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THE use of genetical methods in physical anthropology, which really began with the Hirszfelds' classical paper (1919:675) is no longer new and is now widely accepted. Genetical methods are referred to, in an approving tone, in many books and articles published during the last few years. The late Prof. Hooton (1946) devoted 18 pages out of 788 to genetical methods, and Montagu (1960:327) devotes 93 out of 771 to the subject, giving it avery up-to-date treatment, and stating," . . . if we are to trace the relationships of the varieties of man to one another, it is necessary that we rely on criteria which possess a more permanent character than the shifting sands of head shape .... Such characters are available in the blood groups, in the M-N in the Rh-Hr blood types and in the hemoglobin and haptoglobin types of man." In addition to the characteristics mentioned by Montagu, we now know of a number of other inherited traits of man that either are or will doubtless become useful. One might well ask, are there any longer any skeptics? The answer to this question seems to be: yes, there are skeptics, and some of them are rather vocal. Worse than this, examination of some of the books and papers written by authors who seem to welcome the genetical method suggests that they, in reaching their conclusions, actually make very little use of the data and modes of reasoning that such methods provide. Layrisse and Wilbert (1960) state that in their experience about four out of ten physical anthropologists are still doubtful about the value of blood grouping in their science. Probably most of us have had one or more of the older physical anthropologists inquire, in conversation, "Now frankly, what have blood groups ever proved that we didn't know already?" L. Oschinsky (1959:1) has not hesitated to carry the war into his enemy's country. He says, "Nowhere has Professor Boyd posed the question as to whether or not the characteristics he is choosing are taxonomically relevant .... Unfortunately for Professor Boyd, it is the polygenic features such as skin colour, hair texture, nose shape, lip thickness, which have the greatest taxonomic value. And why is it necessary to understand the mechanism of inheritance if one is concerned with the question of distinguishing between the various racial groups which, Professor Boyd states, is one of the chief aims of physical anthropology?" (my italics) A few years ago, at a seminar at Columbia University, a distinguished American physical anthropologist delivered a detailed attack on the blood groups as anthropological criteria, partly on the grounds that they may respond too readily to selection pressures. More recently, two Polish anthropologists, Bielicki (1962:3) and Wiercinski (1962:2) have also attacked the use of

'T'he anthropological data described in this paper were collected during the course 1 of two field trips to the western part of the East New Guinea highlands, one in mid 1955 and the other during 1956-7. They were collected as part of a project to study the New Guinea indigenes and the work was financed by a grant from the Nuffield Foundation, London. The study was carried out by personnel of the Departments of Anthropology and Anatomy, University of Sydney and the New South Wales Red Cross Blood Transfusion Service, Sydney, under the general direction of Professor A. P. Elkin, Department of Anthropology, University of Sydney. A number of papers have already been published on the material collected on the above trips : staphylococci harboured (Rountree, 1956), blood groups (Macintosh et al., 1958), haemoglobin values (Walsh et al., 1959) and cultural anthropology (Meggitt, 1956, 1957, 1958 from these and other trips). The present paper is the first of a series on the physical anthropology and is restricted to a consideration of stature variation in the whole of the area sampled. Of the large amount and variety of physical anthropological data collected, it was decided to analyse the stature data first as (except for blood grouping) by far the largest number of individuals were studied for this feature. Further, the character is one of considerable anthropological interest and comparative data are available from other parts of New Guinea and other relevant areas.

