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On one divide, energy types have been linked with the varying degree of environmental damage. Another perspective argued on the severity of the damaged base on per capita and/or population consumption pattern. As such, this study investigates the nexus of per capita natural gas consumption-carbon dioxide emissions and per capita income-carbon dioxide emissions in the case of the People of the Republic of China. This study objectively expanded to illustrate whether the N-shaped environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis holds in the case of China or not. The employed autoregressive distributed lag bound testing approach incorporated additional explanatory variables (urbanization) within the N-shaped EKC hypothesis over the period 1971-2018. Importantly, the results show an evidence of inverted N-shaped EKC relationship. In addition, the study posits a positive relationship between natural gas consumption and carbon dioxide emissions and between urbanization and carbon dioxide emissions. Thus, the study proposes renewable energy development and decongestion of the urban centers as a means of controlling global warming., (© 2021. The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer-Verlag GmbH Germany, part of Springer Nature.)

In the increasingly volatile global political order, national economic structures and international relations, integrated as they are, are showing concerning signs of strain. Taiwan, whose world-leading semiconductor industry is indispensable in Global Supply Chains and whose economic prosperity and security are critical to a stable global economic system, has received much research interest since the late 1980s. Against the background of a slowing Taiwanese economy, starting in the 2000s, this paper seeks to investigate the causes of Taiwan's challenges and the linkages to the global economy vis-à-vis China. Based on previous research from different social science disciplines, this paper shows that Taiwan's economic performance has been undermined by the declining effectiveness of its industrial policy and the general state intervention in the country, which is in turn caused by deep socio-political divisions on issues of national identity and Taiwan-China relations. The paper reveals the dilemma, which results from this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1980s, power sector liberalization has been embraced at different levels in the East Asian countries of China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. The dominant rationale underlying power liberalization has been a quest for efficiency improvements, to be achieved by substituting private market activity for public regulations and by opening a country's electricity system to the global economy and management techniques. However, as the power system is increasingly liberalized, the possibility of establishing a local energy system, which has the great potential to restore sustainable environment-society relations, has been diminished. As an alternative to the power liberalization strategy, this paper proposes a restoration of local energy regimes based on the model of an energy commons and a decentralization paradigm. The innovative energy-policy model of the Sustainable Energy Utility, as applied in the case of Seoul, Korea, is explored as a possible option for a local energy strategy for East Asian countries. (Contains 4 figures and 6 notes.)

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This survey reviews the growing role and presence of China in the Island Pacific. As the late Professor Ron Crocombe remarked, in the Pacific a major transition is under way from a range of European to Asian influences. Many Western observers have viewed this rise of Asian, and specifically Chinese, influence with alarm, but Crocombe saw it as offering Pacific Islanders new opportunities. This paper first analyses the diversity that can be masked by terms such as ‘China’ and ‘the Pacific’. Then it surveys recent literature on China in the Pacific and scholarship concerned with longer Chinese histories in the region that most recent commentators ignore and which question a number of their assertions. Finally, it suggests possible future directions for historical research on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Cross-Strait economic activities are no longer unidirectional. The Taiwanese government opened the doors to Chinese investment in 2009. This paper addresses the following crucial question: What is the impact of Chinese investment on Taiwan's high-technology industrial development? Two further questions immediately follow: Will Chinese investment put Taiwanese industrial development at risk? Will an influx of Chinese investment lead to a turning point for Taiwanese industry? The paper first reviews Chinese investment in Taiwan under the framework of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) and then explains why we have chosen to focus here on the high-technology industry in Taiwan. It then outlines the main elements of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) before seeking to answer the above research questions. Fieldwork for this paper was conducted from December 2014 to March 2016. Interviewees include Chinese investors, along with consultants from a Taiwanese institute created to promote industrial development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of Taiwan, this paper seeks to address recent debates surrounding the transformation of developmental states in East Asia. Whilst a number of authors have cited the Taiwanese state as being both cautious and resilient in the midst of global restructuring, this paper seeks to critically engage with such arguments by highlighting the dynamic and mutually constitutive relations between the forms of social relations that underpin late development and the wider geopolitical system in which such development occurs. Specifically, Taiwanese industrialisation can be viewed as an outcome of the US intervention in the Chinese civil war and subsequent exclusion of China from the regional political economy in the period between the Korean and