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In the Republic of Croatia, as a country which in the recent past has had the experience of transitioning from a totalitarian regime to a democracy, suffered through war and its repercussions, undergone privatization along with impoverishment of a significant proportion of its population, and joined the European Union, the issue of national values should be crucial in terms of political, as well as intellectual elite, because only by protecting Croatian values can its people preserve their recognisability and identity. One observable problem at all levels of Croatian society is the escape from traditional values which are often seen as conservative and archaic. That same values are sometimes replaced by more likeable modern or postmodern variants which are presented as more desirable and acceptable in regards to the traditional values nurtured through generations. This article relies on the results of the European Values Study in 2008 which show the modernization of Croatian society, but also the importance of traditional values such as marriage, family, children, religiousness, which are stated in the book Values in Croatia and Europe: A Comparative Analysis.

In contrast to qualitative and theoretical approaches, the mainstream of quantitative research often still finds it difficult to incorporate modern concepts of diversity and intersectionality into its work. This article aims to highlight various aspects in which large studies and their evaluations marginalise or ignore certain parts of the population. In surveying data, large-scale surveys like the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) often not only operate on a binary gender concept but also do not differentiate between a person gender identity and their social gender. In addition, commonly used methods keep unequal distributions invisible. Non-binary people are virtually invisible, unequal benefits for women remain hidden and the intersectional diversity inside the broad gender categories poses challenges to the mainstream of quantitative research in adult education. Therefore, there is a need for a feminist approach to statistics and quantitative research.

The Reader CMW presents first time English translations of material from the development phase of Collective Memory-Work in the 1980s in Germany, and also contemporary essays from 2020 and 2021 on a large variety of adaptations of the method across disciplinary and geographical boundaries.

The Left has been charged with a lack of self-reflection and self-criticism. This article aims to address this concern through a demarcation of liberal-left values from illiberal pursuits in an attempt to reclaim (or reform) the Left to provide a genuine political opposition to the Right. Drawing together diverse perspectives, and extrapolating from direct quotations and research, four markers of extremism are identified. These markers relate to ideas of equity, culture, free speech and identity. It is hoped readers see this critique as a useful contribution in a crucial conversation on the values we want to preference in our society, a conversation we need to continue.

The article offers a correction of the widespread approach in which in the studies of Romani movement for civic emancipation are examined only its international dimensions, leaving behind its origin and first stages, which occurred in individual countries. Based on the research of historical sources we will show the commencement and roots of the Romani movement. The departing point of the research presented in this article is the circumstance that Roma are not a hermetic social and cultural system. They exist in two dimensions, both as separate ethnic communities and as a part of the macro-society in which they live within the respective nation-states. Together with members of the macro-society they experienced breakdowns of old Empires and the establishment of national states. Under the conditions of historical turbulences in the period between two World Wars, Roma developed aspirations for civil emancipation, started to be civically engaged and politically institutionalised. On the basis of archival and media sources the article introduces the first manifestation of civic activities of Roma in an attempt to pursue their ethnic and community rights and their visions about their place in society and the future of their nation.Acknowledgements: This article is written as a part of the research project 'RomaInterbellum - Roma Civic Emancipation between the Two World Wars' which has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 694656). It reflects only the authors' view, and the agency is not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

This paper is based on the research related to the immigrant players in the national football team and the formation of national identity in Germany. Recent analyses reveal that the success of an immigrant player in the national sports team has been regarded as a useful factor to attract public attention to the contribution of immigrants to the progress of the country. During the matches, discourses coming from the fans depending on the result of the game. They target immigrant players as a scapegoat in the situation of loss. Indeed, this is visible in parallel with the increasing strong critics in the media against these immigrant players. In this paper, the case of Mesut Özil in the German National Football Team is analyzed. The case study offers evidence of whether the success of immigrant players has been an important factor for their inclusion in the national identity in Germany.

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991-1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

The paper examined racial politics and identity contests in Northern Nigeria. The paper specifically traced the trajectory of racial politics and examined the dynamics of identity construction and contests in Northern Nigeria. An essentially qualitative method of data collection comprising primary data generated through in-depth interviews and secondary data generated through archival records were used. These were then subjected to content and descriptive analyses. Findings from the study revealed that racial politics originated during colonial rule with the British supposedly claiming gene/biological affinity of the Hausa-Fulani as with the Caucasoid groups of Eurasia. The Hausa-Fulani were consequently designated as the civilized group and super-imposed over minority groups that were classified as pagans. About six decades after colonial rule, Hausa-Fulani dominance remains a social reality in spite of identity contests and recreation by the minority groups of Northern Nigeria. Starting with the creation of the Middle Belt identity in the late 1950s, the constituent groups within the Middle Belt have consequently recreated other ethnic identities within Northern Nigeria. Notwithstanding, Hausa-Fulani remains the dominant group in Northern Nigeria socio-political structure.

