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The Executive Committee of the Society for the Study of Social Problems approved a plan to pre-publish papers to be presented. The special problems committees of the Society are encouraged to share in this, although it will be by decision of each committee. It is planned that all of the presentations on the two symposia will be pre-published. Papers to be pre-published must be submitted not later than April 15, 1958. An expanded version of some of the papers will be printed in the journal "Social Problems." Probably the majority will be mimeographed and distributed before the annual meeting to the membership at cost. Not later than a month after distribution of the papers those who wish to be considered as discussants will submit a criticism of the paper. From these the committee chairmen will select persons to serve as discussants, although they may ask others to serve in addition. Each discussant will be given about seven minutes. The aim is to provide a maximum amount of time for discussion of the presentations.

This section presents abstracts of several papers on family and marriage. In his article The Necessity of Group Therapy in Marriage Guidance Clinics, which appeared in the November 1953 issue of International Journal of Sexology, Conrad Van Emde Boas attempts to show that group-therapy is an indispensable part of marriage guidance work because of the shortage of psychotherapists in Holland. The educational form of group-therapy proved valuable especially in those cases where the married couple were not fighting against each other, but together to overcome some problem. The paper Sex Instruction in the Norwegian Culture, by Thomas D. Eliot, which appeared in the October 1953 issue of the journal Social Problems, is a review of sex education in Norway since the first World War. It emphasizes the struggle of educators to introduce sex education into the public schools in opposition to religious groups and to a mythical public opinion. The article The Effect of Residential Propinquity on Marriage Selection, by Joseph R. Marches and Gus Turbeville, which appeared in the May 1953 issue of the American Journal of Sociology, provides information on a study which employed Bossard's method of studying the relationship of residential propinquity to mate selection. The authors studied marriage applications dated from November 1951 until April 1952 of 300 couples residing in Duluth, Minnesota.

The article reports on the requisites for research in psychotherapy. Psychological researchers in therapeutic areas must be especially cautious about naively accepting patients' statements at their face value. Introspective evidence has been suspect ever since the earliest days of psychological experimentation; but, for all its failings, it is utterly essential for investigations into therapy. For the proper understanding of research reports, as well as for the encouragement of experimental repetitions by subsequent researchers, fairly complete diagnostic or descriptive information on therapeutic research cases should be published along with the factual data.

The paper is concerned with the idea of community as it is applied to modern urban neighborhoods, especially municipal housing estates. "The community" may denote merely the houses and people located in a given area, even where there are few relationships of any kind, whether institutionalized or informal, manifest or latent. The area referred to will usually be roughly comparable in size to a village. It will have people and dwellings in numbers which in the past have indeed entailed other social characteristics. Community is said to exist only when patterns of primary relationships exist within a residential context. It is the decline of community in this sense which has been at the centre of interest in many of the studies of municipal housing estates in this country; it is certainly the idea of community which has received most popular attention. Interest in the idea of neighborhood social cohesion has come from all sides. In religion the emphasis has ranged from the problem of "anomie" as a characteristic of our society as a whole, to the particular problem of the absence of neighborhood solidarity.

The author shall comment here on the theoretical framework sociologist J.H. Skolnick suggests for studies in the sociology of law and the adequacy of the bibliography in his Social Problems article "The Sociology of Law in America: Overview and Trends." While Skolnick's emphasis on theory and the "larger philosophical issues," is welcome, his theoretical orientation would unnecessarily constrict social studies of law. One is indebted to Skolnick for undertaking the difficult task of charting the sociological course. Understandably, any map drawn by a single individual will most clearly reveal the particular road taken by him. The purpose here is to share perspectives, and the comments of the author on Skolnick's paper will contribute to this objective. Skolnick tells that "the most important work for the sociologist of law is the development of theory growing out of empirical, especially institutional, studies" and that the "most general contribution that the sociology of law may make to social theory is that of understanding the relation between law and social organization."