Vietnam Wars. The Kuomintang (KMT)'s retreat to Taiwan established the basis for the autonomous developmental state, and the US underpinned this state through military protection, aid and access to its own domestic market. However, the relative decline of US hegemony and the readmission of China into the international system have posed significant challenges to Taiwan's developmental state. The US sought to redress its trade imbalance with East Asia by placing pressure on Taiwan to liberalise its political economy. Furthermore, the very process of development itself served to undermine the autonomy of the state as it came under pressure from new social forces. Taiwan has more recently been faced with a dilemma of closer integration with the mainland or the maintenance of its de facto economic and political independence at the risk of becoming isolated from the global trading system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is widely known that China's influence on Southeast Asia has been growing rapidly since the Asian financial crisis of 1997. However, determining the true dimensions of China's influence in this region is still controversial. It seems quite conspicuous that the growing economic relations between China and the region give China more bargaining power, due to the expanding role of the bilateral trade and China's foreign aid in promoting the regional economic growth. However, this does not give us a clear picture of how China has been able to exercise its influence on the behavior of the states in the region for its own interests. Therefore, this paper tries to assess China's influence on Southeast Asia by analyzing the specific case of Taiwan. Recently, China's rising influence has significantly affected Southeast Asia's relations with Taiwan. Southeast Asian states are paying more attention to the cross-Strait relations when considering attempting to improve relations with Taiwan. This research defines "influence" as the capability of state A to affect the behavior of state B, either directly or indirectly, to comply with state A's policy interests. If the diplomatic behavior of state B changes accordingly due to the action, then it can be said that state A has illustrated its influence over state B. By studying the Taiwan issue, this paper reveals that China has been quite successful in exercising its influence on Southeast Asian states to comply with China's policy toward Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the foreign influences on Taiwan's economic transformation over the past 40 years. While exports have always been important in sustaining Taiwan's economic growth, the driving force behind exports has changed from inward investment to outward investment. The analysis carried out is from an international political economy perspective and takes a historical overview. It argues that the US, Japan and China pursued economic policies based on their own economic interests. These foreign governments' economic policies together with their entrepreneurs' business interests are the more important variables for shaping Taiwan's economic structure. During the 1960s, without the US's financial guarantees for American MNCs and security guarantees for the island, the KMT's foreign investment promotion policy would not have been as successful as it was when Taiwan faced a military threat from China. The US and Japanese economic policies changed, and since the 1970s competition between their businesses in the world market has integrated Taiwan into a regional production network. Subsequent to the Sino-US rapprochement, the US gradually opened up its market towards China. With America's rising trade barriers against Taiwanese-made products, Taiwanese entrepreneurs found profits by investing in China. Even though the Taiwanese Government tried hard to pull back the mounting outward investment in China, it was unable to achieve it. In contrast to the traditional point of view, this paper offers insights into the economic interaction between first the US and Japan and later between the US and China that resulted in Taiwan's economic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to determine the relative position (distances) of East Asian countries (including South East Asia) within their own geographical area and in relation to the rest of the world. For this purpose, Balassa's (1965) 'revealed comparative advantage' (RCA) in exports will be used to assess trade performance and economic growth. We use multidimensional scaling to ascertain our contentions. First, East Asian countries are forming a 'flying geese' formation whose leader is Japan followed by Korea and Taiwan and further behind China and the ASEAN countries. Second, this flying geese flock in terms of RCA ranks is paralleled with a similar flying geese formation in terms of economic development. Furthermore the mapping of 100 countries (and a close-up of 45 countries) tell us as to how all relevant countries are positioned in terms of 14 industrial sectors (here we also used factor analysis to classify these sectors). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a cointegration analysis and a vector autoregressive model (VAR) to examine the causal relationship between defence spending and economic growth for Taiwan and Mainland China over the period 1952-1995. It is found that these two variables are not cointegrated for both countries studied. The results of the Granger causality tests suggest bidirectional Granger causality (feedback) between defence spending and economic growth for Taiwan, unidirectional Granger causality running from economic growth to defence spending for Mainland China, and unidirectional Granger causality running from Taiwan's defence spending to Mainland China's defence spending for cross-country studied. These results further indicate that there exists no arms race between two countries from both sides of Taiwan strait. Furthermore, impulse responses and variance decompositions are incorporated into the analysis. The results from the impulse responses and variance decompositions tell a similar story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper developed a Chinese model of crisis communication by using a contextual perspective capable of identifying influences at the crisis-event level (crisis type, crisis stakeholder, crisis stage, and crisis system) and the societal level (polities, economic systems, and media systems) in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. An analysis of 93 academic works published in 15 journals demonstrated the effects of economic development, politics, and the media on crisis communication practices in Chinese societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing U.S.