In this study, the issue of using Instagram social network by different groups of Iranian women and their interests and desires in publication of photos is investigated. The purpose of the study is to identify the common aspects and differences in women's lives reflected in their self-expression efforts based on their social characteristics. Therefore, the women were classified into eight groups based on the elements affecting the way they show their daily lives, such as education level, occupation and marital status. Then, qualitative method, including virtual ethnographic techniques, content analysis and online interviews, was used. Photos posted on Instagram by 32 users were studied and analyzed, and these users were interviewed. Questions were asked about their tendency towards posting photos of their daily lives on Instagram via direct messages. The conceptual framework of the study included Bourdieu’s theory of 'distinction' and Baudrillard’s concept of 'system of objects'. Results showed that women in each group select specific approaches to the publication of photos based on their social conditions. In the present article, these differences are discussed in detail. The significance of this research lies in the possibility of understanding different aspects of women’s everyday life and their individual identity through self-reports in the new media as opposed to the traditional media which only presents a standardized type of identification. Since studying women's efforts in presenting themselves on social media has been neglected in studies conducted on social networks in Iran, this study leads to a better understanding of Iranian women's diverse identities.

This editorial presents a general overview of the thematic issue "The Lived Experiences of Migration: Individual Strategies, Institutional Settings and Destination Effects in the European Mobility Process," based on the rich qualitative data produced in the Growth, Equal Opportunities, Migration and Markets (GEMM) project. The qualitative component of the project focused on the ‘lived’ experiences of migration. The main contribution of the articles in this issue is to demonstrate the multiplicity of actors and structures involved in the migration process, and to recognize the important role that space plays in the life-trajectories of people on the move. Perceiving the migration process as a learning experience allows for a deeper look into the complex renegotiation of cultural and political boundaries that migrants experience in the destination.

This article explores the ways a salient sectarian community division in Northern Ireland frames the imagination of newcomers and the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. We examine the dominant ethno-national Christian communities and how their actions define the social-spatial landscape and challenges of manoeuvring everyday life in Northern Ireland as an "Other". We argue all newcomers are impacted to some degree by sectarianism in Northern Ireland, adding a further complexified layer to the everyday and institutional racism so prevalent in different parts of the UK and elsewhere. First, we discuss the triangle of nation, gender and ethnicity in the context of Northern Ireland. We do so in order to problematise that in a society where two adversarial communities exist the "Other" is positioned differently to other more cohesive national societies. This complication impacts how the Other is imagined as the persistence of binary communities shapes the way local civil society engages vulnerable newcomers, e.g. in the instance of our research, asylum seekers and refugees. This is followed by an examination of the situation of asylum seekers and refugees in Northern Ireland. We do so by contextualising the historical situation of newcomers and the socio-spatial landscape of the city of Belfast. In tandem with this, we discuss the role of NGO's and civil support organisations in Belfast and contrast these views with the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees. This article is based on original empirical material from a study conducted in 2016 on the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees with living in Northern Ireland.

The so-called "refugee crisis" provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about "sanctuary cities" and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.

The prevailing class analysis of Latin American soci eties defines informality as a class cleavage that divides the working class. In this view, labor fra gmentation has created structural divisions among workers, which are translated in to different life experiences, collective action dynamics and material interests of formal and informal workers (Portes, 1985; Portes y Hoffman, 2003). This article is part of a broader research aimed at testing the "class diffe rences" hypothesis through a study of the cultural, organizing and structural links between the formal and the informal working class (Elbert, 2013). Do formal and informal workers self-identify as part of the same social class? What is the effect of ties across the informality border in the class identity of individuals in the worki ng class? I use survey data from the “Encuesta Nacional de Estratificación Social” (CEDOP-UBA). In the study I provide evidence of strong structural connections between the formal and the informal proletariat, which include past work experiences and family ties across the formal-informal boundary. This confirms that workers’ class self- identification is a consequence not only of their stru ctural position but also of their lived experience.

University students with visual impairment in Israel and worldwide face multiple academic and social barriers and must develop techniques, strategies and skills to adjust to the university environment. The current article is based on a longitudinal qualitative study aimed at incorporating students' voices and offers some insight into the ways students experience their academic journeys. The research method combined grounded theory with the emancipatory disability research paradigm, which draws explicitly from people with disabilities' collective experience and thus directly challenges this group's widespread social oppression. This combination allowed the researcher to focus on students' initial experiences as subjectively perceived. Sixteen students all defined as legally blind, from four universities in Israel, were interviewed over a 2-year period of their studies. The findings present two complementary narratives the interviewees used while configuring their identities. The article will focus on findings that suggest that during their academic journeys, students needed to manage a process of integrating their identity both as disabled and as students, choosing when and where to perform each identity and determining what the implications of each choice were along with each one’s related costs and benefits. The study’s implications and recommendations can help professionals and support services improve inclusion and equality in higher education.