The article presents some observations on management problems in applied social research. Extensive federal funding of state and local programs intended to solve social problems is now commonplace. There is an accompanying commitment to applied research and especially to obtaining evaluatory evidence to determine the effectiveness of these programs which, themselves, may or may not have grown out of applied research. As a matter of fact, there is apparently a marked division between the practicing social scientist in an applied setting who will accept the assignment of program evaluation, and the social scientist who insists on some form of research more basic or "pure" in character. The purpose of the author in this paper is to explore some of the parameters of both these factors by reference to several cases of research programs incorporated into mission projects in similar settings with analogous purposes. The author believes that by looking into problems found in several projects, even though the number is small, it will be possible to clarify their nature, something about the frequency with which they arise, and to formally offer realistic suggestions for solution of those problems which are susceptible to solution. The author says that the student will benefit most by a conscientious and systematic study of the articles in the sociological journals, for this will not only give him knowledge of the most current activities in the discipline, but also serve as a realistic indicator of his sociological maturity, and function as a guide to self-improvement in deficient areas of knowledge.

The article focuses on the book "The Trend of Economics," edited by Rexford Guy Tugwell. This book is regarded by its editor as a "sort of manifesto of the younger generation." Each contributor was asked plainly and briefly to write out what he had in his mind concerning economics. And that was about all there was to it. What the patient reader can discover in this manifesto is some interesting evidence of the state of mind of the "younger generation." Tugwell gives a partial list of the social problems of the United States. Tugwell has no use whatever for classical or neo-classical economics. In the totality of his rejection he stands as a matter of fact alone in the volume; but that does not curb his magnificent propensity to generalize. Tugwell's contribution is an exordium in very general terms of the "new experimentalism." Nonetheless, his hopes of it are apparently as boundless as they are vague. The vagueness is due to intoxication with "uplift" phraseology. The hasty thinking and careless writing to which in some cases it leads will work its own reward and need not be taken too seriously.

The article discusses the papers, which appeared in the April 1995 issue of the journal "Social Problems." The role of the Protestant Church and the crucial future role of the social action agency, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which has been in the forefront of this specific social struggle have been described in these papers. A summary of the legal background and the implications of the May 17, 1954 decision for the elimination of other forms of racial discrimination and segregation have been discussed. Numerically, there are some 70 large national social welfare agencies. But they are at different levels of development, offer different kinds of services and have different kinds of internal structures. The scope of research, qualitatively is one problem. The services provided by national social welfare agencies and their local affiliates are diverse in function. A quick glance at the names of the groups affiliated with the National Social Welfare Assembly will give us an idea of the wide range of services and programs which come under the heading "Social Welfare".

This paper traces the development of the Social Survey movement in England and the United States, with particular emphasis on the latter, and also attempts to delineate the reciprocal influence it had upon American sociology. In looking at the history of this movement an attempt is made to show how it must be approached in terms of contemporary ideologies. Research of this kind was characterized not only by a previously absent concern with the understanding of the total community by empirical means, but also by a search for the source of social problems which looked not to the individual but to the larger society. During the early decades of this century the Survey movement affected sociological research and writings in the areas of both methodology and community studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on population commission's report in the U.S. The report of the commission and the papers accompanying it constitute a remarkable document and suggestions that could, if expanded and fully translated into policy, bring a nearly optimum demographic state into being. While discussion of population questions in both quantitative and qualitative terms has commanded attention in America since even before the nation's founding, treatment of demographic matter has been circumscribed by particular premises and objectives which have never, at least until recently, been transformed into an approach that is systematic. With the disappearance of the frontier in the 1890's, attention was directed to conservation of resources and possible shortages of agricultural land and critical minerals. Congressional concern was directed less to problems of this sort, however, than to control of immigration, demand for which issued not from fear of excessive population growth but from concern about increasing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity, labor's fear of excessive competition from immigrant workers, and so on.

This article presents a guide and tool for sociology teachers in teaching Social Problems. A set of assignments which gave students a wholesome balance between an overall perspective on social problems in general and in-depth analysis of one specific social problem as an example of the way in which any social problem might be approached. In-depth knowledge was gained chiefly through a term project assignment, which consisted basically of constructing a notebook dealing with a social problem approved in advance by the instructor. It was found that a combination of general reading and classroom presentations on principles, concepts, and theories related to social problems in general plus an in-depth analysis of a specific social problem through constructing a notebook about it has given students and excellent introduction to the sociological analysis of social problems. The paradigm for the analysis of a social problem is the most important single component of the assignment. It can serve as an outline for the analysis of any social problem. It calls attention to dimensions of the subject that are easily overlooked in the typical term paper assignment or class report. It uncovers biases, reveals gaps in analyses by professional interpreters of social problems, and provides students with a tool for their future independent investigations.

