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This paper presents a case study of the Stipendium Hungaricum (SH) scholarship program and contributes to the existing body of knowledge on the characteristics, goals, and outcomes of governmentsponsored scholarship programs, which typically feature big players like the US, the UK, Germany, France, and China. The central research question is: "What are the stated goals and expected benefits of the SH from the perspectives of key stakeholder groups?" The study focused on three key stakeholder groups, namely: 1) The Hungarian government and the Vietnamese government; 2) Hungarian higher education institutions (HEIs) hosting Vietnamese scholarship recipients; and 3) Vietnamese SH scholarship recipients. Findings from this study suggest that the SH program is driven by three motives: diplomacy, human capital investment, and internationalization. Although internationalization appears to be the dominant goal, elements of diplomacy and human capital investment are indispensable, especially within the context of bilateral cooperation between Hungary and Vietnam. This purposeful combination has both positive and negative impacts. There is evident frustration among the Hungarian HEIs about the inclusion of Hungarian-language degree programs, which seems inconsistent with their internationalization strategy. Furthermore, there is a question about transparency in recruitment of SH scholarship recipients. The SH is an interesting case study to examine the dynamics of internationalization in Hungarian higher education and the multiple roles of government scholarships sponsored by small/ middle-sized countries.

Architectural periodicals were the major means of transferring textual and visual information about the current production, discourses, and problems of architecture during the interwar era. Illustrated magazines were widely available, and the immaterial sites of architectural publications became equally important as the construction site itself. In interwar Hungary, the architectural journal Tér és Forma (Space and Form) was the major organ of modern architecture under the editorship of the architect Virgil Bierbauer between 1928 and 1942. The periodical included the latest examples of modern architecture in Hungary and the current international scene covering most of Europe with an outlook on the USA, South America, and Japan. Bierbauer relied on his extensive international network of professional connections for transferring information and creating content for his journal. My paper focuses on the digital processing and analysis of Tér és Forma using the Croatian Artists Networks Information System (CAN_IS) as a digital network analysis tool. It allows the representation of the international relations of the journal based on its content, and the changes in editorial directions and its social network. My paper considers the methodology of organising the information extracted from the system and how this knowledge can be visualised. My paper also addresses the problems of legibility and distortion in data visualisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even a short breakdown in fuel supplies can have profound and dramatic consequences for modern economies. This paper explores a major coal shortage in Central Europe after WWI which shook local societies for two years. The dissolution of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 provides a narrower context to this study, while its immediate focus lies upon the development of diplomatic and economic relationships between Czechoslovakia – a WWI victor and an important coal exporter, and Hungary – a war losing state that was a net coal importer. This paper underlines the scale of the Hungarian reliance on fuels from Czechoslovakia, and suggests that this dependency was one of the chief arguments that motivated Budapest to cede Slovakia to Prague's control and, more generally, to accept the peace terms proposed at the Paris conference. It is safe to conclude that economic considerations played a much greater, if not dominant, role in the adoption of the peace treaty of Trianon of 1920 in Hungary. Overall, the paper demonstrates that cross-border energy interdependence substantially influenced diplomatic relations in Central Europe immediately after WWI, privileging coal-exporting states over coal-importing states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the growing war exhaustion, in 1917 Hungarian political and economic elite groups were growing increasingly confident in the possibility of victory in the East. Anticipating a triumphant peace, the leading figures of Hungary's economic and academic life relying on a dense social web of diverse associations revisited and refined earlier plans aimed at increasing Hungarian influence in the Balkans. This paper surveys the thinking and networking processes related to these plans which represent one of the last chapters of Hungarian foreign policy thought conceived in characteristically imperial terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade analysis for open economies is strategically important. Even though Hungarian trade relations are oriented towards the EU, the direct and indirect influence of Asia, mainly China, needs special attention. The paper focuses on direct bilateral relations between Hungary and China. The global value chain perspective enables the research to detect inter- and intra-industry dependencies and unfold and compare the industry focuses and dynamics of backward and forward linkages between 2000 and 2018. We used a mixed methodology, combining input-output analysis with company case studies based on a wide range of literature both from Chinese and East-Central European researchers. The findings support the significance of global value chain relations, highlight the restructuring of Hungarian trade relations with China over the past twenty years, and indicate the strong concentration of relations in terms of the number of companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of relations between the Arab world and Hungary dates back a very long time, and the role of influential personalities like István Zimonyi is of paramount importance in it. Speaking of two distant cultures, among which there is no common