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Over the past decade, an increasing number of scholars have reintroduced religion into the study of American politics. Included in this new wave of research is research focused on ‘social capital’ in the United States. The social capital line of research has become interested in religion in part as it is manifest in the rise of Faith Based Organizations (FBOs). While increased scholarly interest in FBOs can serve to invigorate the discussions of how religious Americans shape politics and society, we must carefully note how religion is treated in these emerging social capital studies. What role do religion and Faith play in the social capital framework? What are religion and Faith credited with doing? When are religion and Faith no longer included in the analysis? This paper will attempt to address such questions by presenting a close-reading of Mark R. Warren’s Dry Bones Rattling. The paper makes two central arguments. First, the paper argues that Warren places too much separation between the religious and the political, when in fact the political becomes religious for Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) participants. Second, and building on this distinction between what constitutes the political and religious spheres, it will be argued that although Warren readily acknowledges the role of religion in the IAF, in the final analysis he writes Faith out of the picture. The paper is organized into three sections. Section I provides an introduction to the issues at hand, attempting to address several prominent objections to the paper’s premise. Section II provides the bulk of the analysis, a detailed reading of Dry Bones Rattling text. Section II answers the question, ‘How exactly does Warren write about religion?’ Section III presents a discussion of the implications of the findings in Section II, addressing the question, ‘Why does it matter that Warren treats religion in this way?’ Section II highlights three patterns of note. First, it will be argued that Warren consistently presents a story of social activism that is ‘based’ in Faith, but eventually moves toward a more secular purpose. In one sense, this is the difference between a ‘Faith-based’ vs. ‘Faith-centered’ description of FBOs. Warren treats the idea of ‘Faith-based’ as meaning primariliy that an FBO has its foundation and origin in Faith traditions. He does not give adequate attention to the notion that FBOs are also Faith-centered organizations - always and everywhere aware of God’s presence in their lives and work. Second, and related to the first point, the paper will argue that Warren repeatedly downplays or ignores comments from his research subjects that would point toward a more central role for Faith and God in the IAF’s story. Taking a close look at the way Warren treats these God-centered quotes reveals that although Warren is willing to put the quotes in front of the reader, he is not willing to dwell on the theological content the quotes contain. Third, the paper will suggest that Warren’s references to Sacred Scripture strip the Scriptures of much of what makes them unique to the Faith traditions from which they come. In Section III, the paper will address three important implications of these three patterns in the text. First, because the IAF is not considered as a Faith-centered organization, a false dichotomy is created between the work of the IAF and the Christian Right. The theology of the IAF is not deeply probed, and the theology of the Christian Right remains unchallenged. Second, it will be argued that forcing the IAF into the social capital framework prevents the author from witnessing the whole IAF story. A brief comparison will be made between Warren’s work and Rogers (1990) Cold Anger. Third, the paper will conclude with a brief discussion of the public policy implications of Warren’s analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is theoretically guided by Sharing the Journey (1994). A key finding of Robert Wuthnow’s (1994) work, besides small groups being enclaves of social capital, was the illustration that ‘community is what people say they are seeking when they join small group.’ Reflecting on this scholarship, this paper, qualitatively, through 50 personal interviews with members of small religious groups in the Greater Washington DC area, illustrates that today, in the post-Mosaic digital world, while small groups remain enclaves of social capital, small group participants’ usage of ICTs in recent years- notably email, and to a lesser degree instant messaging and cell phones- has resulted in the drying up of the fluidity in group memberships Wuthnow found in the late 1980s. This is especially true for America’s youngest, and more technologically adept, adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the complexities of the intersection of racial and gender construction(s) with respect to the public sphere and private sphere dichotomy. Through the analysis of black women’s social conditions, this paper argues that the historical constructions of race and gender and the historical period of analysis affect the applicability of the "public-private dichotomy" to black women’s experiences. Consequently, racial exclusion and gender discrimination induced black women’s consciousness and their socio-political development. Although social capital theory accounts for the importance of social networks, norms, and trust in building social relations, we need a conceptualization of social capital theory that accounts for the complexities of racial and gender construction(s) and their effect on racially "divided publics," racio-gendered spheres, and racial uncertainty. Therefore, this paper presents black socio-political capital and racio-sexual social capital as frameworks most appropriate for analyzing black women’s conditions during this era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long been interested in the development of trust in social institutions. It is thought that trust supports the development of social capital, fosters participation in government, and a variety of other positive behaviors. Most of this literature, though, stages trust in government at a general level: trust in