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The Algerian revoluiion promised to fulfill socialist dreams for workers' control through the phenomenon of autogestion. This article describes the historical process leading to this momentous event in the commune of Boufarik: from the trade society under Turkish domination to the export-oriented, mechanized economy, dominated by wealthy French landowners. It discusses autogestion: its promising beginnings at Domain Souidani Boujemaa; its sporadic evolution; and its failure to meet socialist expectations. Bureaucratic curtailment of worker initiative and the lack of real power amongst the workers' organs are examined. The article concludes with an assessment of future prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs a cybernetic model of a religious symbol system to explain the competition among Rabbinists, Hasidim, and Messianists in the Jewish communities of eighteenth-century Poland. Hasidism's ability to attract adherents is explained by the great flexibility of its constitutive belief, ‘communion with God’ when compared with Rabbinic Torah or the Messianic belief in the ‘lifting of sparks.’ This flexibility is traced through all levels of the cybernetic hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the speech of the sociologist Emile Durkheim, which was delivered at the beginning of the French university year 1887, to formally inaugurate the curricularization of the social sciences in the University of Bordeaux. Sociology, which earlier had salon and sectarian antecedents, emerged for the first time as an academic discipline with Durkheim. He envisaged, as well as symbolized, the shift of sociology from an unrecognized sectarian set of incipient social movements to a recognized public endeavor. According to him, sociology was to become public, an educational discipline and a thing to be imparted rather than to be proselytized. He went to Germany to inquire into the methods and content of German educational philosophy as well as the state of the social sciences. He said that the only means of demonstrating that sociology is possible is to advertise that it exists, that it lives. Sociology's justification is to be sought in its own form of life, in its own concrete developments and examples.

This article focuses on the significance of women's movement in social history. The women's movement has given the society a sense of right to have women's interest represented in sociology, rather than receiving as authoritative the interests traditionally represented in a sociology put together by men. This article aims to explore women's perspective as a radical critique of sociology. From the point of view of women's place, the values assigned to different aspects of the world are changed. The world is taken as a model as it appears from the point of view of the afternoon soap opera. Supplementing sociology merely extends the authority of existing sociological procedures. The author suggests more reorganization which changes the relation of the sociologist to the object of her knowledge and changes also her problematic. According to the author the point to be considered is that bow sociology is thought, has been based on and built up within the male social universe. There is a difficulty of a disjunction between how women find and experience the world beginning though not necessarily from their place and their concepts and theoretical schemes available to think about it in.

The article profiles William Jay, a judge from Westchester County, New York, who contributed toward international peace. Though Jay did not participate in the organized peace movement during the first decades of its existence, he had done thinking, research and private writing on the subject. In 1845, he addressed the annual meeting of the American Peace Society in Boston, Massachusetts. His address was also widely distributed and read. Some of Jay's works include "War and Peace," and "Review of the Mexican War."

The article seeks to articulate and evaluate the ethical theories concerning the nature of commitment, action, and the justification or condemnation of violence, expressed in essays by French political/ethical theorists, Albert Camus and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. According to Camus, the pervasiveness of crimes of logic emanates from the movement of rebellion or revolt. Camus advocates a profound concern for the ethics of action. Ponty relates his theory of revolution and social change with Marxism.

The article presents the author's comments on issues concerning peace research movements and peace action movements. The author argues that peace research should be a thoroughly transnational activity and the individual peace researcher should be identified not just with one institution in one country but with several in several countries. The author also emphasized on broadening the outlook of the researcher to overcome some of the present kinds of separation in peace research.