ground for effective communication, these people can make the missing bridges and construct links. Prof. Dr. István Zimonyi is the head of the Department of Medieval Studies at the University of Szeged, a well-known researcher of Hungarian early history and the medieval Turkic speaking nomads living in Eastern Europe, as well as the former director of the Hungarian Cultural Institute in Cairo between 2007 and 2011. Nevertheless, Zimonyi is also an Orientalist who has a deep knowledge of the Arab world, language, and culture. In his works as a researcher the collection and translation of Arabic sources with commentary has an important role. The aim of this paper is to provide a comprehensive overview of the diplomatic and cultural relations between the Arab world and Hungary with a special focus on Egypt, as well as to demonstrate the role of István Zimonyi's work in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Outlines the possible contributions of a socialist country, using Hungary as an example, to give a fresh perspective on international relations. Examines relations between the state (central government) and the local community. Concludes that the paradigm of international relations can be realized only on more democratic and decentralized political patterns as illustrated by Hungarian experiences. (BSR)

This paper analyses Hungarian foreign policy under the second and third governments of Viktor Orbán (2010‒2018) with the help of role theory. Hungary presents an interesting case because during this period, being permanently torn between 'pro-European' and 'sovereigntist' roles, it was in a role conflict-situation. First, the article identifies the most important role concepts of three decision-makers, Prime Minister Orbán and foreign ministers Martonyi (2010‒2014) and Szijjártó (2014‒2018), based on a sample of 103 speeches. In a next step, we describe the content of 13 most important role concepts. Building on the results, we then aim to answer three research questions. Firstly, what is the nature of the roles and what are the 'others' against which Hungary is positioning itself? Secondly, what conditions made the emergence of role conflict possible and why is Hungary willing to remain in a situation of sustained role conflict? And thirdly, how much continuity can be seen over the two legislative periods? The paper finds an abundance of 'autonomous' (as opposed to 'interdependent') roles, two new others ('the West' and 'Hungary 1990‒2010') and a surprising volatility in role concepts. In addition, a novel understanding of role conflict as beneficial (instead of constraining) is proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ruling right-wing populist parties in Europe have significantly changed foreign policies and advanced criticism against core values of liberal democracy, including dismissive stances vis-à-vis the European Union. This paper argues that the reorientation of foreign policies in Hungary and Poland is consistent with ideas developed by incumbent populist right-wing parties and intellectuals of statecraft in the wider conservative movement supporting them. The contribution studies the foreign policy conceptions of right-wing forces and builds on critical geopolitics to trace these back to ideas shaped in broader right-wing networks that have played leading roles in developing a right-wing ideological alternative to liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century saw the modern development of nation states and the early development of human sciences. These progresses linked up with the ideologies of nation-building. Some European states having long history and imperial traditions applied the study of their own history to support their national political purposes. The new political ideology was historicism used for imperial purposes, imperial historicism. With the help of imperial historicism, 19th century thinkers and statesmen identifying themselves and their community with the historical forms of their community attempted to build or uphold their empire. Hungary, or at least some Hungarian thinkers and statesmen, was one of those states which used imperial historicism to define their foreign policy and internal political purposes. Examining political thinking of the 19th-century Hungary one can find several forms of imperial historicism and historical self-identification. This paper presents imperial historicism and its Hungarian forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thesis examines the process by which the Republic of Korea (hereafter, ROK or South Korea) and Hungary established diplomatic relations. Given the complexity of the process, the subject was be divided into two papers, the first of which concerns the period 1948 to 1982 and the second that of 1982–1988, the last year being that in which the diplomatic relationship was officially declared. Moreover, it employs the two countries' confidential diplomatic documents as primary sources. This article focused on the first part of the above period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Euro regionalization concept, namely Euroregion is no more an innovative topic, but a common one. This is the case of Bihor - Hajdú-Bihar Euroregion, we are dealing with in this paper. The objectives for establishing this cross-border structure are multiple, but the present paper will deal only with recreational tourism implemented by the two neighbouring counties on the western border of Romania and eastern border of Hungary, Bihor County and Hajdú-Bihar County, forming a united structure since 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political nature of spatial restructuring has featured prominently in recent discussions of globalization. This paper argues that we cannot understand these political processes by focusing on the interaction of institutional actors alone; we also need to consider how various spatial narratives are mobilized and interact to naturalize “given” scales and spaces. To illustrate these points, this paper first assesses the construction of a multi-level, united European Union (EU) space. It then more closely examines the narratives induced by Hungary's accession to complement institutional analyses in explaining why it was Hungarian national space—rather