This article suggests an approach to criminological theory which may be helpful in bringing some order into the field, and which will also reveal certain aspects of the relationships between extant theories. The purpose of the paper is thus constructive. There will be no detailed evaluation of the different viewpoints referred to, although some critical comments will be made. It will be evident also from the discussion that the social-psychological approach to criminality will be regarded as being the most reasonable. One of the fundamental methodological assumptions of a social-psychological theory of systematic criminality is that the criminal is a normal human being. He may in fact have all the physical characters enumerated by Lombroso, Hooton, and Sheldon, yet the hypothesis to be tested is that he is a normal person. The criminal, in the pattern of his body, mind, and personality; in the recognition of right and wrong; and in his behavior, however outrageous it may be, possesses the same general motivations that affect the conduct, and constitute the quality, of normal and lawful individuals. The hypothesis that the criminal is a normal individual requires no specification al this point as to what a normal human being is, physically and mentally, and in terms of personality.

Both increased dependency and decreased threat were found to increase likelihood of American Ss' assisting an experimenter by signing their names. A threat by dependency interaction indicated that the effect of threat was operative only under low and moderate dependency levels. No comparisons involving sex of E or of S were significant, providing no support for status threat or reactance theories which would predict that men would be less likely to help under high dependency conditions, particularly for a male E or under conditions of high threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Content analysis of newspaper items, sociological research and sociology course titles. and reviews of novels associated with Chicago, 1910-1930, was used to test several propositions concerning changes in the structural loci, heterogeneity, and amount of social problems awareness in modern society. Although considerable social problems awareness was found to be manifested by newspapers, sociological research, and creative literature, little similarity was found in the types of social problems focused upon. There was no evidence found concerning a shift in such activity from newspapers and creative literature to sociological research, nor was evidence found that would support the proposition that social problems awareness tends to increase significantly in modern society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on appointments of the committee. The Society has thus far sponsored three books of readings, "Mental Health and Mental Disorder: A Sociological Approach," edited by Arnold M. Rose, "Sexual Behavior in American Society: An Appraisal of the First Two Kinsey Reports," edited by Jerome Himelhoch and Sylvia F.Fava. Faculty members are urged to consider these books for use as required reading in appropriate courses and to order them for their libraries. Marvin Sunman, with the cooperation of the Committee on Community Research and Development, has been preparing a book of readings, Community Science and Analysis, which will be published by Knopf in the near future. The Helen L. DeRoy Award of $500 for the best article reporting on research in social problems will be repeated in 1957. The journal "Social Problems," seek papers falling in the following categories: consideration of particular social problems and of relevant theories and research methods and analysis of organizations, institutions, and movements which deal with social problems.

The article presents information on social work and social relations. Whenever social work educators meet, particularly as they did recently at the XVIth International Congress of Schools of Social Work in the Hague, this question is hotly debated. Agology is defined as the science of intentional planning of change in human beings and social relations. The term sociology is derived from the Greek verb ago, described as a word of many meanings. Agology is not applied sociology or even applied social science. Models of Intervention and social techniques are derived, from psychology, sociology, philosophy, and ethics and are tested as theories of practice.

This article presents information about three studies: "Heft 13: Die Neugestaltung des Dorfes," "Heft 17: Die Altersversicherung der bäuerlichen Bervölkerung," and "Heft 25: Verbesserung der Agrarstrukturund Ortsplanung." These three studies belong to an important West German series of monographs dealing with rural social problems. They are sponsored by the society "fur ländliche Sozialfragen" and edited by the well-known agricultural economist W. Abel. Two of the studies are concerned with the serious and much discussed problem of improving the agrarian structure in Western Germany. One factor which influences all these deliberations and gives the agrarian policy at the same time a strong social flavor is the necessity of settling and employing the stream of refugees from Eastern Germany, most of whom come from rural environments. Heft 25 deals with practically the same problems, giving emphasis, however, to the planning idea. The paper read by T. Tröscher contains an interesting map illustrating the need for enlarging small farms, on the one hand, and the actual enlargement projects, as they were in function in 1956-1957.

