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THE University of Chicago collection of private papers of Henry C. Simons had its origin in a cardboard carton of letter size paper files left in Simons' office at his death. These files were apparently sorted and then sealed by the University of Chicago Law School until the mid-1960's when they were released to the Law School Library. The Library, in turn, forwarded the files to the Journal of Law and Economics where further sorting and cataloguing was begun early in 1972. The original collection consisted mainly of personal correspondence which was filed chronologically by year. Most of this correspondence was in the form of typewritten letters received by Simons and carbon copies of his replies. In addition to the correspondence files, there were a number of files labelled respectively, "biographical," "Simons-published," "Simons-Not published," "University Policy, Economics Department," and "miscellaneous." The "biographical" file contained some pre-1934 correspondence, news clippings, photographs, a manuscript biography of Simons by John Davenport of Fortune Magazine, professional resumes and some correspondence regarding Simons' estate and posthumous publications. The "Simons-published" files contained reprints of Simons' articles and book reviews. "Simons-Not published" files consisted of typewritten copies of speeches and a few unpublished manuscript fragments. In late 1972 the Journal acquired a private collection of holographic manuscripts by Simons, primarily drafts of public speeches, from George J. Stigler. The collection was further expanded by a personnel file from the Office of the Dean at the University of Chicago Department of Social Sciences and a number of short biographical and literary materials donated by miscellaneous (and sometimes mysterious) sources in the University of Chicago academic community. Finally, in early 1973, Aaron Director forwarded a substantial collection of Simons' correspondence which supplemented both the chronological correspondence files and the "University Policy' files, as well as several copies of Simons' early mimeographed memorandum, "Banking and Currency Reform," with its Appendix, "Banking and Business Cycles" and Supplementary Memorandum, "Long-Time Objectives of Monetary Management."'

S OF PAPERS PRESENTED AT THE TWENTY-SECOND ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY OF ARCHITECTURAL HISTORIANS Boston, Massachusetts, January 30-February 2, 1969 LATROBE AND HIS FOLLOWERS Chairman: Paul F. Norton, University of Massachusetts LATROBE'S PROFESSIONALISM J. Meredith Neil, University of Hawaii It is generally agreed that Benjamin Henry Latrobe was one of the first professional architects to practice in the United States. Other than to note his persistent efforts to gain recognition for architects as professionals rather than "mechanics," however, scholars have failed to explore the meaning or the significance of Latrobe's notions about the profession. The result, as may be seen in Hamlin's renowned biography, has been a failure to understand Latrobe as truly a man of his time and place. Latrobe's letters and journals reveal three basic contexts within which he felt called upon either to discuss his concept of the professional architect, or to elaborate matters that clearly expose his feelings on the subject. First, and probably most important, would be his letters to clients, associates, and students which concern questions of professional fees and prerogatives connected with designing and building particular structures. A variety of letters may be cited here. Secondly, Latrobe's insistent distinction between the professional and the gentleman amateur points up certain crucial aspects of his theory of the profession. A comparison ofJefferson's, Thornton's, and Latrobe's ideas about the design of the University of Virginia may serve to exemplify this second context. Finally, Latrobe's opinions on city planning, especially as related to New Castle, Delaware, and Nescopeck, Pennsylvania, round out our understanding of what being a professional meant to Latrobe. We must conclude that Latrobe's professionalism, like Jefferson's theory of democracy, and Charles Willson Peale's ideal of a patriotic scientific museum, is distinctly early nineteenth-century American in flavor. Latrobe's not-quite-moder view of the architect surprisingly corresponds to the Jeffersonian democracy that still smacks of colonial deference, and with Peale's theory of public institutions insufficiently emancipated from a shallow rationalism and optimism. Latrobe wished the professional American architect to be paid at least as well as the commission merchant, in due recognition of his long training, rare talents, and high overhead costs. At the same time, Latrobe expected the architect to act like, and to have the status of an eighteenth-century gentleman rather than a "mere carpenter." The former emphasis on expertise and economic realism proved to be at least occasionally incompatible with the later notions of gentlemanly humanism and noblesse oblige. Thus, Latrobe proudly contributed his services to all churches, including the Baltimore Cathedral, which accorded well with a gentlemanly graciousness, but could scarcely be thought of as a way to maintain a modern practice. Similarly, Labrobe's frequent reliance on European precedent while conceding that American conditions were laudably different, just as surely as Jefferson's and Peale's ambivalent attitudes towards Europe, represented a stage in American thought distinctive of the first generation of national independ

ALMOST twenty-five years have passed since ,tX the death of Gustav Stresemann, and still there is no biography that presents his complex figure in every facet. Quantitatively, the literature on Stresemann is quite impressive.' But most of it was written at the height of his career or under the impact of his sudden death; and written, moreover, by persons who had known and admired their subject. As a result, these early works shed more warmth than light.2 Even a close friend of Stresemann's could not help commenting on one of these eulogies: "One almost wished one was a deutschnational or volkisch journalist, so much does this book cry for detraction and criticism."3 What was needed to gain a more detached and definitive view was time, adequate source material, and the objectivity of a historian. But unfortunately too little time had elapsed when, with the rise to power of naziism in 1933, the possibility for any objective historical research, let alone into the career of Hitler's bete noire, Stresemainn, disappeared. To be sure, as time went on, the weight of office seems to have somewhat mellowed the Fuhrer's view of the "appeaser" of Locarno. "Among my predecessors [he admitted in 1941] Stresemnann