than the newly created regional spaces—that joined the EU in 2004. As will be shown, understandings of globalization, as part of these narratives, are indispensable to understand the re-scaling of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main contribution of the paper to the field of legislative studies consists in redefining the concept of legislative institutionalisation so that it can account for the impact of EU institutions and policies on the parliaments of post-communist EU member states and candidate countries. The paper analyses legislative institutionalisation in the Hungarian and Romanian parliaments by focusing on six dimensions: EU policies and institutions, constitutional frameworks and the consolidation of party systems (all part of the external environment shaping legislative institutionalisation); the existence of a core group of experienced MPs, party cohesion and discipline and committee structures (grouped together as the internal characteristics of legislatures). The paper concludes that, despite differences on three of these dimensions, both countries' parliaments have reached a relatively high degree of institutionalisation since the first free and fair elections of 1990. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hungarian foreign policy and strategic policy have gone through radical changes in the past twenty-five years. It has deepened since the beginning of the 21st century with the shifts in international politics being on the agenda. There is a new political viewpoint emerging which involves a new philosophy on international security, describing it as being an attribute of the strategic thinking for solving the international crises by bringing forward the re-evaluation of national security. The scope of this paper is to present the changes that occurred on the strategic level, concerning national security, embedded in the strategic culture, which emerge from the transforming foreign and security politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a historical commonplace that after World War I the only country on whose help Hungary could reckon in order to buttress her efforts to modify the Versailles borders was Germany. This, in turn, paved the way for Hungary as an ally and later vassal of Germany to the tragic events of World War II. While the attitude of Berlin to the chief priority of Hungarian politics, the issue of territorial revision, is best explored with regard to the post-1933 period, the preceding Weimar years also offer important lessons. These one and the half decades, however, by no means constitute a uniform period in terms of the cooperation of the two countries. Three subperiods can clearly be distinguished: the first years characterised by mutual mistrust and reservation (1918-1923); the position taken by the Stresemann administration, based on the rejection of Hungarian claims (1923-1929); and, finally, the tactical change of perspective in the later Weimar era (1930-1933). The paper examines these subperiods in turn, briefy surveying the prehistory of German-Hungarian relations before 1918 and Germany's own trauma (Versailles Peace Treaty, internal and external crisis, consolidation) as well in order to facilitate the interpretation of the historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emergence of new states is a rather complicated concept of an international system that entails political as well as legal implications. As Danilo Turk clearly points out: "Legal issues arising from dissolution of states, emergence of new states and recognition of the latter require a thorough understanding of the relevant facts. While it is obvious that any legal discourse must proceed from firm factual foundations, it is necessary to emphasize the importance of the circumstantial dimensions of the issues, given that the views on the pertinent facts usually diverge, at least during the policy making stage". [1] Indeed, the recognition of emerging states needs a profound assessment and comprehension of facts, historic and political circumstances, especially the factual reality; the latter sometimes supersedes eventual legal disputes. However, the factual reality, if legitimate, as in the case of Kosovo is something that should not be ignored but rather supported, especially in the state building process. Hence, the paper will give a depiction of the case of the independence of Kosovo as a sui generis case, and will continue with an outline of the Hungarian support, namely the evolvement of Kosovo-Hungary bilateral relations after the declaration of independence. The paper will tend to highlight the fact that the support of Kosovo as an emerging state, serves peace and long-term stability, regional development and other integration processes. It contributes to regional security, as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution purports to illustrate why a more systemic approach is needed when it comes to considering the Eurozone accession in case of Hungary. The paper first dwells on the issue of macroeconomic instability in case of Hungary from a regional perspective by devoting attention to its ‘lagging behind’ phenomena which call our attention to the necessity of a more holistic approach in supporting the Hungarian Eurozone accession. Then it emphasises that the challenges we are facing today imply that the role of governance and the quality of state are heavily appreciating; and we argue that Eurozone accession needs good governance which incorporates the issue of public-sector innovation in a more dedicated way in tackling old and new challenges in supporting sustained growth and development as prerequisites of Eurozone accession as well. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper seeks to introduce the history, motivations, background and present situation of the marginal but growing African population in Hungary. It will show an East-Central European country with no record of being a colonial power in the African continent, but with significant ties to the continent through explorers and travelers, which aims to finally formulate a government policy on Africa and African development co-operation. In this effort, it considers Africans who either had obtained a university degree before 1989 at a Hungarian university, or came to the country during the democratic rule as true bridges: they can foster newly defined relations. The place, role and potentials of these African migrants in the unique Hungarian migration environment, together with attitudes towards their different groups on behalf of younger generations (high school and university students) of society will also be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the domestic and international context of Hungary's emerging international development policy. Specifically, it looks at three factors that may influence how this policy operates: membership in the European Union (EU) and potential ‘Europeanization’, Hungary's wider foreign policy strategy, and the influence of domestic stakeholders. In order to uncover how these factors affect the country's international development policy, semi-structured interviews were carried out with the main stakeholders. The main conclusions are: (1) While accession to the EU did play a crucial role in restarting Hungary's international development policy, the integration has had little effect since then; (2) international development policy seems to serve mainly Hungary's regional strategic foreign policy and economic interests, and not its global development goals; and (3) although all the domestic development stakeholders are rather weak, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) still seems to play a dominating role. Convergence with European requirements and best practices is, therefore, clearly hindered by foreign policy interests and also by the weakness of non- governmental stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to define the meaning of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the context of the European framework and examine three different European countries. The main elements which encompass the meaning of CSR focus on activities with social and environmental sensitiveness, on a voluntary basis. The paper analyses the dimensions of CSR and presents its benefits. Furthermore, the paper provides a brief description of the recent CSR activities in the European Union, and attempts a comparative analysis of CSR activities and their respective impacts on three European countries: Greece; Denmark; and Hungary. Finally, the paper concludes that the effective implementation of CSR strategy cannot follow strict rules and should be adjusted to the culture, needs and particularities of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 1 November 1956 the Hungarian government denounced the Warsaw Pact and unilaterally declared the country's neutrality. At the same time Imre Nagy, the Communist Prime Minister, turned to the United Nations and requested that the four Great Powers help defend Hungary's neutrality. This was an unprecedented act in the whole history of the Soviet bloc, and therefore many students of the Hungarian revolution came to the conclusion that the denouncement of the Warsaw Pact and the declaration of neutrality were inconsiderate and hasty steps that challenged the second Soviet intervention on 4 November. This paper argues that in reality this step was not the cause but the consequence of the forthcoming Soviet showdown; therefore it can be considered a desperate last-ditch effort at saving the revolution, although with no chance to be successful. The paper will also analyze the main challenges facing the Hungarian and Soviet leaderships during the revolt as well as the process of handling the Hungarian crisis and the issue of neutrality by the Western Great Powers during their behind the scenes talks at the United Nations, using Soviet, Hungarian, American, British and French archival sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local administration is a major actor, both stakeholder and beneficiary, in the cross-border cooperation actions. However, there are very few references in the literature investigating the opinion of public managers and employees involved in implementing crossborder cooperation programs regarding the effectiveness of CBC projects. In this paper we address this issue, by reviewing the relevant literature and mostly by presenting the results of own survey-based researches conducted on field. This article captures the opinion of managers and staff regarding the transformations generated by involvement in cross-border actions in Bihor - Hajdú- Bihar Euroregion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Geographischen Gesellschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Geographische Gesellschaft (Austrian Geographical Society) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to emphasize the linkage between establishing cross-border relations and tourism development by focusing on ten tourism projects implemented under Hungary-Romania Cross-Border Co-operation Programme (2007-2013). The study area comprises the two neighbouring counties of Satu Mare and Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg, the border connecting two areas characterised by social and economic similarities. Building on a solid foundation, as the first Hungarian-Romanian cross-border initiatives were launched nearly two decades ago, the two counties work together towards the shared aim of developing business infrastructure, cross-border trade, culture and tourism. The present study examines the relevance of cross-border projects viewed from the perspective of sustainable tourism development in two peripheral counties featuring similar resources. Moreover, the investigation is based on consultation of project documents, reports and promotional materials, against the theoretical framework of cross-border cooperation and regional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a well-known fact that Theodore Roosevelt was and still is one of the most popular presidents of the United States. It is also somewhat known that he had a relatively brief, and relatively good relationship with Count Albert Apponyi, one of the most influential politicians of Hungary in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Perhaps a somewhat lesser known fact is that Roosevelt visited Hungary in 1910. As part of a European tour in the spring of that year, Theodore Roosevelt spent three days in Hungary. The courtesy visit was made into a huge and