This article discusses reports by Jerome Himelhoch, previous editor of the journal "Social Problems." This article informs us that the editorial team strove to turn out a specialized journal with high scientific and literary standards which would advance the fields of social problems and applied sociology. The ideal paper, in their view, has been one which is clearly written, problem - focused, theoretically sophisticated, and empirically valid. Their authors have represented all regions of the U.S., a considerable number of foreign nations, several different scientific and applied disciplines, and a wide variety of ideological positions. Each of the last four issues under the editorship of Himelhoch was devoted primarily to a symposium on a single topic, followed in most cases by a few miscellaneous papers. Four categories accounted for almost two-thirds of the articles published during the past five years. These were (a) race and ethnic relations, (b) family and sexual problems, (c) medical sociology and social psychiatry, and (d) academic freedom and the professional problems of social scientists.

The article presents information on several changes made in the editorial policy of the "Journal of Applied Sociology," as of January 1923. It is informed that the January-February 1923 issue of the Journal has been increased to sixty-four pages. This issue is thirty-three per cent larger than the last one, and one hundred per cent larger than the issue of October 1921. Further, a special survey has disclosed the fact that many of the Journal's readers prefer articles of about eighteen hundred to two thousand words in length; they desire that the articles omit introductory material as far as possible, and that the author plunge at once into a presentation of the main point or points which are offered. In keeping with the readers interests and choices, the editorial policy of the Journal has been changed with immediate effect. It has been decided that the future articles will incorporate the changes suggested by majority of the readers of the Journal in order to make the articles and research papers more presentable and comprehensible to the readers of the Journal.

Membership in the American Sociological Society reached 5,233 on May 1, 1957, representing an increase of 279 over the number on the same date in 1956. There has been a gain in active membership accounted for all of the net growth since the number of full members not in this category was somewhat fewer than a year ago. There was an increase of 36 in the number of student members, but this was more than offset by a loss of 80 in the number of associate members. It seems unwise to attach great significance to changes in membership in so short a period as one year, particularly since changes in composition by category may reflect activity patterns of the Membership Committee or of the Executive Office rather than a growth or decline in the populations from which the membership is drawn. Nevertheless, it is evident that the Society now has a significantly greater number of full-time, professional sociologists than it had in 1956. Seventy-seven members and representatives of the Committee recommended persons who joined the Society within the year, their recommendations accounting for nearly one-quarter of the total members added.

This section comments on the article The Effect of Mobilization and War on Children, by Lois Meek Stolz, in the April 1951 issue of Social Casework. This article should be of special pertinence to sociologists since the effect of war on children is a very important aspect of a current and vital social problem. Stolz discusses the effects of war on the personality development of infants, pre-school children, children of school age, and adolescents, placing special emphasis on the development of anxiety and aggression. An interesting note here is Stolz's suggestion that young children should not be hindered from playing war games which serve as outlets for their feelings of anxiety and aggression. War has deeper and more lasting effects on the personality development of infants and pre-school children than on older, more mature children. In regard to adolescents, the author suggests that provision be made for them to work at part-time jobs during the war either on a volunteer or pay basis. This helps to inflate their ego by making them feel that they are making a worth-while contribution to the community war effort.

The article focuses on the definition of theory and its relation to an individual and the society in general. Theory arises out of, flows back into, exists in, and is an aspect of, an active, passionate and willful attempt to secure one outcome rather than another in an external and internal world. Theory is thus only an ingredient in action. It is an aspect of practice, of struggle and of praxis. Theory is what differentiates human from the rest, for humans themselves are in large part, theory. The society is a society constituted as to quality and determined as to degree by the suppositions or theories that individuals have about themselves. While true so far as it goes, society is more than that because individuals each have suppositions and theories about society. And with society, as with persons, the theory, belief, faith or supposition is neither outside nor really in any ordinary sense about society. Theory is therefore, not about an individual but it is the individual and it is not about the society but rather it is the society itself. Apathy, frustration, loneliness and despair relate to the personal and social theories within which people live.

The article discusses a field for international social work practicum. In 1973, social scientists from Western Europe and North America met at Delphi upon the invitation of the National Centre for Social Research for training and study of international social work experience. The settlement house is an Anglo-American phenomenon which grew out of an urban industrial age to meet the needs of England's working poor, and the poor immigrants of Chicago and New York during the difficult years of the "Melting-Pot" era of American history. And Liosia, a semi-rural community, north of Athens, is also experiencing the social problems that come with the influx of "new groups (xeni--as the local native population call them) over the past ten years. The natives have expressed dissatisfaction, prejudice and non-acceptance of the newcomers and their problems--and they have had to find for themselves. It took. a Community Cultural Centre and a Church Social Worker employed within the Centre and alert to their needs, to bind the two alien groups--through mutual aid.