Little is known of the effects various beverage licencing changes might have on health related sequelae to heavy drinking. However, such changes represent an important method which governments have for controlling alcohol use and abuse. This paper reports the effects of the licencing changes made during the first world war. Chiefly, these changes were a reduction in hours of sale, reductions in alcohol content and prohibition of selling on credit and treating. These changes were passed in some areas but not others during 1915 to 1918. A variety of analyses were performed of the effects of the changes on rates of drunkenness and liver cirrhosis. The results show that: (i) There was a very great reduction in both drunkenness and cirrhosis death rates. (ii) The effects of the licencing regulations were to decrease both drunkenness and cirrhosis deaths immediately after they were passed, especially in more urban areas. (iii) The long term effects of the regulations were not significant but their effects were perhaps swamped by reductions in the availability of alcoholic beverages. The possibility that general social changes associated with the war created reductions in drunkenness and cirrhosis deaths is considered. How- ever, even when the war ended and certain of the regulations were retained neither drunkenness nor liver cirrhosis deaths returned to their pre-war levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses anti- psychiatric movements. There is today hardly a single psychiatrist who is prepared to defend the traditional psychiatry of the past. Instead of a clearly defined doctrine it had a body of ill-assorted empirical knowledge, accumulated over the centuries, its diagnoses were based on descriptions of symptoms and now seem suspect in the light of recent experiments with drugs, which, however, have not provided an alternative. But anti-psychiatry is more than merely a protest against this system or against its surviving traditions. Just as the idea of anti-novel or anti-hero in literature produces new novels or new heroes, anti-psychiatry needs a positive content and doctrinal bases. There must be more to it than its prefix implies. It must be added that the efforts deployed in various parts of the world to oppose or to offer an alternative to institutions-not all claiming to be anti-psychiatric efforts-are nevertheless marginal and have no real political or sociological weight.

Three years of survey data show that over time concern with pollution and support for the environmental movement were drawn from increasingly broader bases of social structure. Environmental concern moved downward in the class structure. However, the spread of environmental concern did not substantially affect working class strata, only the lower-middle class. Certain social aggregates remained indifferent regarding environmental problems during the peak of movements support in 1970. Chief among these were persons with low education, rural farm residents, and those economically dependent upon suggested to be important determinants of support for a resistance to environmental reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generational analyses have tended to focus on youth movements and ideologies, in keeping with the Mannheim emphasis on new generations. Age-group political consciousness among the elderly may be an emergent feature of the current political scene; thus, it is useful to examine the generational aspects of a political movement among the elderly as well. This paper presents a model of the factors contributing to the development of socio-political movements. It appears that an aged social movement will not develop unless age-group political consciousness among the elderly is manifest. The prospects of the emergence of that political consciousness and a social movement of the aged arc discussed, with attention to precursors of these political expressions in the current generation of older people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of youth-group consciousness and counterculture behavior during the 1960s is accounted for by two competing theoretical rationales: the "movement sweep" and the "blend" theses. This study explores the development of youth stratum consciousness in four groups of youth: white collar and blue collar students and nonstudents. The research employs a social movement paradigm suggesting an explicit developmental sequence from initial awareness through crystallized ideology and behavior expression. The attempt to operationalize generational consciousness based on Mannheim's definition was partially successful. The data clearly provide little support for the "sweep" thesis of youth movement phenomena, but do suggest some confirmation for the "blend" perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alternative interpretations of the relationship between college students' and parents' political positions were investigated. As in previous research, parents' and students' political positions were positively correlated. However, present results additionally indicated that left- (compared to right-) wing students were more discrepant from parents' political position, while left- (compared to right-) wing parents were less discrepant from offspring. This was interpreted as reflecting differences between student and parent political position distributions. Results raise doubts about the common hypothesis drawn from the literature that left-wing students are directly socialized and supported by their parents and that family conflict reported by left-wing students reflects certain attributes of their liberal homes rather than objectively greater disagreement. Results also fail to support the ‘generational conflict’ hypothesis that left-wing students are in rebellion against their parents. Instead emphasis is placed on the role of the college Zeitgeist in the development of the students' views, and on the inter-action of the Zeitgeist with family background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes an intensive field study of two ad hoc antipornography organizations, the campaigns they conducted, and their leaders and active participants. Data were gathered by extensive observation and document search, unstructured interviews with campaign-knowledgeable respondents, and by structured interviews with 85 leaders (Conporns), 51 opponents (Proporns), and 40 Controls. Comparative analyses of the two antipornography campaigns supported the hypothesis that the campaigns were norm-oriented social movements which could be described by Smelser's valueadded stages of collective behavior. Conporns were found to be status discontents defending with a symbolic crusade the dominance and prestige of a lifestyle to which they were committed, Conporns were found, again as hypothesized, to differ from Proporns in selected demographic and social-psychological characteristics. Research problems which occurred during the course of the field study are discussed, and suggestions made for further investigations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the recent work of community organizers seeking to build poor peoples organizations in such fields as civil rights, tenants rights, welfare rights, farmworkers, and black, brown, red and gold power. While narratives of these movements are relatively easy to find, theoretical analyses by political scientists have been few and far between. In this article, an attempt is made to present some of the lessons which can be drawn from the most incisive of these analyses, both with respect to the dynamics of community organizing and to the ultimate impact of protest activity by poor peoples organizations.