The religious experience felt as the apprehension of an absolute reality that expression of the sacred can be established in specific and determined spaces, but inevitably dissolves often In everyday life through symbols and practices. Between flavors and aromas, pans and recipes, there is the possibility of developing more than a gastronomic experience, for the devotees Hare Krishna is the realization of a meeting with God and the manifestation in the practice of a theoretical conception. To understand this conversion of the seized in the ancient scriptures of Indian origin in the day-to-day life of a person living in Fortaleza is the main essence of this research, which will analyze how the categories of kindness, passion and ignorance in the dietary practices of this social group., A experiência religiosa vivenciada como a apreensão de uma realidade absoluta que exprime o sagrado pode se estabelecer em espaços específicos e determinados, mas de forma inevitável se dissolve amiúde no cotidiano através dos símbolos e de práticas. Entre sabores e aromas, panelas e receitas, há a possibilidade de se desenvolver muito mais que uma experiência gastronômica, para os devotos Hare Krishna é a realização de um encontro com deus e a manifestação na prática de uma concepção teórica. Entender essa conversão do apreendido nas escrituras sagradas milenares de origem indiana no dia-a-dia de uma pessoa que mora em Fortaleza é a essência principal dessa pesquisa, que analisará como se desenvolvem as categorias de bondade, paixão e ignorância nas práticas alimentares desse grupo social.

The present paper tries to capture the ideas surrounding the problem of personal identity in some of the works of Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor. The basic assumption of this paper is the fact that Taylor attempts to solve three major modern identity crises: the first one is originated in the reductive image, projected by scientifical discourse, of human being as a "disengaged self" detached from its body, culture and language; the second crisis is related mostly to a nihilistic rejection of the cultural background in the name of a creative, self-referential individual; finally, the third one has its source in the refusal of the individuals to involve themselves in public space as a symptom of the growing alienation of the modern identity. Taylor offers instead, as an attempt to fight these crises, a philosophical anthropology and also an ambitious historical project of bringing to light those ideals that made modern identity. Finally, we try to show that Taylor's formula of the self, despite its hierarchical dimension based on the need for strong values, resembles more with a rhythm that seems flexible enough to combine hierarchy with the pressure of modern changing and fragmentation.

The main purpose of this paper is to critically assess some problems affecting the structure of a number of arguments advocating what has been named as identity politics or the politics of difference, and especially those formulated by Iris Marion Young. While such accounts have claimed recognition of different identities as ground for demanding a fundamental reform of the current perceived dominant liberal framework, they have yet to solve a number of issues that pertain to the structure itself of these arguments. Despite some valid criticisms related to the way in which identity indeed plays a crucial role in the contemporary power and legitimacy contexts, these accounts, through their normative discourse of culture and difference, seem to reinforce the very reasons they have identified for those problems. Furthermore, by focusing on culture and group identity as their primary concern, instead of on individuals, such accounts have replaced the modern subjects of political justification without clearly assuming or justifying this move. The politics of difference also needs to offer a better explanation of how the underlying common framework for pluralism can be preserved. Finally, such accounts are invoking the concept of "culture": notoriously indeterminate, it undermines their efforts to offer formal criteria of what cultures are, what membership consists in, and which legal rights should correspond to different contexts.

The present article summarises the results of empirical research conducted in the two Bulgarians' communities in Romania. The general problems are declined in two axes, historical and political. The historical approach aims at showing the coming of Bulgarians to Romania and briefly maps and follows the various waves of immigration. For its part, the political approach analyzes the current political situation. The article is a valuable empirically-based contribution to the study of the processes of integration of the national minorities in Romania.

Identity is not just about how we understand ourselves as opposed to the others. It is also about how we act. This article investigates the practices related to the reconstruction of the public identity of the Romanian Orthodox Church. After a brief incursion in the communist past, the first under scrutiny are institutional practices, from administrative nominations to formal and informal structures of authority and to structural change. It is followed by an analysis of the progressive reassessment of the Orthodox presence in state institutions (with a particular emphasis on the educational system) and in the political sphere. The final part of the study is devoted to the means of communication employed by the Church to transmit its message and to reclaim a strong position in the agora . As the article is merely a sketch of the practical application of a "return in the public" sphere of the Orthodox Church, the floor open for discussion.

The history of the Romanian-Hungarian relations is burned by a series of failures, as far as attempts aiming to provide patterns of integration of the Hungarian minority are concerned. These failures, together with the tradition of institutionalized mistrust of the Romanian authorities represented a difficult legacy for the post-1989 political projects and ethno-political strategies on both sides. Since 1989, the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania has improved significantly in many concerns. In spite of the undeniable achievements, the conflicting interests of the two communities could not be reconciled, and the options of the Romanians and Hungarians, as far as the issue of the integration is concerned, continue to differ in essential terms. The dominant patterns of public opinion yield conflicting identity structures and competing ethno-political strategies, which raise the intriguing question: on what grounds can Hungarians in Romania be considered as part of the Romanian political community? The paper tries to offer an answer to this question by comparing the dominant trends in conceptualizing the term political community with recent research results which bare, according to the author, the evidence of those identity structures and ethno-political strategies which divide the Romanian political community along ethnic fault-lines. The paper reaches the conclusion that if we bare in mind, following Elizabeth Frazer, the "thin" interpretation of the concept, the Romanian political community qualifies without doubts. However, if we consider the "thick" version of the term's prevailing significance, the entirety of the Romanian citizens, which includes the members of the Hungarian minority, falls short of the criteria of the ideal political community for several reasons.