This article examines the meaning of communication in counseling. Counseling is defined by the type and nature of the problems which initiated the counseling relationship and which are discussed by the counselee. Identification of the modes of communication between a counselor and a counselee is considered the basic content of counseling because it is the main problem in human adjustment and development. The main influence of counseling as an educational technique centers on the direction and forms of development of a counselee.

The article focuses on the practicability of good theory among the teachers and counselors in the U.S. The teachers are counselors are said to be emphatic in demanding for practical assistance that deals with classroom and counseling problems. Survey shows that the existence of contradictory theories is considered to be a dissatisfying condition. It was found out that conceptual model ether is beneficial in the field of physics. Its use was highly practical since the world's manipulability and predictability was increased. It has been stressed that the theory becomes practical for students when abstractions attain concreteness.

The article reports on counselor ratings of process and outcome in client-centered therapy. The therapist's rating of the outcome of therapy is one of the most widely used of outcome criteria in psychotherapy research. In many studies it is the sole criterion. Such ratings have been shown, in cross validation studies, to have significant correlations with self-reporting measures such as Q-sort adjustment ratings, projective analysis of Rorschach protocols and diagnostic scores derived from the MMPI. Many factors may influence outcome ratings. This investigation examined association between counselor observations of the therapy process and counselor judgments of success. A six item rating scale was used by the counselors of 39 clients after the seventh interview and at termination. The purpose of the study was to define more specifically what is meant by client's "focus on the relationship" during therapy.

The article cites a study with chief objectives being to devise an experimental design and develop a system of dynamic concepts by which one could differentiate H. Rorschach results obtained by analytic from those obtained by non-analytic therapies; (b) to discover whether there are differences in degree and /or depth of change in analytic and non-analytic therapies; and finally (c) to determine, by way of control, whether changes in subjects needing therapy could occur without therapy and, if so, in what respects and to what extent.

Development, however defined, is obstructed by known and fairly obvious deficiencies in natural wealth and social organization. Not least amongst these are administrative shortcomings, which can be offset to some extent by largest in other areas. The richly endowed countries can afford less effective administration and still outshine better administered but poorly endowed countries. So far administrative performance has eluded both quantitative and qualitative measurements. It is a complex relationship between demands made on the administrative system, the nature of available administrative resources, satisfying a clientele with results, and minimum waste and dysfunction. To concentrate on only one of these facets or to devote attention solely to the capacity of an administrative system to meet economic demands may be a misleading over-simplification of development administration based on materialist values. The administrative system or sub-culture is a product of its particular environment and though materialist values may be enthroned in capitalism or communist dialectics, they may be subordinated to higher codes of social ethics, thereby producing apparent contradictions between professed policy aims and actual administrative behavior.

A common conceptualization in social science is a developmental Process implying a series of stages, each of which is characterized by a set of traits. Acquisition and dropping of traits occur in the same ordered sequence, but not necessarily at the same rate. The acquisition process is such that Guttman scaling procedures would be appropriate, but these procedures do not allow earlier traits to be dropped as development proceeds. A new scaling procedure is presented which is appropriate for developmental processes. Item ordering is discussed and two indicators of the utility of the scale are provided: (1) an index of scalability which shows the proportional improvement over expected error under an hypothesis of random ordering, e.g., no scale, and (2) an appropriate significance test, also under a random ordering hypothesis. Two illustrations of the scale are provided which involve data on the independence of wives, and data pertaining to patterns of family recreation. In general, the developmental scale is well-suited to describing these data, whereas Guttman scales are inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It seems reasonable to assume that applied social sciences develop more rapidly under some conditions than others. The purpose of this article is to take this simple assumption seriously, and to identify the theoretic and conceptual tools most conducive to the maturation of applied social sciences. Applied social science has distinctive intellectual requirements largely because it is exposed to special exigencies and tensions. Its theories and concepts not only have to pass inspection before the bar of science, but they must also prove serviceable in coping with this specific set of social tensions. It is not enough, therefore, to examine intellectual tools of applied social science in terms of their manifest scientific functions as technical instruments. They must also be considered in the light of their latent social functions for the peculiar system of human relations in which they are implicated. Attention is directed to two historically different planes of work in applied social science. One of these is the ongoing work in such areas as race relations, housing, industrial sociology, criminology, or mass communications research.