the entire system of government and entire levels of government (local, state, federal). However, we propose that trust may be held in specific administrative organizations rather than (or in addition to) systemically and that this element of trust is related to the acceptance of messages about risk technology. This paper focuses on the contribution of trust in political institutions on the acceptance of policy information. With a nationally representative public opinion survey, we have conducted a survey experiment that randomized treatments of three levels of risk and three potential messengers of risk information (including the EPA) in relation to fracking. We have found that the randomized treatment for risk intensity is a significant predictor for support for fracking but that the identity of the messenger does not matter. The results suggest that the identity of the EPA is a weak signal at the level of a specific communication. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of this work for public managers who rely on public compliance or public communication to accomplish their organizations' missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception into American politics, the Internet has been a source of great debate for scholars in numerous fields. Many scholars feel the jury is still out in considering questions such as the Internet's ability to better deliberative democracy, heighten social capital, and encourage citizens into the political system. Questions still surround our ability to determine the Web's potential versus actual influence in these and other topics of American politics. In attempt to offer answers to some of these outstanding questions, this paper offers new insight into how social capital is created on the Web. Drawing on a case study of the 2006 Connecticut Senate election, including an in-depth interview and content analysis of YouTube videos, this paper points to the Internet as an important contributor in unseating Joe Lieberman from his position in the Democratic Party. I argue that four main characteristics of challenger Ned Lamont's digital campaign earned him substantial social capital from his blog supporters. These four characteristics are valuing a Web presence, embracing interactivity, empowering the liberal blogosphere, and maintaining relations with this blogosphere in the post-election era. I also describe how political history dating back to the 2004 election caused incumbent Joe Lieberman to take a very conservative approach to his online campaign, thus limiting him from attaining such social capital.This research demonstrates that, while it may not be the end-all-be-all solution for scholars who see a decline in deliberative democracy and social capital, the Internet does have the power to play an important role in the revitalization of American politics. Although only a single case, the Lamont campaign gives us perspective and encouragement on how social capital can not only be build online, but also maintained. With the Internet still in its infancy in our politics, time will tell how widespread this type of impact will be in the future. By examining future candidates at different levels of government, scholars will be able to better understand other characteristics that may or may not attribute to the construction of social capital online. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to our understanding of two important puzzles: the causal mechanism linking social capital to government performance, and the role of institutions as compared to the cultural variables explaining performance. In order to tackle these puzzles, the concept of government performance is disaggregated into two dimensions: policy responsiveness and administrative effectiveness. The effect of social capital vs. institutional variables on either of these variables is then assessed. Empirical tests with data from the U.S. and German sub-national governments provide support for the linkage between social capital and the policy responsiveness attribute of government performance. This finding supports the causal argument that social capital increases the level of political sophistication and facilitates the cooperation within society, helping people to voice their policy demands better. Further, the analysis finds no empirical link between the level of social capital and administrative effectiveness. The variance on this dimension is explained by institutional and socio-economic variables. The implication of the latter finding is that a competing causal argument linking social capital to government performance via the behavior of bureaucratic elites is incomplete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars theorize that social contacts affect the productivity of individuals and groups. Robert Putnam claims to have found support for this theory in his studies of Italy and the United States. In each case he concludes that the presence of social capital - generalized norms of trust and reciprocity - is sufficient to predict progress on a variety of social indicators. Using demographic and public opinion data collected at the state level in the U.S, Putnam links the performance of schools to his measure of social capital. Schools perform best where social capital is found in greater abundance. This paper attempts to replicate Putnam’s finding using data from local communities in North Carolina. Since social contacts and social capital occur at the local level between individuals and groups in a community, a logical extension of Putnam’s work is to verify that these relationships exist locally. I propose and test the following two hypotheses using data from the 100 counties of North Carolina: 1) Students score higher on statewide tests in school districts where social contact is greater among residents; 2) Students drop out of school at lower rates in school districts where social contact is greater among residents. If local evidence exists to support the claim that social contacts matter, then what programs governments fund in the name of social progress may need to be reconsidered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between sense of community, political and civic participation, and the pursuit of sustainability in American cities. Using the Social Capital Benchmark Survey cities as the source of comparison, it finds that cities pursuing sustainability policies do tend to be more participatory places. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research that explored the connections between neighborhood characteristics, social capital formation and civic engagement in a new form of common interest development called Cohousing. Cohousing neighborhoods are resident-driven, collaborative projects that cluster homes along pedestrian pathways and employ a range of physical and governance structures aimed at fostering a strong sense of community among residents. This study represents one of the few to examine Cohousing on a national scale.This analysis draws on an Internet-based survey of residents of 57 U.S. Cohousing sites as well as in-depth case analyses of three geographically diverse Cohousing neighborhoods to investigate social capital formation and civic engagement practices in these communities. Survey results indicate high levels of social capital and civic engagement among Cohousing residents, as compared to both nationally representative and demographically similar populations. Preliminary analysis suggests that a range of factors may be implicated in this phenomenon including specific patterns of resident involvement in a variety of forms of community engagement.Social Capital has been much studied in recent years in the fields of urban planning, sociology and political science. Nonetheless, whether and how social capital may be created and supported continues to be vigorously debated. This study contributes to this ongoing discussion by exploring social capital formation and civic engagement within this new form of intentional neighborhood development. Results indicate that a combination of physical design and carefully devised governance structures can indeed have a significant influence on the development of social capital and civic practices of Cohousing community residents. This study highlights both the potential and limitations of looking to intentional neighborhood development strategies as a way of fostering social capital creation and increased civic engagement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past five years have seen the development of two major theories regarding racial equality within the American states. Putnam (2000) argues that social capital is positively related to civic and economic equality. Alternatively, Hero (1999, 2003) maintains social capital is negatively related to racial equality, and that social diversity is a prime determinate of state policy outputs and outcomes. Both Putman and Hero have been heavily influenced by Elazar (1966), whose classification of states based upon political culture tends to closely mirror those of both scholars. The degree of similarity between the classifications of states produced by each of these theories has made it difficult for scholars to parse out the individual effects that each has on various measures of equality in the American states. This paper utilizes a panel dataset to test each of these hypotheses simultaneously, in order to determine which explanations (culture, capitol, or diversity) best account for levels civic and racial equality. Hero's argument is dynamic, in that diversity changes over time with the racial/ethnic composition of a state. Meanwhile, Elazar's culture argument is relatively static. Similarly, Putnam treats his state-level social capital index as unchanging, even if overall levels of social capital are declining. Time-series panel data are employed to simultaneously test these hypotheses. These panel data - aggregated at the state-level - measure state diversity, social capital, and equality from 1986 to 2000 and are used to test the validity of the competing explanations of equality and state policy outcomes. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social capital theory, particularly the work of Robert Putnam, has received a great deal of scholarly and popular attention. We argue that Putnam?s formulation ignores the ways in which race is fundamental and constitutive to the structure and function of social capital in the United States. We suggest an alternative framework, one that focuses on the effects of social relations. Such a framework: (1) treats race as more than an independent variable; (2) addresses the structural factors underlying social capital development; and (3) includes the role of gatekeepers in the process. This approach would allow us to have a more accurate, and nuanced, understanding of how social capital operates in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Bridging Social Capital and An Investment Theory of Collective Action: Evidence from The Concord Project Barbara J. Nelson Linda Kaboolian Kathryn A. Carver The question we posed in our research was how do cross-community organizations with their potential to generate bridging social capital form? More specifically, how do concord organizations start against the odds of daily conflict among racial, ethnic, and religious groups defined by too much particularistic history and too little common future? Concord organizations bring together people with fundamentally opposing views or identities for the purpose of promoting civil society while recognizing group differences. After investigating over 100 concord organizations in the US, Northern Ireland, South Africa, and Palestinian and Israeli groups working in the US, our answer is that concord organizations form because potential collective actors see their actions as worthy long-term investments rather than short-term high prices. They are primarily investors rather than consumers. Each person who decides to work to create a concord organization calculates a net pro-social interest rate. This return on investment includes consideration of the danger, the pleasures, the obstacles, the immediate costs, the opportunity costs, and the benefits of action. In particular, investors are attentive to the opportunity costs of the status quo, that is, of not acting, which they considered to have a high and enduring price. Collective action to create concord organizations is an example of thick rationality, the