the treatment of social media, where official policies and laws regulate and censor content on social media on the dubious basis that it is 'offensive' or 'objectionable'. These restraints often lack clear guidelines and are applied arbitrarily, leading to a chilling effect on free speech and the expression of dissenting views. Furthermore, India lacks a comprehensive legal framework to address hate speech, resulting in a patchwork of provisions within the Indian Penal Code that inadequately define and circumscribe hate speech. This article contends that the 'freedom to criticise' should be legally better protected to ensure that diverse opinions can be safely held and expressed in order to maintain and reflect the pluralistic nature of Indian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, universities in India have witnessed the joining of a record number of students from marginalized communities and oftentimes struggle. This expansion of access has brought about changes within classrooms and college campuses, sometimes giving rise to contention and causing numerous conflicts as well. Centered around my experiences of teaching in a working-class college in Bangalore, a metropolitan city in Southern India, this paper offers reflections on education in challenging circumstances. Further, the essay explores the possibilities of democratic pedagogic practices through the theoretical framework of Maitri. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan and India are the two oldest and largest democracies in Asia. Since the inception of their diplomatic relations in 1952, the two countries have maintained a cordial relationship. They remain aloof during the Cold War period due to their ideological differences. After that, India following the economic liberalization followed by the "Look East" policy in the post-Cold War period had a positive impact on bilateral relations. This took a sudden gap due to India's second Pokhran nuclear test in 1998 followed by Japanese economic sanctions. However, the relations normalized soon when Mori visited India along with other South Asian nations in 2000. The bilateral relations further improved when the two countries signed the "strategic orientation of Japan-India global partnership" during Koizumi's visit in 2005. Since then, the two countries have been engaging in different aspects of strategic partnership, and a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific along with the "rule-based order" has always been their priority. Thus, different scholars and statesmen from both countries started the discussion on building a new architecture of 'rule-based order' in the Indo-Pacific. To that end, Japan and India have continuously engaged themselves in bilateral and multilateral dialogue such as G4, Shangri-La Dialogue and Quad. Thus, this paper will try to see how far the two countries can persuade the international community to push the concept of "rule-based order" in the Indo-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to theorise the labour and corporeal carcerability of the non-citizen non-subjects in contemporary democracies of the United States and India. I reappropriate Joy James' framework of 'Captive Maternals' to understand the relationality between the undocumented, racialised, or incarcerated with the neo-liberal states that they inhabit and serve but where they do not belong. James describes Captive Maternals as those bodies subject to consumption by the democratic order in the tradition of slavery. I expand upon her framework to argue that the dehumanisation of illegal 'aliens' and racially policed bodies not only challenges the notion of freedom in the modern democratic social organisation but rather manifests the fundamental correlation between democratic sovereignty and its exclusionary violence. This phenomenon internal to the workings of democracies challenges Hegel's idealisation of the modern rational state as the most advanced form of government characterised primarily by freedom. Democracy also constitutes the exercise of necropolitical sovereignty which I interpret not as the right to kill but as the right to police and incarcerate. Against the Hegelian struggle for recognition (Anerkennung), I deliberate on the possibility of transcending to a less than fully-determined Sittlichkeit that does not rely upon reciprocal recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains and corroborates the mechanisms by which civic and political spaces opposed to Hindu nationalism have been attacked, especially after the arrival of the right-wing Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in 2014. Three mechanisms are discerned for replacing pluralistic values with Hindu majoritarian ones. Sometimes institutions are just allowed to drift by interpreting old rules in new ways. For example, no formal rules for media control have changed but the government's control over media has increased substantially. At other times, incremental legal and policy changes are executed to make the change explicit, often building on a new moral purpose. To give another example, the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) was amended and weaponized against NGOs in a layered way in 2020. Finally, when political opposition is weak, institutions that have provided guarantees for protecting diversity have simply been displaced by new and radically different ones. This was the case with abrogating Article 370, which converted the special status of the subnational state of Jammu and Kashmir to the status of two federally administered union territories--Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. These mechanisms place India in a competitive authoritarian frame, where those in power deploy electoral majorities to systematically attack the political opposition, making it more di(cult for it to rise. Despite these propensities, opposition parties have won elections in some of India's subnational