After the Second World War, a new regional identity was configured through collaboration agreements not only between the USSR and each of the Eastern Bloc countries but, at the same time, through less hierarchical relationships between the newly installed communist regimes. These relationships also entailed cultural conventions, which stipulated joint events and exhibitions or documentary trips for artists. This article focuses on the artistic exchanges between Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in the early years of the postwar era giving special attention to the art institutions that were assigned to operate them. Such international relationships are revealing for the local negotiations concerning the relation between artists and the state, but also for the political prospects in the Balkans. Moreover, the early artistic exchanges set out a series of practices that were maintained throughout the entire socialist period and therefore contributed to charting a common artistic identity. Although the Soviet cultural model settled certain borders and modes of action in each country through imported art institutions or policies, the artistic exchanges within the Eastern Bloc had also an independent life, which sometimes even bypassed it. Furthermore, in each country, Socialist Realism was configured at the intersection of Soviet directives, local artistic hierarchies and practices, and bilateral exchanges.

This contribution proposes a methodological framework for empirical research into visual practices on social media. The framework identifies practices, pictures and platforms as relevant dimensions of analysis. It is mainly developed within, and is compatible with qualitative, interpretive approaches which focus on visual communication as part of everyday personal communicative practices. Two screenshots from Instagram and Facebook are introduced as empirical examples to investigate collaborative practices of meaning-making relating to pictures on social media. While social media seems to augment reflexive, processual practices of negotiating identities, visual media, in particular, amps up aesthetic, ambivalent and embodied dimensions within these practices.

Over the last decade, self-organized refugee protests in Europe have increased. One strand of activism in Europe, noborder, involves a transnational network of people who are heterogeneous with regards to legal status, race, or individual history of migration, but who share decolonial, anti-capitalist ideals that criticize the nation-state. Noborder activists embrace prefigurative strategies, which means enacting political ideals in their everyday life. This is why this article asks: How do noborder activists try to meet their political ideals in their everyday practices, and what effects do these intentions entail? Noborder practices take place at the intersection of self-organization as a reference to migrants' legal status or identity, on the one hand, and self-organization as anti-hierarchical forms of anarchist-autonomous organization, on the other. On the basis of empirical findings of a multi-sited ethnography in Germany and Greece, this article conceptualizes that noborder creates a unique space for activists to meet in which people try to work productively through conflicts they see as being produced by a global system of inequalities. This demanding endeavor involves social pressure to self-reflect and to transform interpersonal relationships. Broader society could learn from such experiences to build more inclusive, heterogeneous communities.

This article emphasises the experiences of the prospective elite among the second generation in Germany by analysing empirical data collected through in-depth interviews across three occupational fields (law, education and corporate business). In spite of their disadvantaged background, some children of lower educated migrant parents from Turkey managed to occupy prestigious leadership positions. Many use their ethnic capital in creative and strategic ways to seek opportunities and obtain access to leading positions. They are now embracing new professional roles and have moved into new social circles due to their steep upward mobility. However, they still have to contend with the fact that their individual mobility stands in contrast to the low-status of the group to which they belong.

Objective: The present study aims to propose a reflective rethink theories about nursing from the Theory of Professional Links. Method: This is a theoretical reflection that addresses the importance of theories, as a working tool, which formalize the actions of the nursing profession and as a social practice, which builds daily. Results: First, there is the context of the construction of nursing knowledge and subsequently the Theory of Professional Links as an important management tool working to develop and strengthen human relationships nursing teams, using a model flexible and adaptable to reality and creativity of nurses. Conclusion: It is believed that nursing can provide their professional identity and its body of knowledge, more broadly, including subsidies brought there by the Theory of Professional Links relational issues that mark with a lot of intensity to do nursing.

Objective: To identify the representation of the uterus for women who underwent hysterectomy and experience of sexuality in this period. Method: Qualitative survey conducted in October 2008 in a teaching hospital in southern Brazil, with five women hysterectomy. It was used as a tool to semi-structured interview. For data analysis we used the thematic content analysis. Results: For women the uterus was identified as an organ useless, having already played their reproductive role and its removal did not appear to interfere with the way they view their sexuality and femininity. Conclusions: Providing information to women who undergo hysterectomy may assist in understanding that this procedure does not interfere with female identity.