kind of considerations made by people embedded in social systems with multiple personal, organizational, and communal values. Becoming an investor, especially with people who belong to disfavored groups, requires a special micromobilizing frame?a balancing frame. This frame balances an overarching shared value with the enduring opposing values of participants. Because concord organizations never solve the conflicts of values they embody, they are always to some extent in formation mode. Our research determined the ten design principles and necessary practices that allow a balancing frame to endure. Without adherence to principles and practices, antagonistic group values overwhelm shared values, and the organization fails to form or to continue to function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uncritical faith in intense competition assumes the status of an unquestioned paradigm in America today. But this Competition Paradigm fails in the face of data, logic, and good sense. This presentation goes beyond the hype, to exam the evidence, carefully, systematically, comprehensively, and across disciplines. Analysis begins at the biological level and works through, step by step, to the international level of global competition. Examining competition at a broader, interdisciplinary level makes it easier to discover patterns and trends across levels. Something new is discovered about the nature of competition itself, that in its most destructive forms it generates a negative self-reinforcing spiral effect that is a worrisome liability in the long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT. We assess the link between a program’s volunteer support and state social capital in the case of the joint implementation of the federal Long-Term Care (LTC) Ombudsman Program by state and federal authorities. This program, which is designed to prevent elder abuse and ensure quality care in long-term facilities, is implemented at the state and local levels and relies heavily on volunteer staff. First, we find that volunteerism is vital to the efficacy of the program’s monitoring and investigative functions. Second, we find that volunteerism in this program is tied to broader level conditions of a state’s social capital. Last, we discuss the implications of our findings for volunteer-based programs devolved to the states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Age is among the strongest predictors of political participation, yet it is also among the least well understood. We offer a model of participation in the U.S. voter registration system - the first step in the voting process. In this model, older people are more apt to participate than younger people, but not because of their age nor because of the civic resources, social capital, or political interest that accumulate with age. A strong relationship between age and participation takes form simply as a byproduct of the rules of the registration system, namely that participation is voluntary and that it is residentially based. A new, national random sample of 1.8 million voter registration records is employed to test the model. The model provides a theoretical foun- dation for the relationship between age and participation, identifies the functional form of that relationship, and solves a puzzle about the nature of participatory bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether people with higher social investment are more likely to vote than those with less social investment. The analysis used data from the 2000 Social Capital Community Benchmark (SCCB) in the U.S. and the 2005 Exit and Voices as a Means of Enhancing Service Delivery (EVMESD) Internet survey in Great Britain. It has found that people with higher social capital are more likely to vote while those who are intending to move are less likely to vote than those who have no such intention.

The article examines the effects of convenience voting on social capital and feelings of civic duty. Information is presented on early voting options. To test the hypothesis that increased early voting will be associated with lower levels of civic duty and social capital, it compares early/absentee/mail-in voters to Election Day voters from the 2004 election in the U.S. A cross-sectional survey has revealed that pre-Election Day voting has little effect on cooperative behaviors.

Familes are at the center of a number of important,contentious public debates in the United States. The ideas that a significant link exists between the state of families and the state of the natian, and that strong, healthy families undergird a strong nation, are animating a number of social movements as well as governmental efforts to strengthen families. A common premise of all these efforts is that the weakening of families both reflects and leads to moral and civic decline and imposes significant costs on' society. Diagnoses of America's moral and civic health warn that, although families historically have played a prominent role as "seedbeds of civic virtue" and generators of "social capital," their current condition hampers them in doing so. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on an original data set of 30 mid-sized U.S. cities, I evaluate the extent of organized representation and elected representation of racial and ethnic groups in these cities as well as the effect of organized representation on elected representation. Combining insights from the literatures on elected representation of racial and ethnic groups with recent studies applying the social capital literature to cities, I develop and test four hypotheses on the levels of elected and organizational representation of racial and ethnic groups. The findings show that there are notable differences in organizational and elected representation across different racial and ethnic groups-particularly Latinos and African-Americans. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines subsequent data sets to update sociologist Peter Hall's evaluation of the levels of social capital in Great Britain and offer additional analysis. The decline between 1990 and 1995 paralleled U.S. figures and that the levels of social trust appeared to plateau between 1995 and 1999, according to EVS data.