This discussion of the object scale or group scale is tentative, incomplete, and intended merely to indicate the kind of work which may be done if precision measures, such as scaling, are developed to treat the subject-orientation-object frame of reference. In the second place, it suggests a systematic empirical approach to the concept of group definition especially as this is related to and generated by the collective action of the particular group under scrutiny. Most scales 18 reflect interaction, in the sense that they abstract from the mass of individual definitions and individual attitudes that component which is common to all, such as the common definitions which derive from immersion in a common culture and the use in interaction of a common language. Subject scales measure the extent to which individuals share in this common component. Object scales, on the other hand, may result from group definitions which are contributed to in different ways by different group segments, each of which plays its distinctive role in the group. Technical developments along these lines would, therefore, have particular usefulness for the sociologist, concerned as he is with the phenomena emerging from social interaction.

The article presents the natural history interpretation of social problems as a broad conceptual frame for the examination of dynamics of specific social problems. Obviously, before the natural history technique can be made a precise tool of research, the many implications of the statement must be refined and explored by further analysis. Within the experience as teachers, the natural history approach has proved most valuable in bringing students to grips with realities of social problems. These realities, as one sees them, are the cross purposes at which people find themselves because they cherish incompatible and inconsistent objectives. The very norms of organization which give the community a working routine tend to produce conflicts of cultural values which create and sustain conditions defined as social problems. In the search for temporal sequences in the becoming of a social problem, the student does not take problem conditions for granted, as objective evils caused by evils. He seeks to explain social problems as emergents of the cultural organization of the community, as complements of the approved values of the society, not as pathological and abnormal departures from what is assumed to be proper and normal.

In its broader aspects, propaganda may be regarded as a form of social control, since its objective is the direction of group conduct through the manipulation of stimuli. As a consequence, it is a form of applied sociology. While it may frequently be practiced without formal regard to sociological principles, its relationship to this science is and must be, intimate. If the principles of sociology are sound, they must be involved in any successful manipulation of group conduct and conversely, if the group can be directed without material regard to these principles, then they can have no foundation in reality. To the propagandist, a group is a collection of individuals whom he wishes to influence and its action is to be measured in terms of individual responses. Thus, a propagandist for a department store would measure his immediate success in terms of sales, which are individual transactions. While he may and does, recognize in the group attributes that cannot be interpreted solely in terms of individual summation, the propagandist nevertheless regards the group as a collection of individuals and analyzes its characteristics by the conduct of the individuals who compose it.

This article presents information about the new books on the topic social problems and reform. Some of the books are "American Social Problems," by W.G. Beach and E.E. Walker, "The Ultimate Consumer: A Study is Economic Illiteracy," edited by J.G. Brainerd, "Social Work and the Courts: Select Statues and Judicial Decisions," by S.P. Breckinridge, "The Economic Morals of the Jesuits: An Answer to Dr. H.M. Robertson," by J. Brodrick, "Merchants of Death: A Study of the International Armament Industry," by H.C. Engelbrecht and F.C. Hanighen, "General Sociology," by H.P. Fairchild, "Toward Liquor Control," by R.B. Fordick, "The Technique of Social Investigation," by C.L. Fry, and "The Nemesis of Economic Nationalism and Other Lectures in Applied Economies," J. Johnston.

This article addresses the difficulties and challenges faced by the editor of the periodical on social problems as an Afro-American in relating to a mostly white readership. It is recognized that his ethnic background will significantly impact the selection/rejection criteria of the publication. Furthermore, the editor is expecting to confront the set of expectations developed by white readers of black academic contributions which make the justification process more difficult. Stated somewhat differently, the situation is such that white readers are interested in the "what" aspect of the published research while black readers are interested in the "why". Thus, answers which satisfy one will almost invariably dissatisfy the other. Consequently, it is recognized that the periodical is not the place to detail the set of expectations and preferences white scientists have about what black authors ought to write