The article focuses on the need for a national development policy in the United States. During the past few years, there has been a mounting concern about the need for a national development policy in the United States. Yet, this concept which has taken decades to evolve, is still not crystallized in American government. If the evolution of this policy is examined, one pattern seems to emerge: at least two sets of parallel have been persuaded but different policy areas. The first deals with the problems of large urban centers; and the second attempts to cope with the difficulties of economically depressed rural regions. Although different initially, both lines of policy evolution seem to have similar development patterns. Since the massive innovations of the New Deal, both policy areas have tended to change incrementally; they have become less physically and efficiency oriented and more comprehensive in terms of social and political factors; they generally have developed longer time horizons; they have often become broader in geographic scope; and most recently, have become concerned with one another's problems.

The article comments on federal civil service in the U.S. The federal civil service is now experiencing its first major retrenchment in forty years. The active buildup of the Vietnam and Great Society years has been replaced by job freezes and Reductions-in Force. The 1970s have ushered in a change in federal priorities. Whereas the Johnsonian Great Society emphasized social change, equity, responsiveness, and representativeness, President Richard Nixon's New Federalism appears to foreshadow a reduced federal social programming role and an administrative model stressing economy, efficiency, productivity, and executive control. Yet just as the Administration is taking stock of the federal social program inventory and administrative apparatus, so it is important for those committed to a different conception of the rate of federal intervention in promoting social change to look back and assess the federal experience during the last decade in an attempt to help define new and more viable strategies for change.

The dilemma which the political unrest of the sixties caused far organized religion is set forth and some of the sources of activism and inactivism in the churches discussed. Data are presented from a 1968 survey of 1.580 Protestant clergymen at the parish level in California, showing that church leaden were highly polarized over a wide range of issues during this period and that many liberal ministers were active in the political controversies of the 1960's. Such "new breed" activists met with considerable resistance from their congregational members, however, and many lost members and finances. The reassessment and retrenchment presently taking place within liberal denominations are discussed in light of these findings- drawing, in part, upon recent interviews with church leaders in California. It is concluded that important changes are taking place at the national level-particularly in the loss of a large number of nonparish positions but that the situation in local parishes is not a great deal different today than in the sixties. The dilemma over social activism within liberal churches is expected to continue in much the same form in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Churches witnessed the radicalizing of a significant and vocal segment of their clergy during the last decade. This essay seeks to understand this phenomenon by offering a typology of American religious movements. Our analysis reveals that the "new breed" represents the advent of a new social reform movement which shares some salient traits with reformers who were generated by the American Churches in previous eras of activism. This similarity renders possible both a more precise adjudication of the basic thrust of the "new breed" and a more exacting assessment of its probable impact on subsequent religious life in this society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research reports how automobile workers in four countries which vary in industrialization become involved in a series of social systems extending from the family to the nation. If workers exposed to industrial discipline and urban organization remain peasants, uninvolved in external systems, the hope of a working-class social movement is lost simply because workers must see the social system in order to fight for a place in it. On the other hand, if industrialization and urbanization are accompanied by increasing involvements in non-local systems, participation in a working-class social movement is more likely. Scholars disagree both on the timing and consequences of such involvement. The findings of the study suggest that industrialization quickly affects the social lives of workers. In no country did the family completely absorb their free time as it allegedly does in traditional societies. Workers spent considerable time with workmates, fellow unionists and friends from other neighbourhoods and organizations. They knew the problems of the neighbourhood, community and nation, and could rank them in importance.