THE compilation of world ethnographies and world culture-historical syntheses is a very old tradition in anthropology. Works of this genre link the compendia of voyages and travels and the "universal histories" of earlier centuries to the emergent scientific anthropology of the last 200 years. They were, in fact, the first systematic efforts to organize data from what we now recognize as the three major divisions of our science: physical anthropology, linguistics, and ethnology. To be sure, most pioneer works in this genre regularly confused these levels, and consistent distinctions were not made until the latter part of the 19th century. This paper will show that improved world ethnographic and culture-historical handbooks are needed, not only for their convenience in scholarly work, or their value to beginning graduate students, but because of their stimulating effect on theory-building. Much of the paper will deal with the three most recent examples of this form of anthropological literature in German, Italian, and Russian, edited by Bernatzik, Biasutti, and Tolstov, respectively. There have been few world-syntheses of prehistoric archeology since Menghin's monumental but controversial Weltgeschichte der Steinzeit; the only work in this category known to me is the useful handbook edited by Narr, et al., Abriss der Vorgeschichte (1957). Anthropologists in the English-speaking parts of the world have special obligations to contribute to this genre, not only because of past neglect-it has been more than half a century since an original work of this kind has appeared in English but because for a number of reasons, English-speaking anthropologists in the past several decades have carried on fieldwork in a greater diversity of regions and with a wider battery of approaches and techniques than have their colleagues in non-English-speaking countries. Further, and equally important, English is now the most widely used language for scientific communication. It seems reasonable to assume that the larger the circle of scientifically competent readers a given body of information can reach, the greater are the possibilities for new and fruitful ideas. Despite the fact that more anthropologists read English than any other language, the basic handbooks and reference works in our subject continue with few exceptions to be published in languages other than English. Thus, the most comprehensive handbook of physical anthropology is in German (Martin and Saller 1956-); the basic handbook of languages is in French (Meillet and Cohen 1952); the only encyclopedia of prehistory (Ebert 1924-1932), the most ambitious one-man effort at world synthesis of prehistory (Menghin 1932), and the most recent worldwide compendium of prehistory (Narr 1957) are all in German; the most detailed world ethnography is in Italian (Biasutti

IN A discussion of the physical anthropology of white Americans, Kluckhohn (1955) mentions the desirability of making fresh analyses of the statistical data recorded by some of the earlier anthropometrists. The present paper is such an attempt, based on modern concepts of physical growth, body composition, posture and physique. In some human groups, measurable changes in body build have undoubtedly occurred during the past several decades, and the abundant evidence of these changes has recently been reviewed by Kaplan (1954). One of the best studies of these phenomena is the excellent monograph of Bowles (1932) on the anthropometry of Harvard fathers and sons. These data are to be utilized again here. Bowles' study also included samples of mothers and daughters from four women's colleges in the eastern United States, but this material is too meager for our present purposes. Unfortunately, somatic measurements taken on college students are only indications of the outcome of growth. These dimensions are only indirect hints as to the metamorphoses which took place earlier. It is therefore necessary to implement our analysis with findings on the physical growth of other human groups-especially when individual children have been repeatedly observed and measured over a period of years. As a preliminary to a review of Bowles' data, we shall first consider the recent trends of growth and final body size in a few human populations. The next topic is the use of anthropometry for locating specific sites of growth in the body. Finally, we shall deal with Bowles' Harvard series itself: the methods used in measuring it, and the interrelations among posture, body composition, shape, and size in the paternal and filial generations. The main thesis of this paper is that a decreased frequency of disturbances of growth has been chiefly responsible for the recent somatic enlargement of Harvard families. In local regions of the body, tissues with the largest specific contributions to total body size have undergone the greatest absolute enlargement in the Harvard sons. The evidence for this hypothesis lies in the great consistency of changes in posture, the sizes of local body regions, and in the fat content and muscularity of the organism.

The six papers reviewed by T. D. Stewart in the July 1952 issue of American Antiquity (Vol. XVIII, No. 1, pp. 71-72; also reviewed in the American ]ournal of Archaeology, Vol. 56, No. 4, October 1952, pp. 234- 236, by E. K. Reed) were given in the symposium on new methods and techniques of interpretation of the physical anthropology of the American Indian constituting the second half of the Viking Fund's Fourth Summer Seminar in Physical Anthropology, August 29 to September 3, 1949 (the first half being devoted to the Australopithecinae of South Africa). Abstracts of all papers were published in the Yearbook of Physical Anthropology, Vol. 4, 1948, New York (Viking Fund), 1949. In addition to the six papers presented in full in Physical Anthropology of the American Indian (ed. W. S. Laughlin, published by the Viking Fund, New York, 1951), these were: Morris Steggerda, “Anthropometry of the living American Indian“; Charles E. Snow, “The Sequence of Physical Types in North America“; and T. D. McCown, “The sequence of physical types in California.” Final discussion, of methods and theoretical considerations, was presided over by Stewart as moderator.

