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In 2021, the undocumented population residing in the United States (US) increased slightly to 10.3 million, compared to 10.2 million the previous year. The gradual decline or near-zero growth of this population has continued for more than a decade. However, the large increases in apprehensions at the southern border in recent years, along with continued legislative gridlock in Congress, could portend a new era of growth of this population. Unfortunately, the data needed to determine whether the population will enter a period of growth after 2021 — or whether the era of near-zero growth will continue — will not be available for at least a year or two. The most accurate demographic estimates of the undocumented population are derived from data collected in the US Census Bureau's American Community Survey. Estimates of the size of the undocumented population in 2022 will not be available until early 2024. This report focuses on the most significant trend in the undocumented population in the past decade — the remarkable decline of 1.9 million in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021. The decline for Mexico in this period was 600,000 more than the total population increase from the seven countries (in order) with the fastest growing US undocumented populations: Guatemala, Honduras, India, Venezuela, El Salvador, Brazil, and China. This paper finds that: The long-term decline, or near-zero growth, of the total undocumented population that began in 2008 continued in 2021. The percent of undocumented residents in the total US population declined from 3.8 percent in 2011 to 3.1 percent in 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico declined from 6.4 million in 2011 to 4.4 million in 2021, a drop of 1.9 million in 10 years. A total of 2.9 million, or 47 percent, of the US undocumented population from Mexico in 2011 had left the undocumented population by 2021. The drop in the undocumented population from Mexico from 2011 to 2021 occurred nationwide, and the decline affected the undocumented population in nearly every state. The fastest growing undocumented populations by country in the last 10 years were from Guatemala, Honduras, India, El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil. The combined undocumented populations from these six countries grew by 1.2 million. Countries that had declining populations after 2011 included Poland, Peru, Ecuador, Korea, and Philippines, in addition to the large drop for Mexico. California had the largest decline in undocumented residents — 665,000 from 2011 to 2021. The undocumented population from Mexico living in California during this period declined by 720,000. The combined undocumented population in California, New York, and Illinois fell by more than one million from 2021 to 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What smell does border death leave to the inhabitants of borderlands? Is the encounter with the dead bodies of the migrants who perished in the Mediterranean Sea telling in how we articulate discussions around (necro)politics at the external borders of Europe? Based on one-year of fieldwork on the island of Lampedusa (Southern Italy), Door to Europe, and frontier for irregular border crossing, I argue that border death has consequences for both the migrants and the inhabitants of borderlands. The paper will trace such consequences through the testimony of Vincenzo, the old cemetery gatekeeper of Lampedusa, the witness and bearer of knowledge around the nameless bodies buried in Lampedusa's cemetery since 1996. This approach will help considering the extent to which the encounter with migrants' dead bodies – bare life in death – allows ethnographers to speak of the inherently violent system that scholars referred to as necropolitics or thanatopolitics, and the otherwise irreducible force of life, which manifests itself beyond any possible attempt to reduce it or silence it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is positioned within the Chocó borderlands of Ecuador and Colombia. I delve into the historical and contemporary everyday struggles of two communities within the Santiago-Cayapas Watershed—the Afro-descendant community of La Chiquita and the Awá Indigenous community of Guadualito. Yet, I also discuss the methodological aspects of "us-formation": the multi-dimensional trials and tribulations of a collective quest for justice. The goal: to situate their largely invisibilized 20+ years of legal struggles against two oil palm companies 'on the map' and demand reparations. The oil palm companies violate Human Rights and Nature's Rights by contaminating rivers and destroying the sustenance of ancestral communities' lives. Through honing into the entanglements of collaboratively activating five dimensions of Geographies of Hope-in-Praxis —place, alliances, the (un)thinkable, perseverance/resilience, and the (im)possible—the paper traverses a multi-dimensional journey-destination of interdependent processes: 1) (De)CO 2 loniality : decolonizing research, "official" versions of history, and now, "climate change mitigation development", that attempt to silence and choke out Indigenous and ancestral peoples and territories; and 2) H 2 Ope : carving out new relational spaces bound together by establishing networks to revindicate human/ancestral rights to water and the rights of La Chiquita River. Geographizing hope reveals that the route toward hope-with-justice is a nonlinear, constantly shifting, unpredictable pluriverse of possibilities ripe for action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional ethnography (IE) is a valuable ontological