Search

The PDF of this file is 2,485 kbytes in size and therefore will take a long time to download if you click on the PDF link below. If you would like the file to be sent to you by email, please send a request to info@nepjol.info. Please include the citation below in your request. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v4i0.1086Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.4 1994 p.72-89

The status of the ashwoods of the limestone dales of Derbyshire and Staffordshire, first described by Moss (1913), has been uncertain until recently when Pigott (1969), in a paper principally concerned with the occurrence of Tilia there, presented evidence for believing them to be secondary and modern. The implications of his views are discussed here in a more detailed consideration of the ashwoods themselves within the historical context which a modern origin implies, the aim being to view the recent development of the woodland in the light of the socio-economic changes which have affected land-use during the past 200 years. An attempt is made to distinguish those factors which, by affecting local vegetational development, have determined the existing woodland pattern within the limits set by the physical environment and, in particular, the topography and soils. Previous workers have usually focused attention on the dale woodlands, as indeed attention is also focused here, but the whole of the limestone plateau must have originally been wooded. The nature and history of those woodlands, now totally disappeared, will be considered in a subsequent paper.

This paper introduces the term “landscape meteorology” to cover a variety of beliefs associating significant atmospheric processes and results with culturally induced features of the landscape. These beliefs, which became prominent during the period of discovery, played an important role in early America and during the settlement period of the Plains. In the forested East, weather and climate modification centered largely on deforestation and reforestation. The concept of the treerainfall syndrome was also transferred to the West, where it received much attention. New and largely indigenous Western concepts regarding landscape forms of weather and climate modification stressed plowing the hard sod, facilitating electrical expressions by various means, and storing water (including irrigation) to humidify and cool the air.

I have divided this paper into four sections: (1) Bio- and socio-cultural diversity, (2) Definition and identification of “tribals” in Nepal, (3) Tribals and Forests, and (4) Common issues of sustainable livelihood. Tribals and Forests are divided into two sub-sections: (i) Forest dwellers (nomads and settled forest dwellers) and (ii) Tribals who have been dispossessed from their forests and lands and now become forest dependent. I have identified four common issues of sustainable livelihood: (I) land alienation, (ii) displacement and deforestation, (iii) loss or exploitation of indigenous knowledge system, and (iv) lack of resistance, organized movements and insurgency.DOI: 10.3126/dsaj.v1i0.275Dauligiri Vol.1 (2005) pp.42-66

The Lesser Himalayan region is the most densely populated area of all the Himalayan ranges and deserves specific and adequate attention for the development of its scarce and precious common property wasteland resource in view of the fact that a large number of rural poor households in the region depend on common property wastelands for the fulfillment of their own basic needs, such as, fodder, fuel-wood, grazing etc. Of late, the region is experiencing extensive environmental problems like deforestation, landslides, soil erosion, owing mainly to the over-utilization of common property resources. This is consequent to the misuse and mismanagement of the common property land resources by villagers in Himalayan region. This paper attempts to evolve an optimal wasteland use framework for the Ramgad catchment situated in the Lesser Himalayan ranges of district Nainital located in the Himalayan state of Uttarakhand. Recognizing the drastic changes that have taken place in traditional common property wasteland use, the watershed area has been proposed to be marked for fodder development, horticultural development and medicinal plant conservation. Key words: Wasteland; Natural resource; Households; Kumaun Himalayas. DOI: 10.3126/sw.v7i7.3823 Scientific World Vol.7(7) 2009 pp.41-46

El mecanismo de mitigación para el cambio climático, REDD+, representa una se las estrategias financieras que utiliza el pago por servicios ambientales para reducción de emisiones de carbono. Nacida dentro de la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas para el Cambio Climático, REDD+ ha sido diseñada para contribuir a la reducción de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero a la atmósfera a causa de la deforestación y degradación de los bosques, en los países en vías de desarrollo con importantes masas forestales. Para fortalecer el mecanismo se han creado salvaguardas, que, aplicadas al mecanismo, tendrán la función de precautelar los derechos de las poblaciones que habitan y hacen uso de los bosques, reconocidos por los ordenamientos internos de los países, así como a escala internacional. El diseño del mecanismo REDD+ contempla los métodos financieros para su funcionamiento. Fuentes y distribución de los recursos. El presente trabajo explica cómo las salvaguardas son empleadas en dichos esquemas de financiación con el fin de que los derechos estén garantizados en todos los componentes de REDD+. The mechanism for climate change mitigation, REDD + represents a financial strategie in which payment for environmental services to reduce carbon emissions is used. Born in the Framework Convention of the United Nations Climate Change, REDD + is designed to help reduce emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere caused by deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries with tropical forests. To strengthen the mechanism, they have been established safeguards, which, applied to the mechanism will guarantee the human rights of populations living and making use of forests, recognized by the internal systems of the countries and in an international scale.The design of REDD+ provides financial methods for operation. The financial sources and the distribution of the resources. This paper explains how the safeguards are employed in these financing schemes in order to protect these rights in all components of REDD +. Le mécanisme pour atténuer le changement climatique, REDD + représente une des stratégiesfinancières sont utilisées par le paiement des services environnementaux pour réduire les émissions decarbone. Né à la Convention-cadre de l'évolution du climat des Nations Unies, REDD + est conçu pouraider à réduire les émissions de GES dans l'atmosphère en raison de la déforestation et de la dégradationdes forêts dans les pays le développement des forêts importantes. Pour renforcer le mécanisme qu'ils ontété mis en place des garanties qui, appliquée au mécanisme fonctionnera à la sauvegarde des droits despopulations vivant et faire usage des forêts, reconnu par les systèmes internes des pays et à l'étranger. Laconception du mécanisme REDD + fournit des méthodes financières pour le fonctionnement. Sources etrépartition des ressources. Ce document explique comment les garanties sont employés dans cessystèmes de financement afin que les droits sont garantis dans toutes les composantes de la REDD +.