The object of this paper is to summarise the results of an anthropological biological survey made in Ig5o-6 on the breeding populations of an area including Rwanda, Burundi, and part of the Kivu province of the ex-Belgian Congo (Hiernaux i956; ig60; i963; i964; i965a). The author was based at the Astrida (now Butare) centre of the Institut pour la Recherche Scientifique en Afrique centrale (IRSAC), where he derived benefit from the presence of several ethnologists, a linguist, a demographer, and an economist. The paper will start with a few general remarks on the prospects of survey work in physical anthropology and on its strategy. On one point, taxonomy, it will extend beyond the geographical frame considered, and include some preliminary and partial results of research now in progress. The object of study of physical anthropology is the biological diversity of Man. This can be approached in various ways. Mathematicians working on models, atid biologists experimenting on mice have made contributions of prime importance for the theoretical understanding of human diversity. When all the published quantified information on the biological characters of ethnic groups living in Africa south of the Sahara is considered, discarding only those samples which are too small or are not representative, about half of the area is a terra incognita from this point of view. Data exist on 460 groups, but there is no one variable common to them all (Hiernaux ms.). We evidently need more data on more populations if we are to solve those anthropological problems which cover a wide African area, such as the taxonomy of Man in Africa, or the associations between environmental and biological variables. The Human Adaptability Committee of the International Biological Programme has been wise in recommending more extensive surveys on biological characters everywhere in the world, like the one in central Africa dealt with here. While the lack of data is still so great that any survey will collect something of interest, some areas are, however, more interesting than others. These are areas in which there are wide variations of both environment and gene pools. There is a fair probability that the investigator starting a survey in such a part of the world will find situations approximating a latin square in design, or at least comprising several cells of it. The simplest latin square, one with four cells, would consist of two genetically different populations living in two different biotopes. Such a situation would allow one to analyse the overall diversity into that part due to genetical causes and that part due to the influence of the environment on the phenotype. The Rwanda area is favourable in this respect: its inhabitants display an extreme intergroup diversity, and ecologically it is a contact area where the equatorial forest and the eastern savannah meet. It also receives influences from the north along the Nile and from the south along the Great Lakes rift.

The synthetic theory of evolution requires the reconstruction of the behaviors of past populations, and such reconstruction cannot be neatly packaged. In this situation the primitive systems of the brain will find support for the opposite sides of almost any question. As individuals, we have the need to feel that what we do is "real, true, and important" and this has a profound influence on our supposedly scientific attitudes. At the present time no theory of the evolution of the canine complex is fully adequate. Futile debate comes from the illusion of scientific proof and from the emotional needs of contesting individuals. IN THE LATEST NUMBER of the Yearbook of Physical Anthropology (1973) Brace suggests that the degree of sexual dimorphism was much greater among the very early men (australopithecines) than among the more recent members of the family. In the same volume, only a few pages later, Pilbeam and Zwell conclude that sexual dimorphism cannot account for the variability of the same fossils. The study of human evolution is full of examples such as this. Scientists with access to the same information often arrive at opposite conclusions. Such disagreements are usually blamed on methods and inadequate data. It would appear that the important causes of many of these conflicts are the illusion of science, reliance on description, and the peculiarities of the human mind. We are caught in traditions which inevitably produce conflict and slow progress in our understanding of evolution. The history of theories of human evolution is filled with examples of competent scientists, with access to the same facts, drawing different conclusions, and then becoming involved in acrimonious debate often lasting for years. The papers referred to above are clear and follow the accepted scientific mode of presentation. First, the problem is introduced, then data are presented and analyzed, then conclusions are drawn. Opponents' methods are labeled "deplorable" and "explanations... inadequate." Clearly both authors think that their conclusions are useful, have a high probability of being correct, and should be accepted. Both authors are following our culturally determined scientific tradition. This tradition leads us to accept description as fact-in this case, measurements of teeth. Obviously the judgment of whether there were two lineages in the genus Australopithecus (in the broadest sense) or one does not necessarily depend on the dental evidence alone. But even if comparison is restricted to the measurements of length and breadth of the teeth, Wolpoff (1971a:123) has shown that A.