This article describes the creation of a memory initiative in Medellín, Colombia: a commemorative wall with the names of the people murdered in Santo Domingo Savio's neighborhood. Based on this description, the authors analyze the relations among the conceptions of memory, common, and community, and call into question the consequences of commemorating the murderers in the same space of the victims. Why is recognition central for the public discussion on memory? Is there a legitimate and an illegitimate way of mourning? Which lives really matter? The analysis is carried out from the results of two doctoral researches with emphasis on the concepts of community, common and identity. The article concludes that in the case of the commemorative wall of Santo Domingo Savio, what is common to this group are the feelings of loss and vulnerability in facing violence. As a result, what relates the members of this territory is less a positive identity than the recognition of their losses as well as their common dealing with finitude and death., Este artículo aborda la creación de una iniciativa de memoria en Medellín, Colombia: un mural con los nombres de personas asesinadas en el barrio Santo Domingo Sávio. Se analiza la relación entre las concepciones de memoria, común y comunidad a partir de varias preguntas: ¿qué sucede cuando se decide recordar a los asesinos en el mismo espacio de las víctimas?, ¿por qué el reconocimiento es central en la discusión pública sobre la memoria?, ¿hay lutos legítimos y otros ilegítimos?, ¿cuáles son las vidas que cuentan? Se trata de un análisis hecho a partir de los resultados de dos investigaciones de doctorado con énfasis en los conceptos de comunidad, memoria e identidad. Se concluye que para el caso del mural en Santo Domingo Sávio lo común para ese colectivo es la pérdida y la vulnerabilidad frente a la violencia, lo que vincula a sus habitantes es menos una identidad positiva que el reconocimiento de la falta, la vulnerabilidad y enfrentarse con la finitud que los afecta a todos., Este artigo aborda a criação de uma iniciativa de memória em Medellín, Colômbia: um mural com os nomes das pessoas assassinadas no bairro Santo Domingo Sávio. Analisa-se a relação entre as concepções de memória, comum e comunidade a partir de várias perguntas: o que acontece quando se decide lembrar dos assassinos no mesmo espaço das vítimas? Por que o reconhecimento é central na discussão pública sobre a memória? Há lutos legítimos e outros ilegítimos? Quais são as vidas que contam? Trata-se de uma análise feita a partir dos resultados de duas pesquisas de doutorado com ênfase nos conceitos de comunidade, memória e identidade. Conclui-se que para o caso do mural em Santo Domingo Sávio o comum para esse coletivo é a perda e a vulnerabilidade perante a violência, o que vincula os seus habitantes é menos uma identidade positiva que o reconhecimento da falta, a vulnerabilidade e enfrentar-se com a finitude que afeta a todos.

Objective: To discuss the social representations of women with chronic wounds about being a woman and having a body injured and the implications of these representations on social relations. Methods: Qualitative research with women with chronic wounds, attended at health units in Bahia who answered the interview in depth and draft-story theme. The data were submitted to thematic content analysis. Results: Representations about being a woman and having a wounded body are centered on ideas and experiences that reveal stigma, pain, sadness, loneliness, irritation, dependence, and the need to approach God. Conclusion: The representations of the participants interfere in the way of dressing, of relating to oneself and to the people in their surroundings implying in isolation and solitude. Representations reproduce stigmas about body image that do not meet socially and culturally determined beauty and health criteria.

This paper analyzes the importance of self-determination in international relations. It explains the puzzle why some small regions or group of people are ready to be small states by separating from big powerful states. The self-determination of a nation is preferable to the people than a military power of the large state. The military power of a state may not translate into a better life of people. So people’s empowerment cannot be treated the necessary outcome of state’s military power. When one group of people feel as marginalized in national policymaking and its implications, they show a secessionist tendency. This paper contends that people may prefer their ideology, identity and self-determination than the power of the state.

The main purpose of this article is to investigate the production of individual gender-based identity. Several modes of identification will be taken into account (ranging from the personal decision on the embodied life to the biopolitical techniques of modern and contemporary government). The underlying interrogation of the article concerns the political capacity of gender identity, i.e. the capacity of the acts of selfdefinition to change the dominant language and to articulate a political frame free of any discrimination, pathologization or criminalization.

O texto apresenta uma visão global sobre a forma como a ficção cinematográfica portuguesa, produzida durante o Estado Novo de Salazar e Caetano, refletiu sobre o império colonial entre o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial e a queda do regime (1974). A investigação baseia-se em onze obras produzidas entre 1945 e 1974, foi organizada de forma a permitir uma perceção global, conduzindo ao aparecimento de três núcleos temáticos fundamentais, a conquista, a colonização e o regresso do império. Desse percurso resultou uma conclusão fundamental, sintetizada na expressão uma África, dois impérios, cujo entendimento essencial passa por uma dupla conceção, luminosa e sombria, sobre o Império Colonial Português entre 1945 e 1974., The paper presents a global view about the way as portuguese fiction films, produced along New State of Salazar and Caetano, reflected about colonial empire between the end of Second World War and the fall of the regime (1974). The investigation is based on the selection of eleven films produced between 1945 and 1974, and intents to give a global vision about the subject, mainly the appearence of three main themes, which are the conquest, colonization and the return of the empire. This research resulted on a conclusion, defined in the expression one Africa, two empires, which means that the existing empirial reality, between 1945 and 1974, must be understood under a shining or a dark way., El texto presenta una visión global sobre la forma en la que la ficción portuguesa, producida durante el Estado Novo de Salazar y Caetano, se ha reflejado sobre el imperio colonial entre el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la caída del régimen (1974). La investigación se basa en once obras producidas entre 1945 y 1974, y fue organizada por forma a permitir una percepción global, conduciendo al surgimiento de tres núcleos temáticos principales: la conquista, la colonización y el regreso del imperio. De este recorrido hemos llegado a una conclusión fundamental, sintetizada en la expresión una África, dos Imperios, cuyo entendimiento esencial pasa por una doble concepción, luminosa y sombría, del Imperio Colonial Portugués entre 1945 y 1974.