approach for investigating the coordination of social relations, both locally and trans-locally. However, much of the work utilizing IE remains within the confines of a local or national empirical field. This means there are limited accounts of IE exploring geographically dispersed institutions that cross borders and span regions. This paper makes the case for critically thinking and building on Transnational Institutional Ethnography (TIE). In it, I argue that TIE requires adapting the methodological toolbox of IE to deal with expanded geographic space and diverse bodily locations. By drawing on empirical work exploring scholarly participation in the European Union Framework Programs for research, tensions are illustrated that surfaced while working with TIE. In this discussion, I examine the ways in which interpreting an empirical field as a transnational institution, constituted of geographically dispersed people and organizations, caused a re-examination of the methods in IE to acknowledge institutional experiences shaped by diverse material surroundings and differing geopolitical locations. The paper argues that working with spatially conscious methods in TIE contributes positively to both fieldwork and analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first steps towards a new stope design approach, where stope overbreak (OB; rock mined outside of the design) and underbreak (UB; planned rock left behind) is assessed using statistical multivariate analysis (principal component analysis [PCA] and partial least square [PLS]) and georeferenced data measured at an approximately cubic metre resolution (octrees). Results showed that OB is observed in areas of the stope where there is a large blasting energy proxy, large undercut and towards the middle of the face. UB tends to be observed near the border of the faces and where there is large blasting standoff and toeing of the rings. The resolution of the data and the use of multivariate analysis have enabled the depiction of an accurate interpretation of the variation of stope performance along the design surface, going beyond the simple per face analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rohingya is one of the ethnic minority groups that has faced profound ethnic violence against them in their home country, Myanmar. Almost a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and are currently living in extremely precarious conditions near the Myanmar–Bangladesh border. Despite the sufferings and oppressions of all Rohingya, women, in particular, have been victims of sexual violence. Using various information sources, this paper analyzes different dimensions of the gender-based violence that has endured in Myanmar for decades. This paper also highlights the health and wellness of Rohingya women, including impacts made during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, it provides a framework for reducing gender-based violence in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh. Even though this paper focuses on the Rohingya crisis, insights are relevant to other contexts facing similar social, political, and humanitarian crises, particularly in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great War and Trianon opened a new chapter in the history, not only of the Kingdom of Hungary, but also of Western Hungary. Besides dividing up the counties of Sopron, Moson and Vas, the newly re-drawn borders also split up most of the railway lines running within them as well. From the territory sliced from the three counties, the previously non-existent province of Austria, Burgenland, was established in 1922. In many cases, the new demarcation lines followed boundaries of old districts or settlements, but it was rare to find natural boundaries among them. As a result, between the two World Wars, the use of the affected railway tracks began to change similar to several contemporary Central European cases, with the exception of GYSEV (Győr–Sopron–Ebenfurth Railway Company), which could remain in its original form. This research paper aims to examine how the shift of borders in this region affected railway transport. It is based on the local historical literature on the railway, regional history and primary resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The restructuring of sub-national economic governance has been one response to persistent regional inequalities; in the United Kingdom, this has entailed a rescaling of strategic economic governance around city-regions. The variety of 'left behind' places, however, also includes peripheral and non-urban regions, prompting actors across different scales to seek arrangements for those places outside the city-regional paradigm. This paper provides insights into these processes through tracing the emergence of two new and overlapping spaces of governance in the largely rural South of Scotland, and across a larger area also including the far North of England. While driven by top-down priorities of the centre, new spaces are created through political processes contested across multiple scales, layered onto existing arrangements. These episodes demonstrate how regional actors exercise agency in shaping governance arrangements by articulating regional problems, and proposed responses, with political concerns of the centre. They also indicate the potential for dominant approaches, based on city-regional imaginaries, to be challenged. New regions offer at least the potential for actors in the periphery to secure resources for place-based development, within a fragmented and competitive landscape. They may however prove to be transient, requiring ongoing coupling of regional and central interests