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This article presents an update on socio-religious activities in the Roman Catholic Church in Europe as of 1970. Socio-religious research activities in Europe linked with the Roman Catholic Church are almost entirely carried out on the national level. International cooperation between socio-religious institutes has hardly developed. Socio-religious institutes, if compared with agencies in the field of market research, are relatively small and have only moderate resources. The annual output of approximately 60 reports by these institutes forms only a very small segment of all sociological activities in Europe. It is a fair assumption that this observation remains valid even if all other socio-religious research activities not investigated are taken into consideration. Of all activities in the field of socio-religious research in Europe, the main part is carried out by institutes or individuals linked in one way or the other with ecclesiastical institutions. One may conclude, therefore, that public and academic interest in activities of this kind is comparatively small. During the last ten years, higher scientific standards have been introduced in most institutes working in the field of socio-religious research in Europe. There is a tendency, however, among well qualified sociologists working in such institutes to look for better jobs in other sociological fields.

This article reviews family research in Europe and the U.S. Delimiting family sociology to the study of marriage and family behavior leaves several levels of behavior which can be legitimately be included, namely the overt, the incipient or attitudinal and the ideological. Social workers have long employed the term problem family to designate the crisis-prone family. Early social work reviewed problem families primarily as reactors to the conditions of poverty and saw a shoring up of the economic resources as all-important. Subsequently the shift to a more psychological emphasis established that parents and children in problem families were maladjusted individuals in need of individual treatment. Family adaptability, family integration, affectional relations among family members, good marital adjustment of husband and wife, companionable parent-child relationships, family council type of control in decision making, social participation of wife and previous successful experience with crisis were all confirmed as important factors in enabling families to adjust to crisis. The family as a system of interacting personalities and as a decision making association will receive greater emphasis the world over and research in this area will become more and more integrated into sociological theory.

This article focuses on the migration of British citizens between Great Britain and Europe, from 1924 to 1934. In each year of the span, more British nationals arrived in Great Britain from Europe than embarked for Europe. When British nationals arrive from Europe it is impossible to distinguish between those who were initially in Europe and those who merely traveled via Europe from, say, India, Australia, or New Zealand. Similarly the passengers from Great Britain to Europe include a number who do not finish their journey in Europe, but go forward to countries outside Europe. In order to determine the true migration of nationals between Europe and Great Britain, it is therefore first necessary to find out how many nationals passed through Europe each year when traveling between Great Britain and countries outside Europe. In 1921 the number of British passengers embarking from Great Britain direct to non-European countries was 268,300. Of these, 199,500 were classed as migrants and so changed their permanent residence. The other 68,800 nationals were therefore not changing their permanent residence, but had simply been visitors. Thus, of the 77,900 nationals visiting Great Britain from non-European countries in 1921, only 68,000 sailed direct to non European countries.

The article focuses on the sociological aspects of the frontiers. In the beginning the article gives a brief description of natural history of the frontiers. Western civilization can show some unexpected evidence of the way cultural frontiers, once set, tend to resist change. The great distinctions of religion are eloquent in this respect. Take the case of Islam and Christianity, between which the frontiers have only undergone modification in such parts of Europe as were socially and politically backward, viz, the East. Again, the relative immobility of the line of cleavage set at the end of the Wars of Religion. The most obvious mark of cultural frontiers is the change from one language to another, which tends with the average man to count for more than it really should. At bottom the whole of western Europe rests on, and has never got away from, the single culture pattern of Latin Christianity as it stood throughout the Middle Ages. Throughout the article an area in question is treated as if it were a "colony," the question whether the strings of its economic, cultural, and political existence being held outside the area does not preclude the possibility of normal processes of social and cultural development altogether.