While phrases such as ‘Capitaine Crounche’ and ‘beurre d’arachide’ are familiar to, and easily taken for granted by, most English Canadians, who tend to encounter linguistic duality in their daily lives in a number of ways, the politics underlying such seemingly harmless words are significant. Indeed, no other issue has played as central a role in Canadian social and political development as has language, with French-English linguistic tensions and considerations affecting numerous aspects of Canadian life, including foreign policy, the awarding of government contracts and indeed, the labelling of food packaging. While much public and scholarly attention has been paid to the language issue and the francophone population of Québec, less has been paid to language and francophones outside of the main concentration of Canada’s French speakers. While geographically dispersed, and vastly outnumbered, Canada’s francophone minority communities and their identities are nevertheless an important part of the Canadian social fabric, as is evidenced by the amount of government attention these French Canadians1 receive. Two key developments in the collective identity of francophone minoritiesoccurred in 1969 and 1982, when the Official Languages Act (OLA), and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms were (respectively) promulgated, the latter including constitutionally entrenched language rights for official language minorities. In this essay, we will examine the vitality of francophone minority communities, and how language rights have impacted them and contributed to the maintenance of their identity. Specifically, we will argue that minority francophone communities are still strong and that language rights have reinforced these communities and their identities, and have made an important contribution to their survival and long-term vitality. It is hoped that gaining a more complete understanding of the impact of language rights on these groups will not only provide a fulle

O presente artigo faz referência ao resultado de uma pesquisa desenvolvida sobre consumo e cuidado ambiental a partir das narrativas de jovens universitários residentes no Litoral de São Paulo. A abordagem dessa pesquisa se centrou nas identidades, práticas e imaginários desses jovens, interpretadas através de suas narrativas e relatos de vida, pelas quais é possível compreender questões mais amplas sobre o consumo e questões ambientais, ainda mais por residirem no Litoral de São Paulo e estarem mais próximos desse cenário natural. Analisamos as narrativas juvenis em seu caráter político, em que os jovens assumem-se como sujeitos de discurso e com voz, compreendendo de que forma questões ligadas à sustentabilidade estão presentes em suas ações, memórias e no cotidiano, como item importante da agenda política juvenil em meio ao consumo na contemporaneidade., This article presents the results of a research on consumption and environmental protection from narratives of young university students living on the coast of the State of São Paulo. The research was focused on understanding consumption and environmental-related issues through those young students’ identities, activities and social imaginaries, based on their narratives and life stories, especially because they live in the coastal areas of the State of São Paulo and are, therefore, closer to a natural setting. We analyzed their narratives from a political viewpoint, where young people assume themselves as subjects in a speech and have a voice, to understand how sustainability issues are present in their actions, memories and daily life as an important item of the youth political agenda in the midst of consumption in contemporary times., Este articulo presenta los resultados de una investigación sobre consumo y cuidado del medio ambiente en las narrativas de jóvenes universitários que viven em la costa de São Paulo. La investigación se centró en las identidades, prácticas y imaginários de estos jóvenes, interpretadas a través de sus narrativas y relatos de vida, en los quales se puede comprender questiones más amplias sobre el consumo y las questiones ambientales, además porque viven en la costa de São Paulo y estan más cerca de los escenarios de la naturaleza. Analisamos las narrativas juveniles en su carácter político, por lo qual los jovenes se asumen como sujectos de discurso y con voz; buscamos compreender de que formas questiones ligadas a la sustentabilidade están presentes en sus acciones, memorias y em sus vidas cotidianas, subrayando un importante elemento de la agenda política del juvenil e del consumo en lo contemporâneo.

