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After the 1948, when Truman's victory over Dewey surprised the public and the pollsters, public opinion polling faced a legitimacy crisis. As this paper shows, nascent survey researchers played an important role in helping pollsters to survive and prosper. In discussing academics' efforts to preserve polling for social science and democracy, this paper adds to scholarly knowledge about the growing legitimation and use of public opinion polls for measuring public opinion as well as shifts in political science and other social sciences. The paper draws from oral histories of academic survey pioneers and leading pollsters, as well as contemporaneous publications, reports, and unpublished letters and memos. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the evolution of IR theory as an essentially Western, especially American social science. It highlights the historical and philosophical underpinnings of IRT, its close nexus with the Western state-system and Western political thought. It then looks at the marginal place of Asians political experience and philosophical traditions in IR theory and examines the reasons for this. Finally the paper explores the different ways in which greater integration of Asian into IRT can be accomplished. It addresses much the same issues as are outlined in the panel proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part 1: The paper discusses the transformation of liberalism after September 11 and the development of practices of liberalism inside European societies. It proposes an alternative view to the vision of unilateralism or of Empire that most analysts are exploring. It aims to show the role of the different transnational networks of security professionals, their impact on politicians and the consequences of the shift of technologies of surveillance regarding civil liberties by proposing to combine Agamben and Foucault works with the notion of Ban Opticon. Part 2: The paper will analyze the changing relationship between new security challenges and the way new technologies transform the practice of war. The history and emerging relationship between practices of security and the principles of the democratic public sphere will also be explored. An analysis will be developed of the means and methods of threat assessment and the vulnerability of critical infrastructures, most notably the specific cases of telecommunication networks, water systems, nuclear plants, cyberspace and knowledge-based experts networks, the commercial privatisation of technologies of surveillance and control. To explore the security policies and warfare strategies that result from the security environment of a globalised world, which make Western, societies ‘risk societies’. Part 3: The tragic terrorist attacks of September 11 seem to have made all political actors aware that each home security policy is ensured at the global level, or that it was not ensured at all. The natural democratic solidarity against terrorism becomes a rhetoric common place. Not a question. Why and how the question of democracy have been bent to new times rather than questioned? Our main objective in this paper is to underline how the question of terrorism going beyond the national borders which requires mutual assistance and mutual co-operation is a symbolic, political and identity issue. The core of our intention will be thus to show how the antiterrorist fight in Europe is initially dominated by the problems of the recognition of each other Member State as an inter pares member of this whole Europe of democracies. Under this angle, the co-operation understood as a hyperbolic discourse of always more, never enough, structured on the official history of an initial deficit of the European security is then the point of conversion of the national characteristics into a common identity. In other words, the progressive installation of ad hoc European institutions envisaged according to the principle of coordination of the police and legal efforts produced a network of exchanges which ensures the circulation of significance and strong collective identity representations. Even if the fight against terrorism and by extension against organized crime is carried out by a large number of police, intelligence and judicial actors, they all are involved in the same global (re)definition of the European identity. In fact, it is because there is a complex web of different national cultures, practices in order to fight against terrorism, that according each other around a single discourse is a real political opportunity. But does this political identity construction is really stable? The different national positions after the 9.11 events seem to have turned the historical European collective identity process upside down and the democratic solidarity is everything but an embattled narrative between an us and them distinction process. In other words, by dismounting these official processes of historicization which make of the European co-operation a reality born of the dialogue around a necessary solidarity of the European States vis-à-vis to the terrorist threat, and to deal with the different discourses after the 9.11 attacks, it is rather a question of showing how the co-operation is a requirement for a political and diplomatic legibility between countries and actors of Europe. A Europe which offers the insurance of a collective common and reassuring identity: the democracy for everyone. Regarding the democratic European and national discourses after 9.11, we will answer to the question of the (re)definition of the democratic European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both political science and science studies are studies of the common, of efforts to come together, to discuss, deliberate, and decide. The most exciting work in the human sciences in the last thirty years is in the sociology of science and in closely allied fields, yet