As the modern world gradually lost touch with the organized Christianity which had been the governing spirit of European civilization in the past, it began to find a new inspiration for itself in the ideal of progress. From the second quarter of the eighteenth century onwards through the nineteenth, faith in human progress became more and more the effective working religion of the civilization. It is true that, alongside of this religious current and inter- mingling confusedly with it, there has been a genuine attempt to study the laws of social change, and the positive development of civilizations, but this scientific theory of progress has naturally been slower in developing and less fertile in results than its more emotional companion. The latter, which one may call the Gospel of Progress to distinguish it from the scientific theory of social development, had the advantage of finding for its apostles a series of great men of letters. The dominant characteristic of the culture of the eighteenth century, and one that it had received as a direct heritage from the earlier Renaissance, was a conception of civilization as something absolute and unique.

This article discusses the history of Ireland from the sociological standpoint. It is in the light of this simplification that the history of Ireland must be viewed; and so viewed, it will like all extreme cases, like all crucial instances, be found peculiarly rich in sociological material. It is, in its earlier history, a nation from its geographical position less affected by the movements of its neighbors or the general course of development than any other. It thus retained to an unusual extent the characteristics of the ancient Aryan civilization, once common to all Europe, and was peculiarly homogeneous in itself, and markedly separate from its neighbors. This distinction was maintained, in spite of one serious breach, the introduction of Christianity-till the first invasion from the island larger, richer, and closer to the centres of Western civilization, which lay between it and the continent of Europe. And if the earlier history of Ireland is of interest as the case of a Western people growing up in comparative isolation, the later history has an even stronger interest. It is that of a people peculiarly homogeneous and distinctive in their civilization exposed to a continuous pressure from a country possessing far greater resources and in some respects much further developed, an era of isolation followed by an era of domination, a civilization of peculiar strength subjected to an external pressure of peculiar intensity and continuance.

The purpose of this paper is to explore some of the features of the history of sociology and to indicate the lines upon which enquiries may be pursued, to see to what extent the development of sociology is itself a historical phenomenon of a unique kind and to locate its origins. The history of sociology may well be perceived to fall into two parts,an early period of mainly speculative activity and a later period of empirical, albeit limited studies. Throughout its history we can detect periods particularly favourable to the development of the subject, but whilst the conflicts of a process of industrialisation in Europe, especially in recent times, may account for much of this development and, whilst these vicissitudes in Europe and elsewhere may have increased the swell of a new intellectual wave, sociology sailed on a tide which began to flow much earlier, and which is to be seen in the currents of eighteenth century philosophical thought, rather than in the plash of nineteenth and twentieth century economic and social turbulence.

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Copyright of Revue Française de Sociologie is the property of Presses de Sciences Po and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents several excerpts from the works of social scientist Stanislaw Ossowski. According to philosopher Heraclitus, one cannot enter the same river twice. Mistakes are made both by those who are not apt to notice that the river is always a different one, and those who take no account of the fact in certain respects it is still the same river -- both those who do not allocate sufficient importance to differences of thought and motivation in people of different cultures and systems, and those who presuppose that the mind of a man brought up in the small hunting communities of the Arctic or of Australia, among the matriarchal tribes of Melanesia cannot be compared with the mind of a contemporary European, while their reactions to reality are comprehensible. The social scientist must pay heed both the historical uniqueness of the phenomena of different epochs and different systems and to the fact that they may be compared within the framework of wider categories. Along these two paths we augment our knowledge of the world. The history of science is strewn with examples where the perception of similarities, the finding of analogous correlations in widely separated fields in very different circumstances, led to important discoveries.

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The article presents information on the social science research in the soviet bloc. Social science research is developing in the communist countries in Europe, and reports of these developments have attracted great interest among social scientists elsewhere. Here is a review of these developments that was presented at the annual conference of the American Association for Public Opinion Research at Lake George in May 1963. In the Soviet Union there has been no such blossoming of the empirical spirit, but there has been a great expansion of highly practical research in various social sciences, including psychology and sociology, and there have been two developments that are of special interest, a very recent development of public opinion polling, and the cybernetic movement. The other interesting development in Russia is cybernetics-the mathematical description of control processes. Russians have taken to cybernetics like ducks to water. They are fascinated by the analogies between the control systems of automatic machines, the control systems of the central nervous system, and the control systems of a human society such as the Soviet Union itself.