An insistent focus on extremism and radicalization with regard to current Islamist trends masks the failures of pluralist citizenship, amid a larger crisis of identity. Whether in Muslim-majority societies or in the Euro-North American diaspora, "Islam" and "politics" are touted as explaining patterns of severe violence by state/non-state actors. Neither category accounts more than superficially for the complexities at hand, which revolve around exclusionary models of identity, faith and civil society. Successful narratives of inclusive citizenship depend on key markers outside of modernist secular orthodoxy. Theologies of inclusion are vital in fostering pluralist civic identities, mindful of the ascendance of puritanical-legalist theologies of exclusion as a salient facet of public cultures. Multiple surveys reveal the depth of exclusivist conservatism in diverse Muslim societies. These stances not only undermine civil society as a locus for engendering pluralist identities, but also undergird the militant trends that dominate the headlines. Targeting militants is often essential - yet is frequently accompanied by the willful alienation of Muslim citizens even within liberal democracies, and a growing "official" sectarianism among Muslim-majority polities. Convergent pluralisms of faith and civic identity are a vital antidote to the fog that obscures the roots as well as the implications of today's extremist trends. (author's abstract)

Este artigo apresentará uma discussão sobre a educação inclusiva e noções de deficiência. As reflexões são resultado de um estudo que produziu quatro narrativas (registradas por meio da história oral) em que se revelaram concepções sobre a deficiência elaboradas por professores que convivem com crianças com deficiência. Os objetivos do texto são, portanto, apresentar um repertório teórico que dá base para as leituras feitas das entrevistas; refletir sobre como se produziu os registros por meio da história oral; e apontar reflexões iniciais sobre o que aparece em comum nessas narrativas dos professores. A análise inicial que apresentamos aqui se norteia pelas contribuições da linha de estudos teóricos chamados disability studies e pela leitura das narrativas. Tal diálogo permitiu compreender como se dá a construção de sentidos e de significados relacionados à criança com deficiência para esses sujeitos. O estudo preocupa-se com tais concepções, pois acredita que podem influenciar nos contextos de formação, no seu desenvolvimento humano e processos identitários., This paper will present a discussion on inclusive education and disability. The reflections are the result of a study that produced four narratives (recorded through Oral History) that proved concepts on disability prepared by teachers and parents living with children with disabilities. The text's objectives are therefore present a theoretical repertoire that gives basis for the readings of the interviews; reflect on how to produce the records through oral history; and point out initial reflections on what appears in common in these narratives of parents and teachers. The initial analysis presented here was guide by the theoretical line contributions call by disability studies and by the narratives reading. Such dialogue allows us to understand how is the construction of senses and meanings related to the child with disabilities for these subjects. The study is concerned with such concepts, as it believes that they can influence the formation of contexts in its human development and identity processes., En este artículo se presentará una discusión sobre educación inclusiva y las nociones de deficiencia. Las reflexiones son el resultado de un estudio que produjo cuatro narrativas (grabado a través de la historia oral) que resultó conceptos sobre deficiencia preparados por los profesores y los padres que viven con los niños con deficiencia. Los objetivos del texto, por tanto, se presentará un repertorio teórico que da base para las lecturas de las entrevistas; reflexionar sobre cómo producir los registros a través de la historia oral; y señalar reflexiones iniciales sobre lo que aparece en común en estos relatos de padres y maestros. El primer análisis que aquí se presenta se basa en los aportes de la línea de los estudios teóricos y llamada la disability studies mediante la lectura de los relatos. Este diálogo nos permite entender cómo es la construcción de sentidos y significados relacionados con el niño con deficiencia para estos temas. El estudio se ocupa de tales conceptos, ya que cree que pueden influir en la formación de los contextos en sus procesos de desarrollo y la identidad humana.

A convergência e o hiperlocal podem ser analisados como elementos que impulsionam o desenvolvimento jornalístico nos ambientes digitais possibilitando a valorização do local e o reforço de identidades, que passam a configurar como fonte básica de significado social em contraste ao processo habitual dos mass media. A efetivação desse cenário emergente será observada como possível novo espaço para o reforço da representação feminina e a ampliação de espaços para os processos de empoderamento e compartilhamento de identidades. Para tanto, serão revistas as literaturas sobre os temas apresentados e uma análise do caso observado nos media online de Bauru, cidade do interior paulista., Convergence and hyperlocal can be analyzed as elements that drive the journalistic development in the digital environment enabling the development of local and strengthening of identities, bringing the set as a basic source of social meaning in contrast to the usual process of the media. The effectiveness of this emerging scenario is seen as a possible new area for strengthening women's representation and expansion of spaces for empowerment processes and identity sharing. For this, we review the literature on the topics presented and a case analysis observed in online media of Bauru, a city in São Paulo State., Convergencia y hiperlocal pueden analizarse como elementos que impulsan el desarrollo periodístico en el entorno digital que permita el desarrollo de los locales y el fortalecimiento de las identidades, con lo que el conjunto como una fuente básica de significado social, en contraste con el proceso habitual de los medios de comunicación. La eficacia de este escenario que emerge es visto como un posible nuevo área para el fortalecimiento de la representación y la expansión de los espacios para los procesos de empoderamiento y participación de la identidad de la mujer. Para ello, se revisa la literatura sobre los temas presentados y un análisis de casos observados en los medios de comunicación en línea de Bauru, una ciudad en el estado de São Paulo.