states. The challenges facing the world's most populous democracy are significant, even though competitive elements co-exist. These elements in a competitive authoritarian regime, however, are under severe stress. India's democratic credentials can be revived only if the competitive elements of India's democracy stand united against ethno-nationalist Hindu majoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The de-focalisation of reporting and the focalisation of post-truth ideology is antithetical to the tenets of democracy. It reverts to the traditional centralised propagation of one truth, one reality, and one perspective while contracting, negating, or antagonising the possibility of alternative and parallel narratives. The right wing has created a narrative of suspicion, which is based on the conviction that anything deviating from the traditional cultural patterns is a contamination of the ethos of one's own native values, a deviation from the nativity, and hence an influence that needs to be disposed of. The ongoing Covid pandemic has magnified the narrative of post-truth through the use of sensationalism as an effective modus operandi. The blinding of the truth is rampant as news outlets are being guarded by right-wing gatekeepers and sensationalism is used to reflect the surging emotions of a public already gripped by a precarious reality. This paper examines the three primary and seemingly independent threats to democracy during the pandemic in India: de-focalisation of reporting, coerced homogeneity based on religion and language, and sensationalism. It addresses the question of how adversity is turned into a breeding ground for demagoguery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complexity and commonality of today's local and global challenges, such as achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, deepening democratic governance, preventing violent conflict, or tackling terrorism, is a poignant reminder of our increasing interdependence and the distant future of equity. Much like other nations, India is experiencing and resisting each of these. Since 2014, when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power, the contours of these experiences and resistances are marked by somewhat centralised and authoritarian stakes imbued in an 'emotional force'. The emotional force is rooted in values of Hindutva 2 which has a precise type of ideological construction of how India, its people, and the Indian democracy should be. There is a conspicuous dualism and chauvinism in the imagined democracy. This imagination derives and delivers the 'new democracy' which is inextricably grounded in the majoritarian-populist politics. Bearing this in mind, this paper aims to unpack and understand the way democracy and dialogue, or the lack of it, shapes the everyday experience, while using some pertinent examples to typify the discourse. We find that democracy is challenged, but questioning its meaning is wrought with grim complexity and tensions. The author takes stock of an ongoing event to demonstrate that democracy and dialogue are becoming provisional and desultory tools in the larger scheme of things in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the associations between democratic performance, secular--traditional value orientation, and satisfaction with democracy in India and Pakistan through the lens of democratic performance and modernization theory. In an analysis of data from the 2012 World Values Survey, respect for human rights (one of two measures of democratic performance) has a stronger effect on satisfaction with democracy in India than in Pakistan. Freedom of choice influenced satisfaction with democracy only in India. Rather than having a direct effect, secular--traditional value orientation moderates the relationship between freedom of choice and satisfaction with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the concept of majoritarianism that is currently commonly used in the context of Indian politics. It also attempts to make sense of available empirical data that suggests a considerable presence of majoritarianism in India and, on that basis, discusses the implications of the diffuse nature of the majoritarian tendency. The paper argues that the diffuse nature of majoritarianism portends the possibility of democratic distortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an overview of the Indian media, delving into the making and maintenance of the laws, practices, freedoms, and regulations that govern it. Focusing specifically on the Emergency and its aftermath, it demonstrates how the Indian media is often made to accommodate political agendas and commercial interests. The author argues that present-day Indian media is worse off than it was during the Emergency, providing an overview of the various reasons because of which it is facing a crisis of credibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Swedish policy institute V-Dem, India, the world's largest democracy, has 'turned into an electoral autocracy'. This paper illuminates the links between human rights and democracy. It outlines the evolution of constitutionally guaranteed rights in India from 1947 to the present, identifying and analysing the various ways in they are violated. The author argues that violation of human rights is anti-democratic, and calls for adherence to, and provision of, constitutionally guaranteed rights to prevent the ongoing erosion of Indian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, we have seen a rise in digital technology. In response to the tempestuous nature of technology and its manifold "threats", the State has adopted fresh armoury. It has inducted mass surveillance programmes, which collect information on every citizen. In India, these measures were adopted in 2007. India's bulk phone metadata collection programme, equivalent to the National Security Agency is called the Central Monitoring