The article illustrate contrasts and similarities in the general development of European and American sociology in recent times. A conspicuous difference in this respect is that in American Sociology has grown as a child nursed by the Universities and Colleges; while in Europe its modern start, since August Comte, and development have in a considerable degree taken place outside of the Universities and Colleges. Indeed a number of the founders of the principal modern sociological systems in Europe never occupied the position of a teacher in University at all. This difference also continues to exist at the present moment: although the number of Universities and Colleges in Europe where sociology has been introduced as a regular course has considerably increased since the time of the War and Revolutions; nevertheless this number is still much below that of the United States. Another difference lies in the character of the European and American sociologists. The bulk of the sociological works in America are marked by their quantitative and empirical character while the bulk of the sociological literature of Europe is still marked by an analytical elaboration of concepts and definitions; by a philosophical and epistemological polishing of words.

More than any other American sociologist, Albion W. Small has mediated the results of European scholarship. The intellectual world is now one society. No nation would have had anything approaching its present scientific development without the collaboration of the scientists of different nations. Indeed, science as a national phenomenon is unthinkable. It is a part of the life of "the great society." In order to understand the development of the intellectual attitudes that have characterized the life work of Small and how he came to be so important a mediator between the scholarship of Europe and the U.S., it is necessary to sketch briefly some of the events of his career. Born May 11, 1854, at Buckfield, Maine, he graduated from Colby College in 1876. Already as a student he showed the fondness for telling phrases and the gift for constructing them which has always characterized his speech and writing. For the three years ending in 1879 he was a student at Newton Theological Seminary.

The article comments on the work of John Cummings on the subject of sociology and anthropology. The author agreed with the criticisms of Cummings on the typical anthropo-sociologists who have failed to reckon with or to eliminate the influences of social or physical environment before applying their universal criterion of race to the explanation of social phenomena. The most serious defect in Cummings' criticisms lies in an entire confusion of two distinct provinces of analysis. One concerns the sociological phases of ethnic distribution in Europe, the other regards the physical side of the same question.

This article focuses on the political sociology in Eastern Europe. The term sociology is a newcomer in the official nomenclature of social sciences in most East European countries. Sociology had been left out from the program of social studies, it was not because of any real scientific reasons, but because its name was objected, the present renaissance of sociology in these countries is related to the political changes which have taken place during the last decade; in fact, it is evidence of new political tendencies. Hence the importance of following the changing approach to political phenomena in the theoretical sociological publications in socialist countries. The period between 1957 and 1963, covered by the appended bibliography and referred to in the present paper, provides ample material on the subject. In this sense, the place of political sociology among sociological disciplines is essentially different from that of other branches of detailed sociology. The latter are concerned with some isolated fields of social life, while political sociology investigates social phenomena from the angle of their political aspect, the aspect of power. Hence, if there is any justification for regarding political sociology as a separate discipline, it is on the grounds of the difference in theoretical approach rather than the difference in the subject of study.

American sociology is distinguished from British and continental European sociology by, among other things, a lack of interest in identifying and measuring social class, as distinct from social status. Indices of occupational prestige ratings have served as indices of social status. This article explicates the most popular American scale of occupational prestige ratings, and concludes that this index is not a plausible index either of the relative prestige of occupations or of social status, and furthermore, that such an index in principle is not obtainable. The errors of proponents of the scale lie in an idealistic theory of the social order and repetition of the classic mistake once committed, but now long avoided, by economists: aggregation of subjective evaluations. A well-known characteristic feature of American sociology, in contrast to British and continental European sociology, has been the absence of serious attempts to establish numerical indices of social class. Yet there have been a number of attempts to establish indices of what is variously known as social status or socio-economic status, mainly by means of polled verbal evaluations of occupations.

The article discusses the far-reaching and enduring effects of revolutionary war on economists and the field of economics. It cites the reduction of economics to a subservient art and the demise of economic journals of continental Europe. The opportunity for objective study has been seriously impaired. Emotion, prejudice and narrow nationalism are being used to discuss economics. The competitive elements of contemporary economic life failed to effectively integrate with the regulated and controlled elements. The diversity in administrative forms and friction in the relations among economic elements make more difficult the task of understanding.