Apresento, neste artigo, considerações sucintas sobre como pessoas trans* podem sair do armário (ou retornar ao mesmo) através do site de redes sociais Facebook. Trata-se de um trabalho de história do tempo presente/imediato que se utiliza de história oral ciborgue, fundamentado em entrevistas de história oral off-line, entrevistas de história oral on-line, e também via chat do Facebook., I present in this article, brief considerations about trans* people can come out (or return to the same) through the Facebook social networking site. It is a history of this work / immediate time uses cyborg oral history, based on off-line oral history interviews, online oral history interviews, and also via Facebook chat., Presento, en este artículo, breves puntos sobre como las personas trans* pueden salir del armario (o volver a ello) a través de la red social Facebook. Es un trabajo de historia de tiempo inmediato que utiliza la historia oral cyborg, basado en entrevistas de historia oral on-line, historia oral off-line, y también a través de chat de Facebook.

Este artigo tem como objetivo historicizar o universo nerd como um vetor para a produção de identidades, bem como de sensibilidades no espaço da microrregião de Picos, através do alcance de canais de TV, celulares, smartphones e computadores conectados à Internet. Nesse sentido, o objeto do estudo envereda-se pelas teias discursivas de sujeitos que circulam pelos espaços físicos e virtuais da cidade de Picos, ambicionando com isso produzir uma história do tempo presente, referenciada por autores tais como Félix Guattari, Suely Rolnik, Donna Haraway, Massimo Canevacci e Stuart Hall. Apresentam-se como sujeitos a serem pesquisados aqueles que arrogam para si a nomeação de nerds, fazendo levantamento de dados orais., This article aims to historicize the geek universe as a vector for the production of identities and sensitivities within the Picos de micro-region, through the range of TV channels, cell phones, smart phones and computers connected to the Internet. In this sense, the object of study is envereda-by discursive webs of subjects flowing through the physical and virtual spaces of the city of Picos, aiming thereby produce a history of the present time, referenced by authors such as Félix Guattari, Suely Rolnik, Donna Haraway Massimo Canevacci and Stuart Hall. They present as subject to search those who arrogate to themselves the appointment of nerds, making lifting oral data., Este artículo pretende historizar el universo nerd como vector para la producción de identidades y sensibilidades dentro de la de la micro-región de los Picos, a través de la gama de canales de televisión, teléfonos celulares, teléfonos inteligentes y computadoras conectadas a Internet. En este sentido, el objeto de estudio es envereda por redes discursivas de los sujetos que fluyen a través de los espacios físicos y virtuales de la ciudad de Picos, con el objetivo de ese modo producir una historia del tiempo presente, referenciado por autores como Félix Guattari, Suely Rolnik, Donna Haraway Massimo Canevacci y Stuart Hall. Presentan como sujeto de buscar aquellos que se arrogan el nombramiento de los nerds, lo que hace el levantamiento de datos orales.

In the contemporary societies people try to build an individualized approach through life, while the collective identity coercions starts to pale. This ratio consists of many aspects like the intensity of the existing collective identities, the consistency of transmission of the parent’s way of living to their children and the individual choices that are available for the young people in the specific social context. In Macedonian society there are some modern processes concerning the development of stronger personal identities of the youth, and their attempts to change the way of living comparing the way their parents did. Having in mind that in Macedonia live citizens that are members of different cultural and ethnic groups the analysis will show even local differences elaborating these phenomena. There are indications that there is some fluctuation towards bigger individualization among youth and the evidence that the young people still lives their parent’s collective identities. The target group of the research is the student population, in the study that was done on the sample of 707 respondents, chosen by quotas, from the six universities in the country. The main thesis is that the students are still "overshadowed of the successes" of their parents past social experience, that is strongly connected with the collective nature of their identities. The main research questions are the state of the collective identities, the relation between the parents and the student's collective identification, and the evidence of stronger development of the self-confidence among students. (author's abstract)

Memoria y olvido han sido, desde la emergencia de nuestra especie en este mundo, significantes que nombran el gran desafío de la supervivencia simbólica en el mundo de la vida. Es la constante lucha por registrar no sólo nuestra propia existencia sino un modo de transitarla, de construirla y vivirla, exorcizando asi el fantasma del olvido; porque el olvido es el enemigo de la vida misma, es el nombre de las experiencias perdidas ¿Qué seria de nosotros si olvidáramos las experiencias -más allá de su belleza o dolor- y los aprendizajes que, muchas veces con gran esfuerzo, hemos caminado en este entrelazamiento entre la especie humana y el transcurrir del tiempo?, Memory and oblivion have been, since the emergence of our species in this world, signifiers that named the great challenge of symbolic survival in the world of life. It is the constant struggle to record not only our own existence, but a way to move it, build it and live it, thus exorcising the ghost of oblivion; because oblivion is the enemy of life itself, it is the name of the lost experience. What would become of us if we forget experiences -beyond their beauty or pain- and the learning that, many times with great effort, we have stepped into this entanglement between the human species and the passing of time?