significant- looking event in Hungary behind which there were certain wishes, bitterness, and propaganda aims on the part of the Hungarian political leadership. Hungary hoped by the virtue of the ex-President's visit to prove the country's equal standing with Austria within the Dual Monarchy. Furthermore, the well-educated Roosevelt knew exactly what his hosts wanted to hear and, accordingly, although inadvertently, he kindled the flames of Hungarian independence, a concept with which he did not agree. The paper wishes to tell the story of Theodore Roosevelt's short stay in Hungary as well as the importance, and lack of consequences, of such a visit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study wishes to contribute to the relatively limited circle of academic publications on Hungary’s foreign policy – in particular, in the second decade of the twenty‑first century. First, it looks at major foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system in 1989 and their maintenance in the country’s external affairs policy agenda, together with the omnipresent desire to get re‑positioned “rightly”, “back” into the international community. The intention of the authors is to investigate the validity and possible execution of a “global opening” in an increasingly “interpolar globality”, and therefore, to provide a detailed analysis of the Hungarian “turn towards to East”. The new foreign policy document of the country contains a re‑positioning of Hungarian presence in five priority regions of the world, among which emphasis has obviously been laid on Central Europe and the Visegrád Group. The paper offers a critical analysis of both the potentials and challenges of the global opening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

All the measures taken by the different Hungarian governments in the period between 1920 and 1924 to cope with the financial consequences of the Great War did not record the expected success. At the beginning of 1923, it was quite clear for the leaders of Budapest that the possible benefits of the inflationist phenomenon had disappeared and the country's only chance to recover was the appeal to international financial aid. Consequently, after failing to get a loan from Switzerland, the only solution for Hungary was to ask for the help of the League of Nations, especially that this modality had been successfully used by Austria, who was confronted to a more desperate economic and financial situation than Hungary. Our paper is the story of that endeavour and its immediate outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study considers the question of sea outlets from a continental, Central European (Hungarian) point of view. It gives a historical overview about the position and politics of the states in the area which are either land-locked or have limited outlets. The paper takes the corridors into account relying upon these findings. The study discusses the Hungarian geographical and political situation in details. Since the nearest sea is the Adriatic, the issues of the Western Balkan corridor will be discussed in more detail. Today the question of marine transport in Europe affects primarily the connection with Far-Eastern/Chinese areas; therefore, we interpreted the possibility of a partly unnecessary sea-lane induced by the Eurasian railway transportation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanian Journal for Baltic & Nordic Studies/Revista Romana de Studii Baltice si Nordice is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bearing in mind the fact that in the Middle ages the region of present-day Romania was in many ways tied to the region where Serbian people lived, the aim of this paper is to present a short overview of the relations between the two countries in the Middle Ages until the Ottoman Conquest, highlighting the connections, influences and cohabitation between the two people. The ties between Serbia and Wallachia began at the end of the rule of the Nemanjić dynasty. In addition, just like the Serbs influenced the Romanian church and literacy, the Moldovan and Wallachian influences could be seen on Serbian churches and monasteries at Fruška Gora. Besides, after the final conquest of Hungary, in the Ottoman defters, evidence of cohabitation of people bearing typical Serbian and Romanian names could be found. That indicates that the examined region, mostly present-day Banat, was a region with a mixed population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study discusses the changes of governmental intelligence services after the birth of the Austro-Hungarian constitutional dualist monarchy following the Compromise of 1867. When the Empire's Police Ministry ceased to operate, the task of protecting law and order was passed on to two national governments -- that of Hungary and Austria -- but majority of its special competence was reassigned to the new common Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This means that the supervision over activities involving both national policy and international intelligence was integrated in the hand of one institution, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and this unit was named "informationsburo" in 1872. as head of this newly established state security unit at the ministry, Joseph Prottmann von Ostenegg was appointed. The police officer with wide first-hand experience from Hungary took over and reemployed most of the former Hungarian state police informants. This one-sided political interest, however, was less in line with requirements posed by foreign affairs and diplomatic relations of the time, and therefore Prottmann was replaced by a specialized foreign officer in 1871. the president's unit, directly supervised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, was granted new powers; it supervised all state security activities in the whole of the Monarchy, and controlled the press bureau that managed the disposition funds spent on influencing both national and international written media. The common Minister of Foreign Affairs and Reichskanzler, Friedrich Ferdinand Beust, revealed intelligence information rather haphazardly following the Compromise of 1867; being rather biased towards the Hungarian cabinet. This is plainly illustrated by the fact that he only let the