this work has been ignored by practicing political scientists. I explore three lessons that we political scientists need to learn from the sociology of science. First, that there are no data, only facts: the truth is not out there, we have to make it. Second, facts are made somewhere: policy is locally produced, that is to say, it is produced in places located within a network of people and things. Third, to understand how and where policy is produced we need to follow the actors into the sites where they produce it. This third lesson has been followed in political science, almost uniquely, by Richard Fenno, in his masterful studies of American congressional representatives and senators. Yet by reading Latour, we can learn to take Fenno's approach into every area of political research. In particular, we need to follow the actors in international relations, since the study of international institutions succeeds only inasmuch as it produces microstudies of how and where particular international norms and institutions are constructed. Certainly, we political scientists do not need to read science studies in order to become more scientific: we need primarily to learn from the methods that are practiced in science studies, not from the science that is the object of those practices. One thing we can learn from recent sociology of science is that we need to become less "scientific," that is, less wedded to the goal of general theory, and thus better able understand how particular political choices are made, executed, and revisited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a paradox in U.S. immigration law and policy: this domain comes under the federal government's plenary power authority, yet states have been busy enacting laws that target immigrants since the colonial times. The literature in the field is equally paradoxical: social science has produced many theories about national-level immigration policy, but the states have been lost in the shuffle. As a result, we have no systematic study of the types of state immigrant policies in existence today, how they have changed over time, what forms and patterns they have followed, what drives them or how they vary across regions or even within regions. This study aims at going past the national level which has been the focus of much of the immigration literature in political science to take an in-depth look at the states. The focus is on immigration politics, the actors involved in it and the political institutions that give it shape and structure. Specifically, I look at how political institutions and interest groups at the state level interact to produce various immigration policy outcomes that differ across states in predictable ways. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern liberal citizenship is a failing design, and this is nowhere more apparent than in the contemporary US. Currently there is a frenzy around US citizenship â€" who has it but shouldn’t have it, who should have it but doesn’t have it, who had it but renounced it. The sheer volume of ideas, images, and events and their mass circulation makes it almost impossible not to notice how unsettled and unsettling contemporary US citizenship has become. If, as designer Bruce Mau suggests, the success of a design is its invisibility, then it seems that the design of contemporary US citizenship is anything but a success (Mau, 2004:1). Taking seriously the claim that modern liberal citizenship is a failing design, I focus on how citizenship is designed and redesigned through history. My central research question is â€" What are the design principles of modern liberal citizenship, and how are they experienced in the contemporary US? Noting that modern liberal citizenship emerged from state security debates and that security concerns preoccupy those in the contemporary US, I investigate not only how citizenship is designed but how safe citizenship is designed. As such, I am less concerned with the legal definition of citizenship than with the practical packaging of citizenship as part of a design for safe living. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

none ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anne Coulter and the Problem of Pluralism: From Values to Politics ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate and compare the impact of the autism narrative construction on federal autism policy in the United States and Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phrase sciences politiques was first used by Condorcet, and taken up as political science by Jefferson and Hamilton. The American Framers and their critics had to make up political science as they went along, in order to argue for (or against) a federal constitution from first principles. To do so, they drew on Scottish and French social science. We trace the influence of Scots (especially Hutcheson, Hume, and Smith) and French (especially Condorcet) thought on the first generation of political science. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contends that regime instability in countries with presidential form of government is more likely under multiparty system, when institutional design is biased for one party and when partisan players are unilaterally impatient. It offers a model of endogenous institutional breakdown in presidential regimes. The model present empirical puzzles such as the historical survival of presidentialism in the U.S. and its breakdown in Latin America since the 1980s.

Articulates the relationship between social science and critical theory in a problem-oriented approach and how that approach can best promote the end of racial democratization in the case of the U.S. Role of social science in identifying and constituting the publics to which critique is addressed; Relation of both dominant and subordinate racial groups to the possibility of racial democratization; Racial Hierarchy and a problem-centered approach.