Law can be viewed as a network of small group interaction. Basic characteristics of legal systems govern the interaction and permeate each individual small group. The rule structure within a small group forms a kind of behavioral constitution containing provisions on fundamental policies, internal and external relations, sanctions to be imposed for breach of rules, and so on. The use of a legal frame of reference in small group analysis expands the scope of inquiry and may furnish insights into current social problems. The constitution of a particular experimental group, confined for about three months in a penthouse on the Berkeley campus, is presented as illustration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article informs that the pressure of social problems and the lack of an established tradition result in a centrifugal trend away from the real core of a discipline towards those issues which attempt to cope with the external demands. Looking through the scientific journals of those countries where the disciplines are well established, it is often difficult for the laymen to understand even the titles of the articles, because the language and scientific constructs that are accepted by those who are trained in the field are highly specialized and removed from the terminology and facts of common experience. The terminology of behavioral scientists from more recently developed research institutions appears to be more generally understandable, which seems to be due to the particular level of differentiation of techniques and scientific constructs. Correspondingly there is often a closer relationship of these constructs with the problems of common experience. Nevertheless, he can stimulate the more "sophisticated" scholar to consider new problems, to evaluate the need for synthesis and to observe phenomena which before appeared to him irrelevant.

Recent work in the national character field beginning with 1940 has drawn extensively on anthropological field work for its models. This article looks into the effects of the anthropological field work models on interdisciplinary communication in the study of the national character. None of the models is appropriate without extensive modification for the study of national character. The only justification for setting psychologist and anthropologists to work on the problem of studying national character is that there is something in their disciplinary approaches that is not being supplied by the other social sciences.

The article informs that for centuries society has been inclined to place responsibility for delinquency and crime upon the individual offender rather than on society itself, delinquents being regarded as inferiors, physically, mentally and emotionally. For these anti-social beings who willfully violated the rules of society it was generally conceded that punishment should be the chief method of treatment. Even now, methods of treatment are largely concerned with reforming the individual and little consideration is given to removing the basic causes of crime. As a result of careful study of delinquency and crime in recent decades, a new conception of the nature of the problem has developed. It has been demonstrated that there is no factual relationship between delinquency and nationality, race and creed. All nationality and racial groups experience the problem when they are exposed to the social and economic conditions in which delinquency flourishes. Delinquency is concentrated in areas of poverty, along with the many other social problems associated with poverty, including poor housing, high rates of infant mortality and high percentages of families receiving welfare aid.

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This article focuses on several issues related to analysis of social problems. The analysis of social problems through the conduct of social research highlights the relationship between the form and the content of administrative services. Action research make it possible to arrive at an understanding of the ways in which a situation has been shaped and of the direction and force of the various currents which tend to alter it as time goes by. Objective social research lends itself to the use of quantitative methods and the limits within which the results are valid can be clearly stated. The strength of objective research lies in the fact that it often provides a quicker and more reliable answer to the social research questions relevant to human behavior, social interactions and the structure and culture of the society in which the individual operates. According to the author, it is the chief merit of problem-cantered research that it reintroduces into the scope of scientific and administrative work the human motivations and values, which are the significant, factors in all kinds of social and political behavior.

The article presents information on the social problems that exist in England and France. In reading the symptoms of the social malady there is general agreement. There is wide disagreement in the treatment proposed. One remedy is socialism, or the communal ownership of land and capital and the instruments and machinery of production. But socialism makes two capital blunders. In the first place, it proceeds on the assumption that society is a mechanism, and if it is found not to function properly, all that is needed is to shake the bundle of injustices and inequalities to pieces, and then put it together right by act of legislature, brutally to rights, if necessary. On the contrary, we know that society is an organism, and its features and activities are the result of a vital growth. Shaking it to pieces means its death. A more serious blunder of socialism is this, it ignores the root of moral evil out of which all social wrongs spring. One concludes that there is no hope in socialism. Prussianism, or the rule of might, has been offered as a method to settle antagonistic interests. The strong ought to rule the weak, and war is the final test of strength. If persons, classes, or nations disagree, let them fight it out, and let the strong hold by right what they win by might.

This article presents some issues and problems encountered by the clinical sociologist who helps an organization to cope with organizational problem. The author has considered three main issues, the change in self-concept and the change in interaction between the sociologist and client implied by the clinical role, certain technical problems which arise in this relationship and possible ways of resolving such problems so as to be of most use to a client organization. The three problems are apt to plague the sociologist when he applies his expertise in clinical role. These problems are, problems arising in structuring the clinical relationship, problems arising in attempting an initial prognosis and problems arising from the client's resistance to insight. These three problems may be spoken of as "problems of interpretation." But the questions which are apt to plague the sociologist who applies his expertise to organizational problems, whether or not he self-consciously considers himself a "clinical sociologist."