IF WE WISH to study physical anthropology objectively, we must avoid repetition of a mistake which seems to have been regrettably common in the early days of the subject. The early physical anthropologists seem to have taken over, to a large extent, the concepts of race which were currently held by the layman, and attempted to find, by skull measurements and other such devices, significant differences between individuals belonging to these predefined "races." A truly scientific approach would surely have been different. One would first inquire what meaning, if any, could legitimately be given to the word "race" and second, what characteristics of the human species, if any, exist, which can be readily and objectively determined, which will aid in setting up racial categories. It is the purpose of this paper to make such an attempt. People have loosely referred to the "English race," the "French race," the "Jewish race," and the "African race," ignoring the fact that these groups of mankind may differ much more among themselves than typical examples will differ from other examples of a different race. The tragic results of misuse of the word "race" in recent times have been well summarized in the book by Ashley Montagu.1 As Montagu points out, unscrupulous politicians, taking advantage of the unthinking idea so common in the laity of the present day that "of course, they know what races are," have made use of these ideas of race for their own ends, and have not hesitated to kill and torture millions of people in the name of "race." Montagu points out that the modern conception of race is of recent origin, and did not exist in the world of antiquity, or even in the modern world until the latter part of the eighteenth century. The ancient Greeks and Romans referred to those outside of their capital cities as barbarians, but they did not imply by this that the barbarians belonged to separate races, but simply to different geographic groups. The Greek city states, though they were often at war with each other, did not consider that their inhabitants belonged to different races.

T HIS paper has four parts. Part I is a quick inventory of work done on the physical anthropology of the American Southwest. Part II sets out a problem of general anthropological interest: the biological relationship, or phylogeny, of two or more populations. A statistical method of appraising the degree of relationship is characterized. Part III considers a case where an anthropometric method of measuring relationship can be tested with four Southwestern populations of known relationship. Part IV attempts to apply this tested method to the problem of the biological relationship of the Maricopa and to the problem of the biological affinities of the Mogollon and Chama peoples.

THIS paper is a somewhat expanded version of an attempt to explain to European colleagues some of the elements of anthropological method and theory that underlie and condition the thinking of American anthropologists. In its original form (Ehrich 1961) it appeared as a contribution to the issue of Pamatky Archeologicke honoring the late Dr. Jaroslav Bohm, the Director of the Archaeological Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. Since Dr. Bohm was not only interested in methodological problems but had also contributed to the field (Bohm 1953; 1961), this seemed an appropriate topic. In the United States, archeology forms one of the subdivisions of that larger discipline which we call Cultural Anthropology, and the overwhelming majority of archeologists trained here today, with the exception of most Classical archeologists, Egyptologists, Medievalists, and a few other specialists, receive a thorough grounding in this subject. It thus becomes necessary to restate, in broad terms, the content of anthropology in the British and American sense, and the position of archeology within it (Ehrich 1950; 1958a; 1958b) before we explore the theoretical and methodological implications of this relationship in greater detail. Our summary definition of anthropology, then, is that it is the comparative study of man and his works. This of itself divides the subject into two major parts: Physical Anthropology, or man viewed as a biological organism in the meaning attached to the simple term anthropology in other European languages; and Cultural Anthropology, which comprises ethnology and archeology. If we accept "the comparative study of peoples and cultures" as a valid description of ethnology, we can then subdivide it further into its two major orientations which respectively have historical and nonhistorical objectives. The goals of historical ethnology are to reconstruct the actual history of cultural development both in general and in particular instances and to gain an understanding of the laws and processes which may be involved. The nonhistorical schools of ethnology, on the other hand, are much more concerned with the actual functioning of individual cultures, the interrelationship of their parts, the differential effects of people on their own ways of life, and the effects that particular cultural outlooks and practices have on the development of people within a given society. The information for these nonhistorically oriented studies normally derives from the discipline of ethnography, which entails the detailed analysis of individual cultures. Although the ethnographer primarily describes directly observable phenomena or attitudes via informants, he is interested in current cultural processes, while analysis of multiple ethno

The basic issues which this paper will be concerned with are: how has history been defined, what has been asked about history, and what sort of answers have been found. These questions may also be stated as: what is the nature of historical theory (since “theory” here will mean any set of definitions, assumptions, and operating hypotheses) and how do different theories affect what may “be done” with history.