-China trade war and ensuing high-tech conflicts are regarded as Taiwan's most crucial opportunity to slow down its progressively increasing economic dependence on China. The impact of the U.S.–China trade tensions on Taiwan are important to analyze because of Taiwan's relatively unique political and economic relationships with the United States and China, especially since the latter views Taiwan as its "breakaway province." The regression results indicate that Taiwan's outward investment to China is significantly affected by Taiwan's lagged investment and exports to China, and the gap in the economic growth rates between Taiwan and China. Policy implications are provided for Taiwan to alleviate its economic dependency on the Chinese market and the negative impact from the U.S.-China trade war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the modalities of China's combinatory unrestricted warfare. After an investigation of the founding principles of Chinese military thought, the second part of the article is dedicated to the importance of technology in modern warfare and more specifically what Chinese military thinkers called "informatization," which enables a combinatory unrestricted warfare strategy. Through a geopolitical analysis, the last part of this article specifies the modalities of Chinese combinatory unrestricted warfare applied to China's security concerns: ensuring Chinese economic development and the preservation of China's territoriality, including Taiwan and its territories in the SCS (South China Sea) and ECS (East China Sea). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to compare the capital system and governance of Mainland Chain with that of Taiwan. Design/methodology/approach -- This a comparative study drawing upon the main principles of the legal systems of China and Taiwan. Findings -- Due to historical, institutional social factors, the capital system of the Mainland China differs greatly from that of Taiwan. There is room for both sides across the Taiwan Straits to learn from each other by taking into consideration the respective features and deficiencies of their regulations. Originality/value -- The comparison and contrast study of the two capital systems helps them to improve respectively and boost economic development as well as legal construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the impact of ongoing cross-strait economic integration on the development of China and Taiwan. The overall impact has been positive for both economies. Taiwan's industrial employment remains robust even as it transforms into a knowledge-based economy. Taiwanese investment has spurred China's technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The PRC and Taiwan are competing to gain diplomatic recognition from Pacific Islands states, a number of which recognise Taiwan and serve as a barrier to its international isolation. Since much of Oceania is in Australia's sphere of influence, this struggle has often involved Canberra. This paper focuses on the intensifying conflict--with conclusions about the local political economic situations of the countries in Oceania that are most likely to switch recognition, the dilemmas that the issue poses for Australia and its alliance with the US, and the game theory of these auctions of diplomatic recognition. The rental of recognition is analysed as a "sovereignty business" in which some Pacific Islands states engage—similar to the offshore financial centres which are prevalent in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the government and society of the Republic of China's (ROC or Taiwan) have changed markedly in the new millennium, the fundamentals of US policy toward the island remain intact. This study outlines recent developments in Taiwan and shows how they represent challenges to the US. It also discusses American policy toward Taiwan and examines several proposals for change that an American administration may wish to consider. In conclusion, the paper explains why the current policy, albeit contradictory and ambiguous, is in the best interest of the United States. There is a strong possibility that any major change in policy would succeed only in undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the puzzle of economic development, there is moderate agreement around one issue: that entrepreneurial, export-led development is likely to produce higher economic growth rates than inward-looking development. This paper begins by taking an overall look at the size and competitiveness of the economies of India, China, and Taiwan, with particular reference to the software and the information technology (IT) sectors. It then focuses on the role of software export entrepreneurship in India and Taiwan as exemplars for other sectors and for formulation of government policy. In Taiwan, successful exporters constitute a model deemed worthy for other companies to emulate. In India, whether the booming software sector will prove to be a sufficient exemplar and catalyst for change throughout the economy and government remains an open question. The paper concludes by taking a look at another related export sector—IT-enabled service exports. Throughout the various sections of the paper, government policy implications remain an important backdrop. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

B Miao Zhang, Xiamen University: b The manuscript discusses Taiwan's political and economic position in U.S.-China trade war, and examines possible impacts received by Taiwan in the midst of the ongoing U.S.-China trade tension. After the introduction, Section 2 briefly elucidates the effect of the U.S.-China trade war on Taiwan from the aspect of trade, human capital, and FDI. By taking account of foreign trade and investment, the author has brought a relative comprehensive account of the implications of the U.S.-China trade war for Taiwan. [Extracted from the article]