Read Monday, 24th February, 1890, In the paper on "Forestry in Ireland," read by me before the Statistical and Social Inquiry Society of Ireland, in July, 1889, I described at some length the forestry regulations of the principal European countries, and the measures taken to encourage and affect re-foresting. I would now shortly point out how the planting of trees may be protected and encouraged by government control. I would then show the advantages of forestry in Ireland from both an industrial and climatic point of view, and also as a means for the reclamation of waste lands, considering shortly some objections that may be made against proposals to re-forest the country.

S INCE the beginning of white settlement in California, in the Spanish-Mexican era, the population has tended to shift from region to region. The movement has been accentuated and helped by migration to California from other parts of the United States, from Europe, the Orient, and Mexico. The history of the peopling of California has thus been that of a continuous movement in number and space marked by new forces finding expression in new forms of population distribution. The original distribution of the native Indian population had first been disrupted by the process of missionization and SpanishAmerican colonization. In the period I835-I848 the tendency of the population to concentrate in the plains of central California and around the pueblo of Los Angeles was apparent. After the discovery of gold at Coloma (I848) the population center of California moved definitely to the foothills of the Sierra Nevada and the lowlands between the "Mother Lode Country "I and the Pacific Ocean.2 In the decade i86o-i870 there began a gradual depopulation of the gold-mining regions and a movement toward the valleys. With the opening of railroads and the transition to more intensive types of farming the peopling of the valleys and lowlands began. The following decades were characterized by a "filling" of almost all the habitable parts of the state by its settlers and newcomers. The limits of settlement were widened by continuous deforestation and by irrigation of desert land: the most daring enterprise was the creation of the rich Imperial Valley in the northern part of the Sonoran desert. In the postwar period wave after wave of newcomers reached this last American frontier: Mexicans, Southern Negroes, Filipinos, Midwesterners, and, most recently, the "Dust Bowlers." The decade I930-I940 was characterized by striking demographic changes, most of them connected in some way with the migration from the Southwestern States (Oklahoma, Texas, Missouri, Arkansas) to the Pacific Coast. The changes are visible in almost every aspect of the composition and character of the population. This paper is limited to a brief notice of the most important trends in the distribution of the population, trends that are already clearly apparent and that

The paper presents documentary evidence concerning the settlement and reclamation of Needwood Forest, Staffordshire. At first the heavy boulder clays of the plateau deterred Saxon settlers, who preferred the better drained, lighter soils along the banks of the Dove and Trent. A wild unsettled interior persisted for hunting. The hunting area diminished during the Norman-Medieval period as further settlement occupied the outer slopes. The shrinkage was offset by numerous deer parks which were enclosed by the Ferrers family. Clearance decreased towards the end of the fourteenth century when Needwood became a royal forest, and its laws were more strictly enforced than previously. The decay of the forest from 1485 onwards was characterized by increased removal of timber, disparking, inclosures, and the ineffectiveness of the Woodmote Court. By 1658 the forest had been further reduced to the plateau where it was fenced off. Game hunting was subordinated to cattle rearing. The commoners twice prevented attempts to sell Needwood in 1658 and 1683. Massive deforestation occurred and local people used the forest at will. After inclosure in 180o, the waste was replaced by an orderly landscape. Common rights were extinguished and much of the remaining woodland felled. Two landscapes are distinguishable: one in the fringes, preserving the Saxon and Medieval features; the other in the core, which has a typical post-enclosure pattern with no village settlement. A FOREST in the legal sense has been defined as an 'extensive waste land including both woodland and pasture circumscribed by defined metes and bounds within which the right of hunting was reserved exclusively to the King. This territory was subjected to special laws-forest laws-by local as well as central ministers'.1 Forest law was introduced from Normandy and areas governed by it were placed outside the Common Law of the rest of the country.2 The effect of this policy was to maintain the land in a wild state in order to provide a source of game and timber. Although some cultivation existed within royal forests, the expansion of the arable and the act of clearance were constrained by fines levied by forest courts, variously known as woodmotes, swainmotes and attachments. The net result of these legal measures maintained and perhaps helped to increase the area of waste and woodland, and it is estimated that, during the thirteenth century, when royal forests reached their maximum extent, they covered one-third of England.3 As well as the typical Norman-Medieval period, there are two other phases of relevance to forest development. The first is the Saxon and Saxon-Danish period, which was the precursor of the main period. The second was the post-Medieval period of gradual disafforestation. In the Saxon and Danish periods certain wild and unsettled areas of the country were reserved for hunting in much the same way as the later Medieval forests. They were basically the same in appearance and function and often occupied the same territory as their Norman-Medieval successors. The main difference was that they were not subjected to special forest law, designed to protect the game and timber. Disafforestation, the act of freeing from forest law, began in the late thirteenth century and proceeded at different rates in different forests. Ashdown, Sherwood, Kingswood and Enfield Chase were inclosed and disafforested by i653.4 Other forests, such as the New Forest, Forest of Dean and Epping Forest, persisted and still survive as shrunken remnants, while still others were disafforested slowly and were not inclosed until the late eighteenth