THE comparative point of view of anthropology rests on a recognition that there are physical and cultural differences among human populations which must be taken into account in any attempt to generalize about mankind. It is anthropology's recognition of the scientific importance of such differences which chiefly distinguishes it from other disciplines concerned with man and human behavior. The history of this idea is therefore a particularly important part of the history of anthropology.1 It is the thesis of this paper that the anthropological tradition of interest in differences among men had its beginnings in the Italian Renaissance of the 14th and 15th centuries and specifically in Renaissance archaeology. The first differences which were recognized as significant to a general understanding of mankind were the cultural and linguistic differences between Classical antiquity and what was then the present. It was only after the beginnings of an archaeological perspective had been established that the interest in differences was extended to contemporary contrasts. Renaissance studies of Classical antiquity not only stimulated a general interest in differences among men, they also provided models for describing such differences. When the problem of describing contemporary non-Western cultures arose, there were Renaissance studies of Roman customs and institutions to serve as precedents. Similarly, Renaissance grammars and dictionaries of Classical Latin and Greek became models for the description of spoken languages in all parts of the world, and the study of the ancient monuments of Italy and Greece became the basis for archaeological reporting elsewhere. The beginnings of physical anthropology were delayed, because the study of Classical antiquity in this case offered little precedent. In order to demonstrate the Renaissance origin of the comparative point of view of anthropology, it is necessary to show first that there was no continuous anthropological tradition of comparative studies stretching back through the Middle Ages to Classical antiquity, and second that the interest in differences of custom and language and in local antiquities, characteristic of some writers of the period of the voyages of discovery, was related to a fundamental change in men's attitude toward Classical antiquity which was the essence of the Italian Renaissance.

After a period of passive observation of his own phylogenesis, Homo sapiens has begun to take an active role in the development of his species. Having progressed through the stages of treatment and prophylaxis of disease, he will eventually become capable of directing human development. This stage is of concern to physical anthropology, one of the branches of biomedical science. It is also of particular interest to cultural anthropology, because man as a biological entity is the basis of social phenomena. This paper deals with the scientific basis for the control of the physical development of individuals and populations. This problem is of extreme importance in view of the serious responsibility which must be assumed by those who will direct the physical development of the human species. Some of the problems dealt with here are (1) basic concepts in physical development, among them (a) aspects of physical development-growth, differentiation and maturation, kinetics, and dynamics; (b) averageness, normali...

ARECURRING question posed to the physical anthropologist by his archaeological associates concerns the problem of properly classifying new skeletal finds within the framework of a known local prehistory. An analysis may result which is initially purely quantitative. However, problems demanding interpretation often develop. For example, when the physical characteristics of prehistoric populations have been metrically described, their industrial accomplishments outlined, and their place in time fairly well established, the problem of spatial distribution becomes a primary interest. The discovery of skeletal material, peripheral to the known area of occupation, must be explained either as an addition to the known biological pattern or as representing a foreign element. Current methods for differentiating skeletal populations consist of morphological observations and detailed mensuration. Final judgments of group affiliation may result from a metrical trait analysis based on prescribed types (Neumann 1952) or from the comparison of mean measurements with subsequent testing for statistical significance. In cases where a new discovery is made up of many specimens, a metrical comparison may be definitive. But, where the new find consists of the skeletal remains of one individual, or a household group, physical association with the proper parent population becomes much more difficult. Although cultural assemblages may give clues to possible identification, the investigator, in most instances, must make a decision based on his own experience and knowledge. This kind of subjective methodology may or may not be successful but, as Thieme (1957: 79) points out, "there is no explicit statement of probability that is inherent in the method. We are forced to evaluate the expert and cannot evaluate his methods except to note his experience." In recent years, a number of attempts have been made to render more objective the standard methods of skeletal comparison. Better documented samples and more reliable statistical procedures have led to an increased knowledge of the real limits of population variability and, at the same time, have added greater precision to technical improvements. Thus, Thieme's use of the discriminant function for determining the sex of unknown remains is a successful attempt to lend more objectivity to present methods of sex identification. The use of multiple measurements to designate the relationships of small samples of individuals to one or more probable parent populations is not new. It has been demonstrated in several fields; for example, in botany, the separation of species of iris (Fisher 1936); in agronomy, the differentiation of soil types (Cox and Martin 1937); in genetics, the selection of genetically desirable types of plants (Smith 1936) or poultry (Panse 1946); in physical anthropology, the investigation of changes through time in the characteristics of Egyptian skulls (Barnard 1955), the discrimination of species by dentition (Bronowski and Long 1952), the determination of the sex of certain human bones (Pons 1955), and the sexing of Negro skeletons (Thieme 1957; Thieme and Schull 1957). In each case equations were calculated that determined proper classification with a high degree of success. However, application of the discriminant function to designate genetic relationships among human skeletal populations has yet to be thoroughly investigated. Although the ideal basis for differentiating skeletal populations would be genetic, our limited knowledge of the genetics of individual characteristics leaves us only the phenotypic with which to work. Thus, the discriminant function can only be used to differentiate between selected samples on a phenotypic basis. The genetic interpretation of the demonstrated differences must remain a problem for the future. In this paper we discuss the calculation of a discriminant function that will best indicate the metrical relationships of two prehistoric skeletal populations from California. In this discussion we have recognized the importance of assigning isolated skeletal remains to their proper breeding groups. MATERIAL AND METHODS