The most complete internationalism so far achieved by mankind is the internationalism of knowledge. Nations may differ widely on questions of religion, trade, and politics; their interests may clash over colonies, territories, boundaries, and markets; their opinions may diverge on policies of migrations and tariffs but when it comes to developments in science, the emergence of theories of philosophy, or the enrichments of literature and the arts, the possessions of one nation quickly become the possessions of all. This article is intended to deal with some contrasting phases of sociology as it is developed today in Europe and U.S. If its title seems to imply that Europe is a homogeneous whole with respect to this subject, the impression should be corrected. Each country that has developed any considerable body of sociological writing has, of course, within the larger unity above mentioned, developed distinctive characteristics of its own; and there is room for an extended discussion of contrasting phases of sociology among the several European countries themselves.

The article compares the social histories of Japan and Western Europe. The territorial organization was to replace the gentilician order, had been prepared by augmenting the imperial property. Domains were added to it which had been confiscated after rebellions and crimes, half of them being voluntary donations, half compulsory appropriations. Especially did these added domains come from the previously described colonies of newly instituted Be, which were settled not only in recently conquered districts, but also in the old provinces. The constitution of such a namesake group was a form of confiscation. To accomplish this revolution, the crown had to break the power of the strongest clans, which had grown dangerously to the disadvantage of numerous smaller clans. These great powers were at this time the Monono-Be, the Otomo, the Soga and the Nakatomi. The Soga were ministers of finance as managers of the "Houses of the King," to borrow the term from the pharaonic administration, and had become wealthy. They had about the same office as the biblical Joseph. The State maintained warehouses, where the dues for the government, the Church, and the imperial privy purse were preserved, and the Soga, as the managers, had to take care of the foreign guests of the State.

A vigorous debate on race and immigration, this time in the latter magazine for August between Roy L. Garis and V. F. Calverton. Professor Garis argues for the existence and maintenance of this country's Nordic superiority against the invasion of stocks from southern and eastern Europe, which in mentality and social adequacy have been proved inferior to our older population. He advocates more severe restrictions on immigrants and the registration of all aliens. Calverton, on the other hand, protests against the whole Nordic myth, and calls a long array of scientists to his aid in showing that social traits are modified by environment and racial greats ness is dependent largely on the facts of geography and economics. For the past hundred years our newcomers, of what- ever race, have caused hatred and fear in certain quarters; and recent immigrants are responsible for the increase in neither crime nor pauperism. The Afro-American is one of the most inveterate of "joiners." His propensity for gaudy titles, rainbow-hued raiment, and fraternal grandiloquence is not founded, like that of so many white people, on an inferiority complex, but rests on real social and economic needs.

The article comments on the paper related to social development in the Philippines. The author of the paper had neglected the vast body of European and American study of and in both Western and non-Western societies. Even though it is justifiable that conceptualization and methodology must be developed in relation to the particular "time-space characteristics" of the research situation, it not justifiable to adopt some as yet undeveloped and essentially unknown "new" theory. The author of the paper had discarded too lightly the enormous experience of "Western" social scientists in observation and interpretive analysis of socio-cultural patterns ranging from the most "scared" to the most nearly "secular." The use of scientific experience remains the most powerful intellectual guide which man has yet devised. The de-emphasis of "quantitativism" in favor of field and problem-oriented study is vitally necessary. The author of the paper easy slip into the concretistic error of assuming that the historical peculiarities of Philippine societal development require unique interpretive tools.

The article presents information on educational tour organizes by the Council on Family Relations. Under the scheme an intensive tour of Mexico some countries of Europe have been finalized.

The article focuses on the book "Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives," by Talcott Parsons. Readers who may hope that this will provide them with a simplified approach to the work of Parsons will be disappointed; his style is as turgid as ever, making this a doubtful member of a series of books for beginners. Nevertheless it is a shorter route to Parsonian ideas than most, and is much more rooted in empirical data than his other books. The societies under examination do not include those of modern Europe, which will be dealt with in a later volume.