The paper considers Lieyu island from a relational geography perspective, relative to the islands of Kinmen, Xiamen, and Taiwan. Lieyu retains its natural landscape and military heritage in part due to its remote location and military restrictions relative to nearby Kinmen Island. Local politicians harness Lieyu's archipelagic relationality and sense of underdevelopment relative to other islands in its archipelago to gain financial subsidies for infrastructure development. Such infrastructure projects (including fixed links) endanger Lieyu's sense of islandness and island place. We introduce the term 'compensatory destruction', which involves destroying existing place-based values or attributes in the process of implementing new values in the name of development. Although compensatory destruction is not necessarily bad, care must be taken to ensure that development projects serve the needs of the community as a whole and are adequately assessed and evaluated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on the preliminary findings from a three-year research project exploring the growth of information technology (IT) clusters in Hsinchu, Taiwan and Zhongguancun, China. Drawing on the history of the origins of IT clusters in these two cities, we examine the formation of clusters to understand the mechanisms and factors, such as technological change and institutional reform, which influenced the formation of these clusters. We discuss the issues concerning the process of managing innovation, the conditions that trigger and/or maintain innovation, and the source of technology for innovation. We conclude that successful innovation in origins of IT clusters is a result of the interplay between the state, the market, and the NGOs. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Over the past two decades, demand for air transport between Taiwan and China has grown rapidly, partly in response to the economic development of the two countries, but also as a result of political factors. Low cost carriers (LCC) that have operated for several decades in the United States and Europe will provide a good operational benchmark for direct cross-strait flights once these services become possible. This research involves the construction of a sequential destination selection model for direct cross-strait flights by LCC based on a multi-attribute value function. The selection framework comprises three elements: destination competitiveness, airport infrastructure and potential demand. Previous research focused only on a few alternative airports, but the 41 airports available for foreign flights in Mainland China have all been included in the empirical analysis undertaken in this paper. The results therefore fit better with the operational features of LCC who are normally seeking suitable secondary airports rather than traffic hubs. The analysis reveals that six airports would be suitable for LCC, namely, Shanghai Pudong, Shenzhen, Xiamen, Hangzhou, Wuhan and Nanjing. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Taiwan policy of China's third leadership generation focuses primarily on the hope that the Taiwan issue will not delay or undermine the progress of China's economic development. China's Taiwan policy is founded on two basic pillars: "utilizing the U.S. to suppress Taiwan" and "appealing to the Taiwanese public." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biotechnology, the surging wave of economic development in the world, prompted Newly Industrialised Economies (NIEs) in Asia to emulate developed countries in biotechnology development. The stakes are however high and the uncertainty about return on investment has provoked a careful assessment of national scientific and technological strengths. With a focus on Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan, this paper reviews the current market conditions and key factors that may advantage the development of biotechnology industry in the NIEs. It is argued that co-evolution of scientific and technology capabilities are essential, and the NIEs will have to leverage their comparative advantages in technological capabilities and should focus on core competencies in the already locally established biotechnology areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether China will become democratic is an interesting question with significant practical implications. This paper draws on the experiences of other Confucian societies (mainly Taiwan and South Korea) to show that it will be very difficult for China to become democratic anytime soon. Basically, in a Confucian society, people live in collectivities with stringent hierarchical structures. Such a feature is not conducive to democratization. In the cases of Taiwan an South Korea, cultural change, the emergence of a pluralistic social order following economic development, and foreign influence may have all contributed to their transition to democracy; however, more important is the quasi-pluralistic social order -- namely, ethnic and national identity cleavages in Taiwan and regionalism in South Korea in clearing the hurdle placed by the Confucian culture, Unfortunately, in China, no ready-made quasi-pluralistic social order exists, and other factors conductive to democratization may not be forthcoming soon, rendering the prospect of democratic transition in the foreseeable future quite bleak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan has had to conduct a foreign economic policy (FEP) within a constricted international space given the island's "contested statehood" predicament. While the dynamic nature of Taiwan's newly industrialized economic development and the government's "resourceful" economic diplomacy strategies have provided Taipei with increasing room for FEP maneuvers, the "mainland China" factor continues to loom large. This paper contends that the People's Republic of China (PRC) exerts orientating