OCEANIA has been a favorite locale for those who have sought to reconstruct the sequence of past events on the basis of ethnographic evidence alone. Devoid of documented history prior to European contact, with until recently no archaeological data of material aid, Oceania presented to the student of culture history only a one-dimensional level of regional ethnology. The rigorous handling of the ethnographic data from this area, when combined with the evidence of linguistics and physical anthropology, has indicated much as to the probable direction of migration, and the general course of culture history in later periods. Nevertheless, little demonstrable chronology has thereby been established, while the more ambitious and speculative attempts at historical reconstruction are as complicated as they are improbable. Although important work of real significance for prehistory remains to be done in blocking out the contemporary distribution of languages, physical types, and cultures, particularly in Melanesia, further progress in unravelling the prehistory of Melanesia, Polynesia, and Micronesia is primarily dependent on the prosecution of carefully planned archaeological research. Only archaeology will provide sequences of culture change in Oceania that can engage the confidence of the critically minded. The present paper is an outgrowth of recent archaeological work in Micronesia and Polynesia and deals only with those two areas. The following discussion treats two questions: (1) Do the established divisions of island Oceania provide the most useful framework within which to view the problems of Micronesian and Polynesian prehistory? and (2) On the basis of archaeological evidence what glimpses into the past do we possess, and what are some of the major problems that lie ahead?

This review of studies in the physical anthropology of modern man concerns papers that have appeared in the period from mid-1969 to mid-1971. Though far from comprehensive it aims to show how much activity there is in each major topic of investigation in the biological study of populations of man that exist today, and to pick out any trends in investigation that may be detectable. Several topics have been intentionally excluded, e.g. behavior studies, psychometric investigations, descriptive osteometry, and epidemiological works relating to particular disease states.

HE last decade has seen a considerable revival of interest in the physical anthropology of the Bushman-Hottentot peoples. In the period I952-5 no fewer than 34 papers with a bearing on this topic have been published, of a total of 46 in the decade 1946-5 5. This contrasts with 7 works in this category in the four years I9485 i. The subject-matter has been shared fairly evenly between studies on the living and those on skeletal remains. In the former category are studies on Nama Hottentots (Wells), Strandlopers (Dart), Koranas (Grobbelaar, Tobias), Sandawe (Trevor), Lake Chrissie Bushmen (Toerien), Northern Bushmen (Wells, Gusinde, Erikson, Williams, Tobias), River Bushmen (Hurwitz and Harington), Central Bushmen (Tobias), hybrids (Trevor, Wells, Tobias), and on blood groups (Zoutendyck, Kopec and Mourant, Grobbelaar). In the second category are craniological studies by Cosnett, Dart, Drennan, Dreyer and Meiring, Grobbelaar, Hope, Keen, Sauter, Tobias, Toerien, Wells, on a variety of recent, proto-historic, and prehistoric remains. Twothirds of all these studies have been focused primarily upon Bushmen. Furthermore, plans for additional anthropometrical and anthroposcopic surveys of surviving Bushmen are at present being elaborated in the Department of Anatomy of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg-from which Department, under the general direction and inspiration of Professor Raymond A. Dart, more than half the studies referred to have emanated. It is hoped that, in the coming years, a series of expeditions will visit Bushman tribes, more particularly in those areas which have not hitherto been studied from a physical anthropological point of view. This revival of interest in the somatic structure of the Bushman and its promised expansion have established the need for more precise knowledge of the numbers and whereabouts of the surviving Bushmen. Accordingly, when the French PanhardCapricorn Expedition gave me the opportunity to visit the Kalahari Desert in 95 I, I began to collect first-hand information on the spot and from District Commissioners. Since then, figures have been sought and obtained from administrative officers in most areas where Bushmen are still to be found. The officers evince the liveliest interest in the Bushmen where these occur in their Districts and, in several instances, have been at pains to study numbers, distribution, and movements. They were willing and eager to hand on such information. The territories included are: Bechuanaland Protectorate, South West Africa, Angola, Northern and Southern Rhodesia, and the Union of South Africa. When it became apparent that these returns yielded a number far in excess of previous estimates, in fact exceeding 50,000, it was felt desirable to place on record the results to date, and Professor Daryll Forde invited the author to contribute these notes.