System. Additionally, India has created the Crime and Criminal Tracking and Network System, a nation-wide reposity of criminal data. This paper delves into a constitutional analysis of the validity of these programmes by identifying the key constitutional concerns and reviewing whether these programmes satisfy the test of proportionality. Finally, this paper critiques the ramifications of these measures on democracy. It argues that these measures stifle the exchange of information in the public sphere and reduce public space for reasoning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India is often credited for its success as the world's largest democracy, but variation in subnational democracy across its states has not been systematically incorporated into scholarship on subnational regimes. This paper develops a conceptualization of subnational democracy based on four constitutive dimensions – turnover, contestation, autonomy and clean elections – and introduces a comprehensive dataset to measure each of the dimensions between 1985 and 2013. The inclusion of India – an older parliamentary democracy with a centralized federal system – broadens the universe of cases for the study of subnational regimes, and reveals variation across constitutive dimensions that has not yet been theorized. The paper shows that threats to subnational democracy come from multiple directions, including the central government and non-state armed actors, that subnational variation persists even decades after a transition at the national-level, and that subnational democracy declines in some states in spite of the national democratic track record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WhatsApp and digital private spaces are transforming the quality of lived democracy in India today. Bringing together STS, geographies of democracy, digital and political anthropology, and feminist approaches to the home, this paper makes visible how the Silicon Valley imaginary of the "digital living room" is domesticated in India. Drawing on digital ethnographic research in urban north India we show how WhatsApp is being used by the Hindu right to digitise new party‐political intimacies. This has implications for how people at the margins of Hindu nationalist politics dwell in the "digital living room". Framed as a home like space, we problematise Facebook's "spatiotechnical" utopia by making visible how kinship and (domestic) politics are newly entangled in digital private spaces. Finally, we document how WhatsApp is deployed as a technology of discipline to determine modes of appropriate sociality and reconfigure spaces of digital‐physical inclusion/exclusion in the making of India's "ethnic democracy". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Election Commission of India (henceforth, the EC), an institution created by the Constitution of India in 1950, manages and conducts parliamentary and state assembly (provincial level) elections. In recent elections, it has made tremendous efforts to make the electoral process more participatory. More than 900 million people were eligible to vote in the Indian parliamentary elections of 2019. In addition to the conventional ways of spreading voter awareness, the EC tried to reach out to voters through previously untried means to persuade them to come to the polling booths and vote – reflecting an institutional enthusiasm for popular mobilisation. However, there are also a significant number of missing names from the electoral rolls, and the EC faces accusations of being apathetic towards this anomaly. Is this eagerness on one hand and anomaly on the other symptomatic of 'democracy at crossroads', with India transiting to a more efficacious and involved institutional functioning, or is this an instance of strained institutional performance in the face of rising popular aspirations and tighter executive controls? The paper tries to explore this theme by looking at the functioning of the EC and its efforts towards voter participation in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The various lines of resistance against the Indian government's Unique Identification Number project since its inception in 2009 form a national and publicly accessible narrative. But less is known about Aadhaar's reception among civil society actors, non-profits who partnered with the state to implement this scheme among their constituencies. Drawing upon eighteen months of fieldwork in Mumbai, Ahmedabad and Delhi, this paper traces the nature of state and civil society engagement with Aadhaar. It demonstrates how this e-governance initiative encountered the politics and agendas of intermediary organisations long engaged in providing identity documents to the poor in the absence of state recognition of certain groups. The state sought a condition of disintermediation via biometric technology and collaborated with non-state actors to aid implementation. The failed encounter with a few non-profits working with the migrant poor demonstrates that a technocratic notion of identity and citizenship clashed with the materiality of local practices serving to maintain existing intermediations and resulting in exclusions from the Aadhaar scheme for certain groups. The paper argues that this encounter demonstrates the durability of the mediated state at a time when new technologies are deployed to remove intermediations, with consequences for the most marginalised populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2009 and 2014, Thirumavalavan, the leader of the largest Dalit party in Tamil Nadu, served as an MP in Delhi. This paper draws on research with the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK or Liberation Panther Party) to raise a number of key questions about representation and democracy in a multi-level federal system. Although they are a minor party, their experience of national politics offers insights into the workings of party systems