This article informs that the early 1830's was a period in which a number of millennial movements arose in Britain. One of the most interesting occurred under the leadership of a Scottish Presbyterian minister named Edward Irving. Millennial movements are often thought of as developing either as a reaction to natural disasters, or else as a consequence of oppression or marginality drawing their strength from a population find no assured and recognized place in society. Clearly though, such categories are insufficient for the purpose at hand as many millennial movements flourish when these conditions are not met. The Irvingite movement is only one example. Another explanatory principle that is often used is the concept of relative deprivation. This concept is useful firstly because it is sufficiently abstract to include within its scope situations which appear at first glance to be unrelated to one another, and secondly because it implies that the actual situation itself, objectively viewed, is less important than the perception of it held by the people experiencing it.

The protest movement against the war in Vietnam surfaced in the Spring of 1965 with teach-ins and with the march on Washington in April of that year. As American involvement in the war in Vietnam escalated, so too did the protests. The assumption that a new wave of student radicalism inundated much of the student population in opposition to the war in Vietnam may have been good for press copy and bad for relations with university old-grads and the public, but it was a poor reflection of how things really were on the campuses in the 1960s. Two manifestations of student anti-war feelings are considered here: first, protests, and second, opinions. At least three national institutional surveys of American student protests took place during the 1960s: one for 1964-5, one for 1967-8, and one for 1968-9. All three studies showed that Vietnam war protests on American campuses were a good deal less widespread during these academic years than the talk about college student radicalism might have led to believe. Researchers reported that among the accredited four-year colleges and Universities in the U.S. in the 1967-8 academic year, the war in Vietnam was the most popular protest issue. Organized student protests were reported at 38 per cent of such institutions in that year. By comparison, the second most popular issue was living group regulations which was an issue for protests at 34 per cent of colleges and universities in 1967-8.

Recent trends in historical scholarship view askance the reformers of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Analyses, which range from the Pluralism of a Richard Hofstadter to the neo-Marxism of a James Weinstein or Gabriel Kolko differ markedly, yet contain similar viewpoints about the worth of a variety of American reform movements. Status anxieties, naive urges for capitalistic efficiency, racialist assumptions, and individual psychological make-ups, are imputed to the reformers of the Populist and Progressive eras. It is alleged that they failed to understand the forces of industrialization, and in time capitulated to the corporate powers that they apparently opposed. It is possible that by concentrating too strongly on the alleged failures of varied reformers, there is some misunderstanding of their accomplishment. The career of the businessman-reformer, Nelson Olsen Nelson, can sharpen one's awareness of those times, which gave various reform urges scope. It can trace a curve of acceptability, and provide a gauge for changing perceptions of debate and action. Nelson's persistent cooperative endeavors shed light on a complex strand of American reform, which has survived to play a continuing role in the formation of the world.

This paper discusses the effect of economic and social changes on a small village of a hundred people situated in the Spanish Pyrenees. Although on the margin of urbanised Spanish society, this community is increasingly dependent on forces that originate outside the village: the influence initially of industrial migrants, and latterly, tourists and land developers. As the composition of the community has changed it has become increasingly difficult for groups of people in the village to regard themselves as part of a collective entity with shared traditions and institutions. The changes in Gema, and the responses to those changes, provide a commentary on the way rural communities relate to largely urban and national social systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been recognized that the study of peasant movements requires two basic methodological rules for its proper understanding: first, the focus of the study must be both on the interaction process which binds the peasantry to its overlord and the social forces that impinge upon both poles of interaction; second, such study must necessarily deal with the historical contexts within which the interaction process between lord and peasant develops. The main purpose of this paper is to apply these two methodological rules to a case study of a) the transformation of a regional power structure and b) the origins and development of a peasant movement that swept an intermontane valley of Peruvian Central Sierra dominated by the hacienda system, transforming it into a region of Indian communities. A second purpose of the paper is to derive certain theoretical generalizations from the empirical case, which can be relevant for the development of a theory of political peasant movements. This article also discusses the role of successful peasant movements in the development process of dependent, unequally developed societies, like Peru.