gravitational forces upon Taiwan's FEP that are growing in strength. These forces comprise two main aspects. The first concerns the gravitational pull of the PRC economy upon Taiwan's economy that centers on the burgeoning growth of cross-Strait commerce and the ever more palpable transnational economic space this interaction is creating. Here, Taipei must primarily weigh the risks and benefits of further economic integration with mainland China. The second aspect relates to the domain of economic diplomacy, where Taiwan must navigate in a wider international economic system in which the PRC is exerting increasingly powerful economic and political gravitational forces. Discussion on this broad issue is examined in the context of Taiwan's pursuit of economic security in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's success in achieving economic growth has created speculation that China will become a great power in the twenty-first century. The rise of China is particularly alarming given the resurgence of Chinese nationalism that is occurring, in the People's Republic of China (PRC) today. How should we interpret the rise of China? What are the implications of nationalist appeals on Beijing's policy of national reunification with Taiwan? Moreover, has the rise of nationalism made Beijing's international behavior more aggressive? These are important questions. Using a case study of the recent changes in Beijing's Taiwan policy, this paper argues that the rise of nationalism does not necessarily make China a threat to the international community because nationalism has not driven China into taking irrational action against Taiwan. Despite nationalist rhetoric, Beijing's policy of national reunification has not been particularly inflexible Although Beijing has intermittently used the strategy of military coercion and peaceful offense, nationalism has not prevented Beijing's pragmatic leadership from adopting peaceful offense as the most desirable approach for national reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, there have been many studies of cross-Strait trade and investment relations based on the theories of comparative advantage. However, none have provided a satisfactory explanation of the cross-Strait trade-investment complementarity. In (his paper, the author attempts to use a footloose specific factors model to analyze the moving forces which shape the patterns of cross-Strait trade and in vestment. The model shows that Taiwan's investment in the Chinese mainland has been determined by the comparative advantages of the two sides, as well as the absolute advantages that Taiwan enjoys relative to the mainland and other institutional factors. The model also helps clarify come commonly-confusing issues linked to cross-Strait trade and direct investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the rapid development of trade between Taiwan and mainland China has made it essential that a reliable method be worked out for calculating trade values. This paper consists of a theoretical analysis of the different statistical methods so far devised and the contrasting and somewhat confusing data they have produced. An attempt has been made to integrate these methods to produce a more accurate estimate of the level of Taiwan-mainland trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the development of cross-Strait trade relations since 1978. Before the mid-1980s, relations were mainly initiated by Beijing; afterwards, changes in both domestic and international economic conditions forced Taipei to take a more active role in the two-way trade. Nevertheless, both the Taipei government and scholars have urged local enterprises to cooperate with those of other countries for investment in mainland China to avoid political risks during the current uncertainties in cross-Strait relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes the linkage relationships between the economic cycle and the domestic tourism cycle in Mainland China and Taiwan. The Markov-switching vector autoregressive (MS-VAR) model is used to test the relationship between periodic variables. The results show that the domestic tourism cycle and the economic cycle of Mainland China have a reverse fluctuating trend and that in Taiwan, the domestic tourism cycle is synchronized with the economic cycle. Results support that the linkage relationships between the economic cycle and the domestic tourism cycle are different in two economies which has fundamental difference in the development stage and economic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the rationale and likely impacts of Chinese military modernization, which seems focused to work as China's instrument of power politics in the Asia- Pacific. Given that China is growing exponentially in the economic field and it has many flashpoints to deal with, its military modernization is understandably a historical inevitability. It primarily has the United States, Japan, and Taiwan to confront over the flashpoints, such as Taiwan, and the South China Sea. Concurrently, the United States' alliance/alignment-building is going ahead unabated along with its military revamping. The article concludes by projecting the likely ramifications as response to such military re-vamping and re-positioning from both sides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decade of the 21st century, new situations have emerged with great significance for the study of national development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, namely, the generally accepted phenomenon of democratic consolidation in the 'Taiwan experience' and the rise of the 'China model' which attracts worldwide attention. This article aims to analyze the development experiences of Taiwan and of Mainland China, to identify their common ground and differences, and to fathom the theoretical implications of these experiences. Moreover, since Taiwan is comparatively more advanced in terms of economic and political development, the author attempts to explore the value of the 'Taiwan experience' to China and the possible direction of the 'China model'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]