Processes of expansion in central and eastern Africa, independently evidenced by linguistics, anthropobiology and archaeology, display such similar patterns that they may be regarded as facets of the same sequence of events. This paper develops mainly the anthropobiological evidence by using new methods of analysis based on multivariate distances. It ends with a coherent synthesis of the contributions of the three disciplines to the problems of Bantu expansion.

T HE classification of races into subgroups has long been a primary problem in physical anthropology, but one very difficult to solve with traditional techniques for establishing typologies. The present paper reports some of the promising results when modern methods of multiple-discriminant analysis are applied to series of Indian crania from the Eastern United States in a test of G. Neumann's (1952) classification of these populations into Iswanid, Walcolid, Otamid, and Lenapid groups.' On the basis of purely metric analysis, for example, the following refinements and revisions of the G. Neumann classification are suggested: 1. There is no statistical evidence for the existence of an Otamid variety, although individuals assigned to that group for purposes of this analysis are not ideal examples by G. Neumann's (1952:15-17) definition. 2. The present analysis suggests the existence of a basic and widespread group from the Paleo Indian period or Archaic horizon to the historical period. Although not defined from a particular site as in the G. Neumann classification (1952:12-20), this purely metric type would include his individuals. The term Iswanid is therefore retained.

The Bibliography aims at giving a survey of the most important books and articles dealing with African languages and cultures. Entries in this number cover publications from September to November 1936. The Editor will welcome information in regard to books, pamphlets, or other papers published in Africa which might otherwise not come to his attention. The bibliography is arranged under the following headings: I. Archaeology, II. Physical Anthropology, III. Ethnology, IV. Linguistics, V. Education and Missions, VI. Economics, VII. Administration, VIII. Geography and Travel, IX. Cartography, X. History, XI. Bibliography, XII. Miscellaneous.

Recent accounts of the proto-history of Africa use data from physical anthropology, but also concepts of race which physical anthropologists in general have abandoned as unsatisfactory; the paper seeks to explain this phenomenon sociologically. Late nineteenth-century political and sociological trends helped to produce patterns of thought which can no longer be regarded as affording adequate explanations of social processes. These patterns combined idealism, or the method of contrasting ideal types, with pseudo-Darwinism, which sought the origins of political development in the interaction of differently endowed groups. In African ethnography of the early twentieth century such concepts led to the view that the continent was inhabited by two groups, Caucasoids and Negroids, and by mixtures of the two which remained mixtures, to be analysed as such. The Caucasoid and Negroid types were regarded as absolute and universal, represented equally in the biological, linguistic, cultural and political aspects of man.

Recent progress in primatology, neurology and psychology has made it possible to begin to synthesize and combine the data and concepts from these fields into the physical anthropological approach to child growth and development. This paper attempts to conceptualize this new biobehavioral approach, reviewing two studies which exemplify it, already under research at the Krogman Growth Center. The first, which deals with mother-newborn social interaction, explores neonate attachment behaviors and predictable maternal response. The methodology of this study relies heavily on ethological techniques. The second study, involving pre-pubescent and post-pubescent same sex twins, aims to delineate the genetic and environmental components of certain human behavioral qualities, such as intelligence, using the genetic approach to human variation. The problem of how this possibly interacts with the secular trend is also discussed.