in India. The paper considers the extent to which they are constrained by alliance partners and political rules-of-the-game. It then considers the question of representation, and asks what the VCK managed to achieve in Thirumavalavan's constituency of Chidambaram and the extent to which they could raise issues at the national level both through formal and disruptive means. Finally, the paper reflects on the advantages and disadvantages for a small party of having a foothold in the Centre and draws out the lessons of the VCK's experience for our understanding of Indian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how a marginalized community in North Kerala uses football and football fandom in order to create a vibrant space for active citizenry. We examine how the categories of football fan and citizen foster each other and provide alternatives to the imagination of a nation that in its discursive homogeneity fosters divisiveness. At the same time, this paper is also interested in the constitution of the football fan community as resolutely local and in dynamic, and negotiated relationship with state machinery. While literature on sports in India has been overwhelmingly centered on the themes of nation and nationalism, this ethnographic study attempts to critically look at the making of a regional identity, from the margins of a nation, through the region’s popular sport, football. In this paper, we explore the ways in which Nainamvalappu football fans Association, an organization based in the coastal region of Nainamvalappu in Kozhikode, converted an open place into a football ground overnight to resist the setting up of a slaughterhouse in the same place by the city corporation, as a form of active resistance but also place making. We argue that this football fans’ association allows for new understandings of popular sovereignty and democracy through a revitalization of sporting spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact on Indian democracy of current Prime Minister Narendra Modi's populism. Our analysis argues that populism has been a useful tool in the deepening of democracy in India. Appealing to the "people" as a political construct with a broad social base has helped to transcend traditional identity cleavages. But in contrast to that form of transversal and inclusive populism, the subject of this paper is Modi's current version, which is built on a form of Hinduist exclusivism. Such a narrative of exclusion endangers the social contract born out of the idea of India as unity in diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper has a dual focus. One, is to use India as a case study to reflect upon the political, economic and socio-cultural structures of the country and how they shape the particular vulnerabilities in the society which have been aggravated in the COVID19 crisis-scape. Stories about Indian democracy, Casteism and Untouchability, Hindutva and Islamophobia emerging from the pandemic scenario have been extended to show global parallels. Stories of cultural resourcefulness and examples of people's power in the Indian context have also been represented to provide a formative assessment of how India is faring in the pandemic crisis. Two, it gathers emergent questions about human and social life which are being re-emphasized and created by the pandemic for Psychology to focus on. It makes use of Indian psychological concepts to re-envision self-other relationships in Post Coronial world. It makes a plea for strengthening the critical-cultural approach in 'Post-Coronial' Psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond questions of transition to and backsliding from democracy, scholars are beginning to debate the contours of democratic deepening. This paper develops an account of 'dignified development' to elaborate understandings of democratic deepening through an interpretive synthesis of the secondary literature on Bihar between 1990 and 2005 when the much-maligned Lalu Prasad Yadav controlled the State's governance. At a time when democracy is under threat not only in India but across the world, reflections on democratic depth offer us lessons on how democracy might be renewed and reinvigorated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The RTI Act, 2005 is a master piece legislation through which the citizens are enabled to know what the government is doing for themselves. This Act pores the way for the maintenance of transparency and accountability in official works. It has proved to be a tool for the people to raise their voice against maladministration and corruption. There are certain restrictions on which information can't be disclosed i.e. privacy. This research paper critically analysis the RTI Act, It's limitations and the ways how to make it more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the highest density of Scheduled Caste population in India, Punjab provides a political conundrum as far as Dalit assertion in state assembly elections is concerned. Introduction to this paper analyses the centrality of identity politics that have come to occupy discourses on Indian democracy. The paper then proceeds with a historical exploration of the peculiar nature of caste in Punjab, which provides the context to analyze the absence of political assertion of Dalits. The third part scrutinizes the internal cleavages within the SC population and how these have hindered cultural assertion translating into a political force. Despite sub-caste divisions, Dalits as a whole remain a crucial vote bank in Punjab and a critical analysis of mobilization strategies of political parties, including deras, rallies, electoral promises and religious-cultural tools, provides us with an insight into how the vote bank operates. The outcome of 2017 Punjab election demonstrate and reflect certain trends as far as the Punjab electorate in general, and Dalits in particular are concerned. The concluding section provides a comparative analysis of political participation and representation of Dalits in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab and evaluates prospects for an 'upsurge from below' in Punjab. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Programs that induce citizen participation to improve the quality of government at the local level are the subjects of large amounts of funding and intense debate. This paper combines a randomized control trial of a citizenship training and facilitation program in rural India, with an in-depth, four-year, ethnography of the intervention to understand the underlying mechanisms of change. The quantitative data show no impact from the intervention. Household and village survey data from 100 treatment and 100 control villages show considerable improvement across a wide variety of governance and participation indicators over time, but the differences in the changes between treatment and control villages are not statistically significant. The detailed qualitative data from a 10% subsample allow us to unpack the reasons why the intervention “failed” highlighting the role of variations in the quality of facilitation, lack of top-down support, and difficulties with confronting the stubborn challenge of persistent inequality. However, the qualitative investigation also uncovered subtle treatment effects that are difficult to observe in structured surveys. The paper thus demonstrates that a concerted effort to use “thick description” to uncover process of change using careful and detailed qualitative work can add value to standard impact evaluations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A journey of biocultural diversity begins with monocultural mindset and it moves slowly towards intercultural interaction. Biocultural diversity with thousands of human cultures and languages lead us to fertile interaction among the people from all races, classes, creeds and ethnicities. There are several worlds, visible and invisible, inside and outside us. Our entire life is a struggle for fitting into those worlds. A lively society always accepts change and her citizens try to adapt themselves in the changing environment. Diversity, equality and democracy are common goals of all nations who have emerged as transnational, cross cultural and multicultural entities in the twenty first century. The modern societies are trying to increase intercultural competence and then adapt multicultural competence. If we share and learn to respect our differences the world will be a better place to live in. Preserving our indigenous culture and adapting new global multicultural phenomenon is a huge challenge especially to the marginalized sections of all societies. These people struggle to come into the main stream and then to adapt the culture of the dominant. The Caribbean today are the former slaves and indentured labourers from almost all continents of the world who strive to stick up to their roots and to practice emerging multicultural way of living. The similar case is with the Indian Dalits, who are the low caste people in India. They are desperate to come into mainstream but do not want to lose their cultural heritage. The present paper deals with two authors with Indian origin but with different social ethos. It investigates the Caribbean mindset through V. S. Naipaul's The Mimic Men (1963) and the Dalit mindset of the Indians by Baby Kamble's The Prison We Broke (2008). The paper will be divided into four parts. The origin of the Caribbean and the Dalits in brief, the identity issues, their encounters with foreign cultures and finally development of multicultural competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine representations of nation and gender in newspaper coverage of the murder of a prominent Indian journalist, Gauri Lankesh, in September 2017. Using a transnational feminist and postcolonial lens, I analyze different portrayals of her murder by juxtaposing newspaper articles by major U.S and Indian English-language newspapers. My analysis reveals that both media articles circulate representations reminiscent of transnational discourses that rationalize political projects in the name of saving women or, in this case, saving journalists. My analysis shows, on the one hand, U.S. depictions present a linear progress narrative portraying India's democracy as failing and inefficient. In addition, these accounts employ rescue narratives of Indian democracy and journalists. On the other hand, my analysis also reveals that liberal Indian media depict Lankesh as a martyr killed in the struggle against Hindutva nationalism. I examine how a vernacular press journalist like Gauri Lankesh could become a martyr for English-speaking intellectual liberals and the English-language media. While both media present different narratives of the murder and its aftermath, they both downplay its gendered implications. Using the case of Lankesh, I raise questions about the effect of such coverage on women journalists today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper qualitatively analyzes tweets sent by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi and responses to the tweets in the month leading up to his May 2019 electoral win. Several dominant rhetorical themes emerged from the analysis of the data, including Modi as omnipresent and Modi as an advocate for democracy who encourages voters to vote. The dominant theme that emerged from his supporter's responses was Modi as a leader who supports Hindu nationalism or Hindutva. Both Modi and his supporters presented him as a strong leader who could stand up to Islamic terrorism and one who would invest in national security and India's army. The author concludes that India's democracy, under Modi's leadership, is akin to what Argentinian political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell has termed delegative democracy. Delegative democracy is marked by extreme individualism