Hungarian cabinet learn about a particular proportion of the disposition funds, a confidential budget estimate allocated to cover intelligence purposes. Despite all this, the Hungarian cabinet's intelligence activities during the premiership of Gyula Andrassy (1867-1871) can be regarded as somewhat rudimentary and impromptu. The new Hungarian parliamentary government had an aversion to obtaining information secretly, mainly because the public opinion still had unpleasant memories of such practice during the former absolutist regime. For this reason, cabinet's methods were restricted to regular information exchange and confidential enquiries when contacting official authorities. This political conviction also played a crucial role when the cabinet set up the Hungarian Government's press bureau whose staff was housed at the Prime Minister's Office. Due to the fact that activities were dived between two press bureaus, the one in Vienna and the other one in Buda, Serbian press matters were "influenced" from the disposition funds of the Hungarian PM's Office up until 1875 under the guidance of Austro-Hungarian consul-general Benjamin von Kailay. The Hungarian press bureau started to review Slovak and Romanian papers in 1869 and the reports were forwarded to cabinet bodies and large papers in the capital issued in form of lithographic print. However, the Vienna-based press bureau did not rely on these press reviews until the beginning of 1872, when Gyula Andrassy was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. Furthermore, from 1870 onwards, the police department of Hungary's Ministry of the Interior prepared briefings for the Prime Minister on the country's state of affairs based on the information obtained every three months. In the early 1870s, these two reports served as the basis of Hungary's domestic political intelligence. Having been appointed as common minister of foreign affairs, Gyula Andrassy made considerable changes to the ministry's intelligence services. He curbed the importance of the press bureau; its role was to merely inform the PM, while he also limited the extensive subventions given to the national and international press. From the activities of the state security information department, he banished all bad practices they had inherited from the time of absolutism, and also stopped the shadowing of the Hungarian political elite done by the Viennese state police. These changes could be enforced by reallocating the foreign resources available in the budget of 1873; the secret disposition fund was used for diplomatic and military intelligence purposes in areas significant for the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy such as Russia, the Ottoman Empire or Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with current controversies between Slovakia and Hungary from a discourse-theoretical point of view. It argues that controversies like those about the Hungarian law on dual citizenship, and many more, result from antagonistic discourses about the role of state and (ethnic) nation. While the Hungarian discourse stresses the ethnic nation's priority over state interests and therefore claims the Hungarian state's responsibility for the ethnic Hungarians abroad, the Slovak discourse stresses the state's priority over ethno-national interests and therefore tries to reduce any influence of Hungarian nationals and their kin state in Slovakia. The article concludes that without overcoming these discourses, real solutions to the political controversies are quite improbable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I explore how European dynamics and domestic legacies interact in generating a specific pattern of change at the domestic level. Specifically, I examine the different impacts of the European Union (EU) on the adoption of administrative reforms in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in the 1990s and the early 2000s. I claim that the EU's influence on the reforms was mediated by the reformist legacies of preceding communist regimes in those countries. While the EU affected the reforms through the mechanism of anticipation in countries with strong reformist legacies, the influence of the EU flowed through the mechanism of conditionality in countries with weak reformist legacies. I illustrate my case through a comparative analysis of Hungary and the Czech Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study presents a foray into the historical writing with regard to the history of Hungarian and Romanian Jews during the years 1945-1953. The Jews from Romania and Hungary were a united community in those years. Our point of view is that this community should not be analysed only from the persective of individual moral fault of some who, becoming communists, separated most often from Jewish community. The specialized papers related to the topic which we analyze in this study offer us the opportunity to show several points of view regarding Romanian and Hungarian Jews during this period. We attempt to draw a picture of the historical writings in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper presents some aspects regarding the demographical situation in the Sacal (Szakal) village during the 20th century, belonging to a group of villages nearby Oradea whose population is mainly Romanian. The village is situated only a few kilometres away from the city and, after tracing the border with Romania in 1920, it remained in Hungary. Thus, concerning births, we can notice that they subscribe to the demographic behaviour typical of a traditional society. Nevertheless, the generally slight differences in point of distribution of births by months bring to the foreground the trend to overcome seasonal rhythm of marriage due to the influence of the urban and the appearance of elements connected to modern mentality. We can also notice the unbalance caused by war that leads to a lowering number of births and an increasing number of illegitimate births. The analysis of the births in Sacal leads to conclusions converging with other broad surveys of historical demographics in the area - the Romanian Bihor - that are still connected to traditional demographic behaviour despite the dislocation caused by modern elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]