The publication of the first of Hong's five-volume edition of the most significant parts of Kierkegaard's Papirer is a major event for English-speaking students of Kierkegaard's life and thought. Until now English readers have been limited to Dru's The Journals of Soren Kierkegaard (less than 6oo pages of text), Rohde's The Diary of Soren Kierkegaard (about 250 pages), Smith's The Last Years, The Kierkegaard Journals 1853-1855 (384 pages), and to a number of valuable but limited quotations from the Papirer translated by various Kierkegaard scholars for use in the texts of works devoted to interpreting either SK's life or thought (e.g., Walter Lowrie's distinguished biography entitled Kierkegaard). In purely quantitative terms, the limited nature of what we have had in English up to this time becomes clear when one realizes that the Danish Papirer themselves take up twenty substantial volumes.

WHEN Sir Joseph Larmor edited the scientific papers of Lord Kelvin and Prof. Fitzgerald he did work which nobody else could have done so perfectly; his time, however valuable, was spent to advantage. The editing of these papers of Lord Kelvin's brother might have been undertaken by many others, but now that the excellent result is before us we cannot regret it, and we must confess that we did not expect to find in the editor such a perfect sympathy with James Thomson's methods of study. He shares with Prof. Thomson's son the honour and credit of this publication. The book begins with about a hundred pages of biography and comment upon Thomson's works—excellent reading. Then we have 153 pages of papers relating to fluid motion, dating from 1852 to the Bakerian lecture of 1892; nearly eighty pages on congelation and liquefaction from 1849 to 1888; forty pages on the continuity of states in matter from 1869 to 1873; seventy pages on dynamics and elasticity from 1848 to 1887; and about eighty pages on geological and miscellaneous subjects from 1848 to 1892. Collected Papers in Physics and Engineering. Prof. James Thomson, F.R.S. Selected and arranged with unpublished material and brief, annotations by Sir Joseph Larmor, Sec. R.S., and James Thomson. Pp. civ + 484. (Cambridge: University Press, 1912.) Price 15s. net.)

Burton Historical Records, volume 2 https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/swoda-windsor-region/1046/thumbnail.jpg

Burton historical records, volume 1 https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/swoda-windsor-region/1045/thumbnail.jpg

ACCORDING to a statement in his biography, recently published, Bateson intended at some time to write the history of Mendelism. Interesting as such a review would have been, the result has, in effect, been accomplished by the publication of his scientific papers and public addresses; for we have here not only a record of English work covering the early days of Mendelism, but also a general summary of much of the work done elsewhere. These papers, taken in conjunction with Bateson's biography, tell nearly the whole story of the fateful years following the rediscovery of Mendel's work in 1900. Possibly, in retrospect, emphasis might now be differently placed, and much of the detail relegated to the background, but the vividness of the recital by those in the midst of the enthusiasm of verifying and expanding Mendel's work might be lost in a strictly historical review. Scientific Papers of William Bateson. Edited by R. C. Punnett. Vol. 1. Pp. viii + 452 + 7 plates. Vol. 2. Pp. viii + 503 + 29 plates. (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1928.) 42s. net each.

This special edition of four volumes of the International Archives of Allergy and Applied Immunology is devoted to papers by approximately a hundred authors who combine to honor Dr. Bela Schick on his eightieth birthday. That such a large and diverse group of papers could be assembled in tribute to a man who rightly may lay claim to having been instrumental in bringing forth the concept of allergy is testimonial indeed to the soundness of his concept. Those who would learn more about Dr. Schick himself will be better referred to Antoni Gronowicz's biography, "Bela Schick and the World of Children." The present volume is of interest primarily to the allergist, the immunologist, and the pediatrician who still considers allergy as an antigen-antibody function and not an interaction between parenteral pathogens and childhood substrate. Here is a diverse collection of the erudite—excellent papers by such immunologic authorities as Campbell, Pressman

Series One: The Diary and Autobiography of John Adams. Edited by L. H. Butterfield; Leonard C. Faber and Wendell D. Garrett, assistant editors. 4 volumes. $30.00 the set Diary of Charles Francis Adams. Edited by Aida DiPace Donald and David Donald. 2 volumes. $20.00 the set. The Earliest Diary of John Adams. Edited by L. H. Butterfield; Wendell D. Garrett and Marc Friedlaender, associate editors. $3. Series Two: Adams Family Correspondence. Edited by L. H. Butterfield; Wendell D. Garrett, associate editor; Marjorie E. Sprague, assistant editor. 2 volumes (1761 to 1778). $17.50 the set. Series Three: Legal Papers of John Adams. Edited by L. Kinvin Wroth and Hiller B. Zobel. 3 volumes. $30.00 the set. Harvard University Press.