Over the course of the last generation, there has been a decline in the proportion of individuals who identify themselves directly with either of the two major political parties in the United States. Rather than seeing tremendous growth in the proportion of individuals who identify as “pure” independents, most of the growth is in those categorized as “independent leaners.” (Keith, et al 1992) Though we have seen this shift in identification, there has not been a corresponding shift in the fundamental beliefs of any large group of society, indicating that there must be another explanation for the shift in party identification. I propose that the decrease in the proportion of individuals who identify with one of the two major parties can be attributed to a decrease in person-to-person contacting on the part of the two major political parties. This contacting serves as a priming mechanism, causing those who are contacted to be more cognizant of the connections between their own political stances and the stances of the political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theme of motion is prominent throughout Tocqueville’s Democracy in America. In the chapter on the real advantages that American society derives from the government of democracy, Tocqueville makes the following observation: "When one passes from a free country into another that is not, one is struck by a very extraordinary spectacle: there, all is activity and movement; here, all seems calm and immobile." Whether the activity and movement-the motion-of the people be a confused clamor, a thousand voices, a gathering of neighbors, an assembling of citizens, Tocqueville identifies this activity as one of the great benefits of democratic government. "This agitation, constantly reborn, that the government of democracy has introduced into the political world, passes afterwards into civil society. I do not know if, all in all, that is not the greatest advantage of democratic government, and I praise it much more because of what it causes to be done than for what it does" (DA I.2.6). The success of a democracy rests in large part on the motion of the people. Their active participation in township government, political and civil associations, jury service, and commerce provides opportunities for the people to learn to govern themselves and participate in a meaningful way in the governing process. Yet this constant motion of the people also has disadvantages that have an impact on many facets of the lives of those living in a democracy. For example the continual movement of the people breaks or relaxes the bond with prior generations. The individualism that originates in democratic societies can also lead to selfishness. To reflect further on the topic of the challenge that the motion of the people in a democracy presents, I propose first to explain how motion is present in Democracy in America, discuss how the motion of the people makes a positive contribution to democracy, identify the challenges that accompany this agitation in society, consider the ensuing consequences if the motion of the people is threatened, and finally to explore what type of balance can be struck between motion and rest in a democratic society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural America and its electorate are the subject of highly contradictory characterizations and judgments in academic literature across the social sciences. Some accounts suggest that rural locales are sterling examples of civic vitality, to be held up as models for the rest of the country on how to produce a truly enlightened political community, characterized by low crime, less hostility, better health, and civic and economic equality. A rather different view is expressed by those who are convinced that rural America is racist, homophobic, hostile to civil liberties, anti-government and generally at war with liberal political values. Using panel data from a study of rural adolescents from the Fall of 2001 and Spring of 2002, we examine the sources of conservative political socialization in the rural population. We find that many of the same features of rural life that are subject to widespread admiration: agrarianism, rootedness, entrepreneurship and involvement in community, are some of the same characteristics that are the foundation for conservative opinions on civil liberties, morality and the response to terrorism after 9-11. It is certainly possible to find citizens with liberal political values among the rural population, but many of the core features of rural life, including its rootedness, appear to conspire in favor of the values of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1992, the Clinton campaign ran on the slogan, "It’s the economy, stupid!" Eight years later, Al Gore "lost" to George W. Bush, despite the fact that many Americans believed the economy was the best it had been in their lifetimes. While economics matters in politics, an even more important calculation in determining how citizens vote is their sense of a candidate’s and a particular pary’s public values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprises a study of contemporary statecraft by Western actors. While the U.S. has been consumed in the application of an array of hard power instruments in two ongoing wars, the EU has quietly developed a panoply of softer instruments that it ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of complexity science and agent based models has been growing within social science, in general, and specifically within political science. The tools of complexity have been used to examine a wide range of social science issues; collective action, elections, political economy, macroeconomics, and international relations. As of yet, though, there has been very little application of the tools of complexity science to issues associated with American political institutions. This project seeks to begin that process by taking a complex adaptive systems approach to the United States Congress. Traditionally formal models of Congress have used a game theoretic approach. However we believe that there are analytical gains to be made by using the agent based approach. Systems that have dynamics, heterogeneous agents, non-linear interactions, adaptation, positive and negative feedback, and externalities are prime candidates for an application of the complex adaptive systems approach. We make the argument in this paper that each of these properties is an important (and often core) attribute of the congressional policy making system. In order to illustrate the analytical leverage of the complex systems approach we first build a set of models that replicate the most prominent models of congressional policy making. To these we add a model using the complex adaptive systems approach. We are then able to simulate a simple public goods allocation problem in each model and view the various policy outcomes. The core feature of our model is that it allows the pivotal agent to arise endogenously. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a neo-classical realist model for explaining shifts and variations in US grand strategy. The model is based on a distinction between four ideal-type grand strategies or approaches to security according to the objectives and means of security policy: defensive and offensive realism, and defensive and offensive liberalism. While the four approaches are continually present in the US policy community, it is the combination of two systemic conditions, namely the distribution of capabilities and the balance of threat, that selects among the competing approaches and determines which grand strategy is likely to emerge as dominant in a given period. While great power parity is conducive to realist approaches, a situation of hegemony allows the liberal perspectives to emerge. In addition, a relative absence of external threat encourages defensive approaches, while a situation of high external threat gives rise to offensive strategies. Thus, various combinations of these systemic factors give rise to the emergence of various grand strategies. This model is tested in the case of the most recent shift in US grand strategy following 9/11. In accordance with the expectations of the model, a change in the distribution of capabilities with the end of Cold War made possible a change from realist to liberal strategies, while the change in the balance of threat after 9/11 gave rise to the grand strategy of offensive liberalism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between national governments and financial systems is nowhere more intertwined than in markets for public debt. In an era of global finance, government debt markets are a barometer of the financial and economic well-being of a respective country. However, these markets have come to play a broader role, for instance, in monetary policy linking together disparate parts of the financial system. As well, government securities provide secure assets needed to offset risk and provide liquidity. Beyond simply the fiscal balance of the state, the structure, regulation and governance of public debt markets greatly shapes the wider domestic financial system and the way in which this domestic system fits into the global financial order. Using a comparison of public debt markets, this paper explores the way in which financial practices and governance developed within the US Treasury market have shaped global norms and examines how this relates to US structural power. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In part because penal incarceration removes classic rights of citizenship such as the freedom to move, associate, and vote, social scientists long have endeavored to explain the enormous variance in the rate of incarceration across the American states. Empirical studies demonstrate that factors such as crime rates, black population size, and sentencing laws influence U.S. state incarceration rates. Yet, despite the existence of state felony disenfranchisement laws, and the well developed literature on politicians' incentives to control the size of the electorate to maintain power, it is surprising that no studies assess the potential influence of these laws on correctional populations. In this paper I hypothesize that both Democratic and Republican incumbents generally would benefit from the removal of this population from the eligible electorate, which increases the incentive to both initially place and keep people in the correctional system (probation, incarceration, parole). Specifically, I hypothesize that state felony disenfranchisement laws would positively covary with correctional populations, everything else equal. Next I use a cross-sectional regression analysis of the 50 U.S. states to test this expectation. Controlling for numerous other theoretically relevant factors - including state ideology, sentencing laws, state electoral competition, black population size, and crime rates- I find that these laws importantly influence state correctional rates. Finally, I discuss the implications of the results. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic data collected around the Washington Metro (Metro), this paper uses a relational methodology to examine the effects of the talk of "terrorism." How do stories of "terrorism" work in this context? What identity and (in)security performances are stabilized around this sign of danger? Genealogically, I will demonstrate that media reports, official articulations and rider talk combined around "terrorism" during the 1990s and surged forward after 2001. The effects of this in everyday interaction are to invest the Metro with a fairly stable structure of meaning that is concretely given form through a variety of security practices that include surveillance and information coordination. I argue that together, talk of "terrorism" and counter-"terrorist" practice fashions the Metro into a risky place that calls forth a vigilant and patriotic consumer. Constituted by the risk of "terrorism," the Metro can be seen as a biopolitical mechanism that disciplines individual conduct and governs the flow of people moving through the transit system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the question how the application of the ICC's ordering principles of complementarity and moral accountability will impact the composition of what Rawls has called ´decent hierarchical societies´. In answering this question, I propose that Rawls's minimalist threshold of justice explains the social obstacles of (state) cooperation regarding the ICC and establishes an important starting point for evaluating