This article applies the theoretical model of collective behavior developed by Neil J. Smelser to data derived from diverse sources dealing with events at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio. In particular, it focuses on a period of two and a half hours on May 4, 1970, as it looks at events leading to and surrounding the killing of four undergraduate students and the wounding of nine other students. Smelser's system of thought is based on a set of concepts and propositions which can be used to order all variations in collective behavior. The five determinants of collective behavior are structural conduciveness, structural strain, growth of a generalized hostile belief, mobilization of participants for action and operation of social control. Smelser defines hostile outbursts as mobilization for action under a hostile belief. The analysis of the spread of a hostile outburst falls into two categories. Smelser says that any hostile outburst can be looked at as having a real and derived phase. The real or initial phase results from the build-up on conditions prior to the beginning of the outburst. In the derived phase, however, the hostility may become unrelated to conditions giving rise to the initial outburst.

This article presents additional thoughts about collective behavior with reference to two papers on the Kent State University incident which papers were written as applications of theory of collective behavior. The author developed this theory to establish general analytic relations among a set of variables that he had discovered to be important in the genesis of hundreds of episodes of collective behavior. One of the most original and strongest aspects of the theory was its emphasis on the behavior of agents of social control as determinants of the timing, content, direction, and outcomes of episodes of collective behavior. The author stressed social-structural aspects, but he underplayed the importance of psychological mechanisms in the dynamics of episodes of collective behavior. In this article, the author developed a few new thoughts about the psychological and organizational characteristics of collective behavior in reading the two papers. These thoughts are developed under three headings, strategies to fix blame and assign illegitimacy in episodes of conflict; the relations among different agents of social control as these influence the development of an episode; and shifts in the definition of the situation, and the implication of these shifts for the application of the value-added model.

This article examines the salient and relevant events surrounding the May 4, 1970 killings of four Kent State University students in Ohio that vividly illuminates mechanisms of social control employed by town officials. On Friday evening, May 1, 1970, the day after President Richard Nixon publicly ordered the U.S. troops into Cambodia, a crowd of youths in downtown Kent, Ohio, expressed their frustration over the broadening of the Vietnam War and broke windows at fifteen business places, setting into motion events which culminated in deaths of Kent State students on May 4. This hostile outburst in Kent was perceived as the planned action of a subversive and revolutionary movement, threatening foundations of the social order. But events which culminated in the Kent killings did not actually constitute a revolutionary movement. The crisis began as a spontaneous protest against the Cambodia invasion, and involved only a minute percentage of Kent State's 20,000 students. Most of youths involved were not revolutionaries. But the radical rhetoric of a few individuals and outbursts of violence led frightened townsmen and their officials to perceive the students' protest as the opening shots of a violent revolution, and to act accordingly.

Radical activism in sociology can be explained as reaction against developments in American society, university structure, social theory and the American Sociology Association. Beginning in 1967 with a controversy over a Vietnam resolution, it has grown to include organized opposition through the Sociology Liberation Movement and the separation of the Black Sociologists Association. The assumptions behind sociology as an academic field and an occupation, have been and are being tested and found erroneous by an increasing number of sociologists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the author's current research in comparative sociological analysis. The author's current research interests and plans focus around several concrete topics, which tend to converge around some common theoretical problems. This reorientation raises a series of general problems to the clarification of which some of the works undertaken in the researches enumerated above may make some contribution. First, there is the problem of the place of these societal goals in the universe of goals and wishes of the individual. Second, there is the problem of how and by whom such goals are crystallized and formulated. Among the concrete topics of research are: a reexamination of the relations between tradition, change and modernity; and an analysis of process of change in different types of micro-societal and macro-societal settings. The analytical assumptions or orientations of the said researches tend to merge into a broader analytical framework, the focus of which is the importance of the charismatic dimension in the process of institution-building, of the location of this dimension in the "center" or centers of society, and of the crucial importance of these dimensions in processes of institution-building and of social change and transformation alike.