of the leader, majoritarian politics, and minimal emphasis on democratic institutional building. In both Modi's and his supporter's Twitter rhetoric, there was no commitment to inclusive representation within or strengthening of democratic institutions, and while allowing for effective contestation in the form of elections, there was no evidence of respecting India's traditional constitutional norms, such as secularism and respect for minority rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's political participation is regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, the gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by the decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Therefore, this study attempts to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions, through the use of qualitative methods, such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of the Kerala state. The paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women’s equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles that still exist for women to be active in the political realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the application of organisation development principles to rural local selfgovernment bodies in Karnataka, India with the objective of developing their organisational capacity and improving their efficiency. The premise is that strong gram panchayats (village councils) can address issues hindering service delivery and governance at the grass roots. The paper illustrates the methodology used in the development of an innovative framework called Gram Panchayat Organisation Development (GPOD) and its implementation in action research mode in two village councils since 2011. It further explores the wider applicability of this framework, which has been extended to over 50 gram panchayats (GPs) since 2014. GPOD works towards strengthening the panchayat as an organisation in its entirety, rather than by tackling stand-alone components. It includes building a shared vision in the panchayat, mapping and re-engineering key processes, developing accountability and incentive structures, and supporting the village body in developing and implementing its annual plans. The approach has evolved to its present form based on real-time change management initiatives in GPs in which politically elected members participated in decision-making and implementation. We argue that by following the principles of organisation development and aligning the panchayat's organisational components, marked improvements in local governance and service delivery were achieved. Impact is captured in terms of systemic outputs such as annual plans, accountability structures and activation of defunct committees, as well as improvements in services such as health, sanitation, drinking water, etc. The paper also includes a critique of the challenges faced as GPOD was scaled up to include new areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the original text of the Indian Constitution did not mention political parties, parties are one of the most crucial institutions for the functioning of Indian constitutional structures. This paper is one of the first attempts to examine them through a constitutional lens in India. I look into the founding debates to inquire how the framers understood the relationship between party dynamics and constitutional design. These debates demonstrate a profound relationship between political parties and constitutional structures, which help us move towards a realist account of Indian constitutional law and demonstrate various modes and functions of constitutionalization of political parties. Moving beyond founding, I will discuss the causes of the anti-defection amendment (the only provision in the Constitution that mentions the term "political party") and the way it fundamentally transformed the constitutional characterization of our democracy – from a candidate-based representative democracy to a party-based one. This constitutional transformation causes an inconsistency in the Indian law of democracy: while the anti-defection jurisprudence recognizes parties as the fundamental unit of representation, general election law continues with the old conception of candidates as the primary representative unit. This difference affects a wide array of issues ranging from party funding to intra-party democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civility is generally lost in translation in non-Western contexts, and tends to be limited to its liberal form in the social sciences. To address this impasse of West versus East, individual versus community, and political versus civil society, we seek to recover the idea of civility. In this special section, we understand civility as socio-cultural processes and politics that challenge the lack of publicness and commitment to public life, equality and justice in society. We suggest that civility provides insights into the social life of democracy and the lived challenges to social democracy. The essays in this special section critically explore and engage with the paradox of high democracy and low civility that plagues India, where democratic consolidation translates into limited justice and minimal equality, along with increased exclusion and performative violence against marginal groups. The papers in this special section offer fine-grained and detailed analyses of social interactions across India. In doing so, they make a strong case for shifting from analyses of formal democracy and civil society toward the question of civility. Such a move enables us to explore justice, equality and emancipation as social processes, struggles and experiences rather than as preconditions for democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper demonstrates the role of the Courts in lending currency to the politics of Hindutva in the 1990s. It focuses on some of the significant and connected cases