PROF. G. MONTANDON1 has recently discussed my propositions concerning nomenclature in physical anthropology and offers a classification of the Hominidae. These appear to call for some remark. Montandon objects to my delimitation of “species”, and prefers to go back to the old, pre-Darwinian concept of a species being a group of individuals which are fertile inter se. There seems no need here to go into the pros and cons of that argument as it has already been dealt with by Pycraft2 in the paper already quoted by me. Pycraft very aptly used the Phasianidsae to illustrate his point, as this group is quite comparable to the Hominidae. No modern systematic zoologist accepts that old definition of species. Actually, as Zuckerman3 points out, the value of species does differ among different animal groups, and the question of being fertile inter se or not depends on the magnitude of the chromosomal difference between related or neighbouring populations. Sometimes species of the same genus have greater chromosomal differences than those of other genera. The latter may produce fertile hybrids whilst the former cannot produce anything beyond an F1 generation. Hominids would appear to belong to the latter category, and I maintain that such obvious anatomical differences as those between, say, Negroids and Mongoloids are sufficient to demand specific status for these two forms of modern man.

THE object of this paper is to summarize the results of an investigation carried out under the first award of the Cecil Prosser Research Scholarship in Tuberculosis, Medical School, University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, Cardiff. An attempt has been made to outline the physical anthropology and other sociological features of certain areas in Wales in such a way as to show their relation to the incidence and distribution of certain types of tuberculosis. The fact that detailed observations in physical anthropology have been made during the last twenty years in many districts in Wales, by members of the Department of Geography and Anthropology of the University at Aberystwyth, under the direction of Professor Fleure, makes Wales an especially suitable area for an investigation of this kind; and, furthermore, the fact that the physical features of the country have given us such a variety of conditions, both environmental and human, within so small a compass, adds considerable value to this kind of work. An analysis of the observations upon physical anthropology illustrates that we have a great variety of types living side by side with one another in the present-day population, but with a marked tendency for one or other particular type to be conspicuous or to predominate in a local sample, thus enabling us to mark off rather well-defined areas that can be contrasted anthropologically [1]. Cardiganshire has received much prominence in this anthropological survey of Wales, and has also attracted considerable attention by having one of the highest tuberculosis death-rates of all the English and Welsh counties. Consequently, after consultation with the Professor of Tuberculosis at the Welsh Schorol of Medicine, Cardiff, work was begun in Eastern Cardiganshire. Cardiganshire may be divided physically into a coastal plateau and a high plateau, bordered by a rather sharp westward slope showing some finger-like projections above the coastal plateau. The high plateau culminates in Plynlymon (2,468 feet) and a great deal of its surface is above the 800 feet contour. It is a sheep-rearing region, of sparse population and poor communications, with much cold boulder-clay soil. The valleys of the coastal plateau support a larger population mainly dependent on stock-raising. Such is the country in the northern section of Diagram T. A zone of geological faults cuts through both plateaux E.N.E.-W.S.W., and parts of it are occupied by the Ystwyth and Wyre rivers.

Alice M. Brues, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Anatomy at the School of Medicine, University of Oklahoma and is a Research Associate in Physical Anthropology at the Oklahoma University Museum. Dr. Brues has served as a staff member of the Southwestern Homicide Investigators' Seminar since 1954 and is available for consultation by law enforcement agencies on the identification of skeletal remains. In this paper the author discusses the various aspects of identification that can be derived from skeletons and human bones-EDITOR.

The lack of concern that physical anthropologists have displayed in salvage excavations represents a tremendous loss of material which could help in solving problems of human biology. Although salvage operation offers a vast resource of material, there are problems inherent in an endeavor of this type. This paper is just one attempt to elucidate the value and problems of salvage excavations from our experiences in one such operation in Sudanese Nubia. From a discussion of our work we feel

INTRODUCTION The percentage which the minimum frontal width bears to the breadth of the skull as taken between the two projecting angular processes (zygomatic) of the frontal bone has received comparatively little attention in the literature of physical anthropology. Sir Arthur Keith noted that the index is lower among the palaeanthropic forms of man and pointed out (1) that due to the fact that the supraorbital torus is reduced in modern man, the difference between the two measurements is less marked. Hence he regards the index as of phylogenetic significance. Keith and McCown in their recent comprehensive survey of the Skhfil material (2) from Palestine reassert this view, but only in passing. Cameron, on the other hand, devotes an entire paper to