A 1963 nonviolent mass demonstration for civil rights at Durham, N.C., is here described on the basis of interviews with participants, businessmen, and political figures. A utility model to help account for the personnel, form, and site of such a protest includes the processes of evolution, contagion, and reinforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The larger movement for racial equality in the United States has experienced considerable structural and ideological differentiation in the past decade, largely as a consequence of disagreement over tactics to be employed. Two direct-action sub-movements, the southern sit-ins and the urban riots, best illustrate the divergence with the former committed to tactical nonviolence and the latter to violent means of effecting social change. To regain the momentum lost through this differentiation, certain leaders must reorganize a major part of the black population around a tactical approach that acknowledges both the peculiar needs and temper of the potential protestors, and the nature and tolerance level of the system it seeks to change. Responding to these criteria, the approach may develop in the form of an extremely militant but basically nonviolent tactic of social disruption, combining all but the most violent techniques used to date by equal rights activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conscientious and pragmatic forms of nonviolence are discussed as sanctioning strategies adapted to different phases in the development of a social movement. Some general factors affecting the evolution of a movement's relations with its institutional environment are also considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the difficulties in developing hypothesis for sociological examination of the roles of African American intellectuals in racial movements in the U.S. Included are the impression of general sociological theory on which specific and derivative formulations rest, the absence of a well-rounded and consistent definition of intellectuals as distinct grouping, and the lack of clarity concerning the nature of social movements and the attendant problem of developing workable typologies of radical movements. The development of sociology has been marked by extension of concern for novel areas and problems.

The article provides information about the Southern States in the U.S. The face of the South today is believed to have sharply contrasting expressions. Southerners have African American slaves, yet most southerners never owned slaves. Parts of the South remained a land of farms and small towns long after the Industrial Revolution ran its course in the rest of the nation. The per capita income and wealth of southerners are well below the national average. This is partly because many people, especially African Americans, lack the training and skills to do more than produce raw materials from farm, forest, and mine.

The article discusses the social stratification as a phase and process in community organization. The phase and process were defined in the study of social stratification, wherein the phase is a stage through which a social activity may pass in its change from a simple to a compound activity, while the process is a class of social change or interactions in which by abstraction a common pattern may be observed and named. Accordingly, some of the etiology of stratification was implied in every definition of social class, by shifting the emphasis in the section to the etiology itself the attention was now focused on some of the theoretical formulations that attempt to conceptualize various interactive processes in the society that generate social class.

The article discusses the several mechanisms employed in agitation of a social movement. The author states that agitation can be both a cause and an effect of restlessness and discontent flowing from undesirable manifestations in segments of the social order. He mentions several phases of the mental state which include convergence of perception, softening-up process, and convergence of solutions. Moreover, he emphasizes that an important mechanism used by agitators as a means of transferring identification is called the "enemy-effect."

The article discusses the rehabilitation of Jewish Refugees in the U.S. The Joint Distribution Committee for the relief of Jewish war sufferers guided the supervision and control of the Jewish refugee movement. Jewish refugees are employed in the areas of advertising, novelties, filter mass, package carriers and the manufacture of synthetic resin products. The National Committee for the Resettlement of Foreign Physicians was able to relocate 400 hundred medical emigres in less than a year, but physicians have the most difficulty in securing satisfactory employment.

This article presents brief summaries of article, published in issues of several periodicals. Teen-age marriages, pregnancies among high school girls, youthful gang violence, and increases in youthful crime rates are deeply serious events. At present, an increase in the size of the American family is occurring. This paper focuses upon the motivation for having larger families and the social changes that may underlie these motivations. Many changes have developed in the role of women due to the technological developments. This speculative paper explores the direction of family life over the next 40 years. The author sees the increasing proportion of women employed gainfully as the clearest indication of approaching sex equality. Family life educators are taken to task in this article for persisting in presenting only one side of the question on the frequency of divorce associated with religiously homogamous or heterogamous marriages. This article is concerned with needed communication between theology and anthropology. The two fields have a common link in being concerned about truth, whether natural or social.

The article discusses the non-academic aspects of peace research in solving peace problems. It relates that the effectivity of a peace research relies on its abillity to go beyond the academic constraints and work towards expansion through deprofessionalization. Moreover, it discusses several approaches in evaluating peace actions strategies relative to peace research, which include involvement in the action group, explicit identification of the goals, prioritization of the goals, and establishment of a broad research design.