its evolving dynamics. Rawls's "Law of Peoples" thus moves us beyond a strictly realpolitik interpretation of the ICC - which reflects the pessimism underlying the ICC's enforcement powers or its future efficacy. It does so by offering us an important means of balancing the ICC's universal morality against state politics and the challenges posed by the lack of a reliable (global) enforcement mechanism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposition that states balance against power or threats is a cornerstone of international relations theory, but very little work has been done on exactly what constitutes an act of "hard balancing". This paper distinguishes between four types of hard balancing behavior and argues that the United States tends to balance against, and contain, threats from peer competitors or near peer competitors differently than other great powers in history. In particular, whereas 19th and early 20th century European great powers were inclined to see their adversaries as legitimate actors with legitimate interests regardless of the way they are organized, the United States?only the world's second ever democratic great power?equates legitimacy with regime type and a state's internal behavior. Thus, while most great powers have sought to stabilize and preserve the basic contours of a balance of power and spheres of influence, the United States, on those occasions when it has chosen to engage the world rather than isolate itself from it, has tried to collapse the power base of its autocratic rivals and transform the international system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect that support for the political government and several other political factors have on citizens' attitudes towards police in three Latin American countries and the United States. Traditional views hold that citizens’ attitudes toward the police are driven by local concerns. We contend that the failure to examine the police in a political and comparative context has contributed to a lack of understanding of the role of the police in relation to the overall political system. Using data from Chile, Costa Rica, Mexico and the United States, we test whether citizens’ attitudes toward the police are related to their attitudes toward the national government. We find that attitudes toward the police and the national government are linked, and this linkage is responsive to the influence of national election campaigns in varying degrees. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By examining the recent rise of Christian fundamentalism in the United States, this paper aims to broaden the liberal perception of religion in politics to demonstrate that liberal principles and comprehensive religious beliefs can be reconciled. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criticizing US neglect of Latin America has become a popular exercise in US journals and newspapers. Indeed, when reviewing the recent political crises throughout the region as well as the ‘turn to the left’ that has taken place at least in South America, US actions and reactions may seem erratic or entirely ignorant. By analyzing the US role during recent political turbulences in South America, the paper takes issue with this attempt to explain US behavior by simply pointing towards some general stance of neglect. In contrast, it is argued that the complex processes of crisis, continuity and change in South America imply contradictory incentives and limits to a US government that frames its activities as guided by the democratic ideal and yet cannot renounce its specific national preferences in the name of democracy’s intrinsic value. The frame constituted by democratic rhetoric appears as, at the same time, constraining and enabling US policies towards South America: While the dual goal ‘democracy promotion and protection’ clearly constrains the range of justifiable (re-) actions, its normative indecisiveness opens important margins for the pursuit of particularistic prefer-ences. When taking into account the concrete settings in the different ‘target’ countries, US actions, reactions and inactions can be explained quite well without assuming some general inattention that proves overly simplifying. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of racial thought in the development of American political science, focusing on the Chicago School and the earliest stages of the behavioral movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary American political thought the issue of memory and the dream of America have largely centered on Louis Hartz’s (1955) now classic The Liberal Tradition in America and scholarly reaction to its main thesis of the relentlessness of Lockean liberalism in American political discourse. As alluded to above memory serves to authorize an individual’s experience of and participation in the world. In a similar way collective memory authorizes the public/political sphere in which individuals must situate themselves and find a path in the company of others. This paper engages the question of authority in politics and the founding of the public sphere. The Hartzian thesis and Thomas Dumm’s (1987) elaboration of and reaction to it will map the terrain of American memory and the implications of that remembrance for the authorization of the dream of the American public sphere. With that in mind, I intend to explore the dimensions of a radically democratic rendering of that dream by Sheldon Wolin in his attempt to explode and multiply the narratives comprising collective memory and hence authorizing the public sphere in America, raising questions about the role remembrance has to play in our understandings of and hopes for politics. Through Arendt’s work on the nature and importance of authority in politics and her interpretation of the uniqueness of the American Revolution I hope to develop a critique of Wolin’s construal of remembrance and narrative as warrants for the creation of truly democratic political space. By way of a preview, the purpose at hand is not to discredit Wolin’s vision, but rather to deepen its meaning by probing what he leaves unattended to and what Arendt tantalizes us with--namely the centrality of emotion, of attachment, to founding the political realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]