The detrimental influence of New York City on the Long Island lichen flora extends as a "city effect" up to 40 miles from the center of industrial Brooklyn. The results of transplant experiments with Parmelia caperata, transect studies of corticolous lichens in red-oak stands, and distribution analyses of various Long Island lichen species all lead to the same general conclusions. City-induced drought is regarded as acting on pollution-tolerant lichens close to a city center with air pollution acting over much greater distances in decreasing lichen diversity and cover. It is immediately apparent to any observer of the Long Island lichen vegetation that one of the most obvious and far-reaching influences on the distribution of lichens is the proximity of New York City. Considering that the city itself (including Brooklyn and Queens as well as Manhattan, Staten Island, and the Bronx) has a population of well over eight million people and that it is heavily industrialized as well, this influence is not surprising. The growth of a city can have a detrimental influence on lichen populations in two ways: direct and indirect (Barkman 1961). The former involves the large-scale removal of available substrates on which lichens grow, i.e., by draining swamps, deforestation, and replacing soil with concrete and asphalt. It is the less conspicious indirect influence, the local and long-distance effects of city-induced atmospheric changes, which warrants discussion in greater detail. Lichenologists have known of the "city effect"-i.e., the detrimental influence of cities on lichen growth for almost a century, and within the past 30 years, detailed studies of some of the major European cities have appeared. Barkman (1958) and Skye (1958) have presented excellent reviews of the work up to 1958. Since then additional contributions to this field have been made by Beschel (1958) working in and around Innsbruck, Brightman (1959) studying an area near London, Fenton (1960, 1964) working around Belfast, Migdefrau (1960) studying in Munich, LeBlanc (1961) studying around Montreal, and Gilbert (1965) studying the Newcastle area. In general, previous workers, studying only corticolous lichens, mapped the presence of various species around the town or factory in question by marking the boundaries of lichen tolerances (sometimes also indicating the limits at which the species are normally developed) (Beschel 1958). Most studies differentiate between presence 1 This paper is part of a thesis submitted to the Department of Botany and Plant Pathology, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Ph.D degree. 2 National Museum of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.141 on Sun, 11 Dec 2016 04:53:41 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 428 THE BRYOLOGIST [Volume 69 at base and breast height, and almost all present a summary listing the species encountered in order of their tolerance. Certain basic trends, as one approaches a town, were observed by almost all the workers: 1. Fruticose lichens are the first to disappear, followed by foliose, then smooth-crustose, and finally leprose-crustose lichens. Thus, leprose lichens are apparently most tolerant of cities. 2. There are definite geographic gradients along which lichens disappear; some are steeper than others, depending on the size and extent of industrialization in the cities or towns involved. 3. The closer to a city, the poorer the condition of the lichens and the less surface area they cover. 4. The so-called "nitrophilous" lichens (on neutral or alkaline and often highly nitrogenous substrates) are by far the most citytolerant. 5. As one approaches a city, there is a gradual restriction of lichens to tree bases, parks, and bodies of water. 6. The disappearance of lichens and the appearance of industrialization are highly correlated, the effects being greatest where fuel consumption and population size are greatest. 7. A decrease in atmospheric humidity and an increase in atmospheric pollution can be detected towards the center of a town or industrial center. LICHEN STUDIES ON LONG ISLAND On Long Island, three approaches were taken in the study of the city effect: 1) a transect study of lichens in red-oak stands along the north shore at varying distances from the city, 2) the partial reconstruction of past distributions of some common lichens for comparison with their present distributions, and 3) transplant experiments with corticolous lichens. 1. Transect Studies. The methods used in the transect study will be published in detail (Brodo 1966), but a general description of the work is given here. Twelve red-oak forest stands were studied along the north shore in a generally east-west direction from central New