The article discusses the role of women in peace and social movements. It analyzes the assumption that women are considered less warlike, peaceminded and concerned more on humanistic values compared to men when it comes to participation in social movements. Moreover, it discusses the ability of women to band together to form stable organizations that advance the welfare of the children, ecology, and consumer protection. Further, it cites the willingness of women to develop leadership qualities when necessary, which prompted certain organization to rally that women should be allowed more political participation.

The article focuses on the Nonviolence Studies Program at Syracuse University in Syracuse, New York. It relates that the program is the direct outgrowth of the May 1970 strike of the students to denounce the growing involvement of the U.S. government in the Indochina War. Moreover, it traces the development of the program following student demands to organize and study nonviolent approach of solving political and peace problems. Further, it analyzes the implications of the program on the lives of the students within and outside of the university as well as on the development of the university as an educational institution.

The article focuses on the influence of pacifism and internationalism in the British peace movement within the League of Nations Union (LNU). It relates that the opposing views of the two component movement in British politics have brought confusion to supporters of peace movement because of a lack in precision in defining terms. Moreover, it adds that the effort of the LNU to impress the government further the problems and obscure the more important issues affecting the organization and the country which eventually led to its failure.

The article focuses on the establishment of the treaty Pacto Roerich on April 15, 1935 in the U.S. It relates that the pact was approved by prominent dignitaries and 21 nations with the aim to protect scientific and artistic institutions, as well as historical structures during the war and human calamities. Moreover, it adds that the pact was the brainchild of artist, author and archeologist Nicholas Roerich. Further, it discusses the three themes that signified the establishment of the pact that reflects idealism, egocentrism, and anguish in American history .

The article discusses the issues that led to the March First Movement in Korea. It relates that the movement is part of the effort of the korean government to oppose the political policy of Japan when it annexed Korea as a colony in 1910. Moreover, it discusses the policies imposed by Japan which suppressed the political, social, and constitutional rights of the Koreans. Further, it analyzes the underlying factors behind the non-violent aspect of the demonstrations and how it reflects the desire of the Koreans for a social and political reform.

The article cites examples of how groups increasingly rely on training to prepare for action, improve performance and promote solidarity among participants in movements for social change in the U.S. Among training programs that were listed include: Marshals and observers at Kent State University, following the student killings in May 1970 and high school students in sub-urban Philadelphia trying to change school policies. It asserted that training can prepare for action, can help reveal attitudes and feelings, test practices, and improve skills.

The article provides information on peace researchers and its movement in the U.S. The author notes that they are people who felt there could be a growing discipline to which the institutions of their society and world could turn for some rational approach to peace. The peace research "movement" has fed information into policymaking circles, but the information has had no effect. The author concluded that the failure of peace research will continue to fail because it has been insensitive to newly emerging data and thought, and because it rest upon a number of assumptions which may be wrong.

Approaches treating university activism as (1) a unique instructional manifestation, and (2) as generalized attitudinal phenomena are discussed. While (1) is important for some types of analysis, (2) places university attitudes in a broader context of learned socio-political predispositions. A simple model of university support is developed and tested on samples of midwestern white and southern black college students. Bivariate analysis demonstrates that trust, efficacy, and traditional values arc positively related to university support, but path analysis suggests that efficacy is only indirectly related. Elaboration of Gamson's participation theory is suggested, as well as inclusion of behavioral data to differentiate between the repudiative styles suggested by Keniston. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the justification of the individual engaging in civil disobedience against government concerning the issue of unilateral nuclear disarmament as of October 1966. The article examines unilateralism, including the unilateralism expressed by Marxists and anarchists, the Catholic Church, and non-religious and non-pacifist unilateralists. The author also discusses the relationship between civil disobedience and British parliamentary democracy and examines the establishment of the organization known as the Direct Action Committee Against Nuclear War. The author also examines the constitutionality of civil disobedience, the British Labour Party, and instances of civil disobedience in Great Britain in the early-to-mid 1960s.

Women's liberation movement is seen as a political problem of mobilization and participation. Social and economic conditions of Latin America are briefly analyzed and compared with those of North Atlantic post-industrial societies where women's liberation movements have originated, leading to the conclusion that a repetition of the pattern is not likely to occur soon in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]