of the Ayodhya dispute and the infamous Hindutva judgments to illustrate how the court legitimised, perhaps inadvertently, a jingoistic and intolerant ideology as an acceptable political strategy. The rise and electoral successes of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) post-emergency accompanied the party's reliance on the judicial instruments to make its Hindu nationalist ideology palatable to a larger audience and the 'secular' citizen. Contrary to the stance of Hindu nationalist organisations against codification of Hindu law and any state interference in matters of religion at the time of independence, in the 1990s the movement relied significantly on judicial instruments for its own legitimacy and for expanding the domain of religion by seeking the patronage of 'law'. The Court, in what came to be known as the Hindutva judgments, attempted to separate 'Hindutva' from 'Hinduism', thereby aiding the launch of a new dawn of Hindutva which could then become synonymous with democracy and development. Most significantly, it also opened the doors for electoral promises to be routed through the courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian democracy has been plagued by a long history of ‘rules’ and ‘acts’, defined broadly as assigning to the state the power to impose order, but without clear guidelines as to their use. Understanding agitations against these rules and acts is helpful in seeing a line of challenge to state authority from the position of democracy. This paper will describe the agitations by the All India Newspaper Editors’ Conference (AINEC) against Article 41 of the Defence of India Rules (1939), which focused on the government's ability to censor, ban and fine newspapers. AINEC's fight made visible the effect of capricious and unpredictable government actions on actors outside the elite. In addition, the shifts in censorship brought about by the Defence of India Rules highlighted how groups, ideas or writing could shift from being regarded as ‘responsible’ and credible to ‘irresponsible’ and dangerous on the basis of state decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political developments around the Anna Hazare-led anti-corruption movement that escalated in India through most of 2011. Although the overtone of the movement was primarily about corruption, my aim in this paper is to explore the debates regarding democracy that the movement unleashed. The accounts that this paper draws on focus on the tension and competition that arose during the anti-corruption movement amongst two civil society groups – ‘Team Anna’ and the National Campaign for the People’s Right to Information – regarding the meaning and practice of democracy. I argue that this conflict reflects a broader tension deeply rooted in democratic debates in India, traceable to the early nationalist debates during the anti-colonial Independence movement. These findings suggest that conflict and competition are crucial ingredients of democratic debate, contributing to the sustenance and enrichment of the idea of democracy. This argument is particularly timely, for it helps us to understand the rise to power of the Aam Aadmi Party. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper provides a comparative analysis between the media of India and South Africa, two emerging regional economic powerhouses and emerging democracies. The analysis is macro. The paper describes and analyzes media content and journalism practices in each country and how Indian and South African media have given limited attention to the deep divisions—centered around class, gender, race, and caste—which mark day-to-day life in each society. Consequently, we conclude, that delegative democracy, characterized by the exclusion of the voices of the poor and marginalized, is perpetuated by a globalized, liberalized, and privatized media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to an empirical and theoretical understanding of democracy and political participation in India through an ethnographic study of the meanings attached to voting in rural Tamil Nadu. Based on a study of voting in a rural constituency during the 2009 national elections, the paper explores the variety of motivations that compel people to vote. It explores how voting is informed by popular understandings of rights and duties as citizens, programmatic policies and their local implementation, commitment to caste and party loyalties, and authority of charismatic leaders. The paper explores the roots of the political consciousness and rights awareness that underpin high levels of electoral participation. It suggests that elections form unique moments that allow ordinary people to experience an individual sense of citizenship and of democracy itself while at the same time allowing them to pursue projects of recognition, respect and assertion as members of communities. It is precisely this dual feature that makes voting so enduringly attractive to India's contemporary electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identifying the links between democracy and foreign security policy has proven elusive. This paper engages this research agenda by developing a novel theory of “accountability environments” and exploring it in the case of India. We hypothesize that the varying electoral salience of foreign security policy and the clarity of responsibility for policy outcomes combine to create different accountability environments in which politicians operate. Accountability environments determine the incentives that politicians face for devoting effort to external security issues. We illustrate the argument with evidence from India over time and across issue areas (India, Pakistan, and defense procurement/development). Scholars need to incorporate the complexities and diversity of representation and rule into the study of democratic politics and international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]