to be maintained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being on call without being on the clock is an important but underappreciated source of insecurity among low-wage workers. Drawing on fieldwork with 20 agricultural workers of the Texas-Mexico border region, this paper identifies several stages where workers are made to wait without pay and links these stages to economic precarity. These intervals occur at the local bus station, a hub for recruitment and departure, at home in both the US and Mexico, during travel to distant work sites, and in seasonal lodging. Workers use the Spanish colloquial term ' dioquis ', which they define as 'being without doing', to describe such uncertain periods of waiting which are required for them to work. Through dioquis, a liminal state, employers displace industry risk onto workers, leading to long-term instability. Expanding the implications of dioquis, the paper reveals the significance of temporal uncertainty for the marginalized across other contexts of work and waiting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine the development and current situation of the woollen knitwear and woven fabric industry in the Scottish Borders. The paper opens with a brief theoretical exposition of the logic and dynamics of industrial clusters. An overview of the consolidation of the industry as a multifaceted spatial cluster or agglomeration in the 19th century is presented. I then describe changes in the locational structure and productive capacities of the industry over the last several decades. I provide a diagnosis of the industry's decline in recent years together with an assessment of relevant stocks of region-based resources and capabilities. I argue that the Scottish Borders region lacks many of the pooled competitive advantages typically found in successful clusters but that carefully modulated policy could do much to improve local economic performance in the future. A number of specific policy guidelines focussed on inter-industrial relations, labour markets and institutional infrastructures are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Receiver Operating Characteristic curves have been widely used to represent the performance of diagnostic tests. The corresponding area under the curve, widely used to evaluate their performance quantitatively, has been criticized in several respects. Several proposals have been introduced to improve area under the curve by taking into account only specific regions of the Receiver Operating Characteristic space, that is, the plane to which Receiver Operating Characteristic curves belong. For instance, a region of interest can be delimited by setting specific thresholds for the true positive rate or the false positive rate. Different ways of setting the borders of the region of interest may result in completely different, even opposing, evaluations. In this paper, we present a method to define a region of interest in a rigorous and objective way, and compute a partial area under the curve that can be used to evaluate the performance of diagnostic tests. The method was originally conceived in the Software Engineering domain to evaluate the performance of methods that estimate the defectiveness of software modules. We compare this method with previous proposals. Our method allows the definition of regions of interest by setting acceptability thresholds on any kind of performance metric, and not just false positive rate and true positive rate: for instance, the region of interest can be determined by imposing that ϕ (also known as the Matthews Correlation Coefficient) is above a given threshold. We also show how to delimit the region of interest corresponding to acceptable costs, whenever the individual cost of false positives and false negatives is known. Finally, we demonstrate the effectiveness of the method by applying it to the Wisconsin Breast Cancer Data. We provide Python and R packages supporting the presented method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has resulted in new anxieties about the risks and dangers involved in human mobility and forced governments to simultaneously re-engineer policies for temporary health control and longer-term border-crossing and migration policies; characterized by the sanitization of space and mobility. This special issue considers the policies, including health and non-health measures, that have impacts on migrant workers and migration. While COVID control measures are often phrased in medical language and policy discourses, they often serve multiple goals including political and social control. The papers in this issue cover different places in Asia and the Pacific. We propose the "politics of sanitization" as a conceptual framework to examine the multiple dimensions of state governance and the variegated impacts upon migrants, including: (1) sanitizing space and borders, (2) stigmatization and sanitizing migrants' bodies, (3) sanitizing ethnic borders and the national body, and (4) reorganizing the borders of sanitization and membership of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews Beijing's Hong Kong policy, arguing that the policy mirrors China's policy towards its restive borderlands represented by Tibet and Xinjiang. The rule of Hong Kong and other borderlands in China will be understood in an analytical framework that highlights four broad policies of governing borderlands: promises of a high degree of local autonomy; extension of politico-administrative control; cultural assimilation; and economic integration and domination. These policies may be conceptualised within the term "coercion." It is argued that before Hong Kong's retrocession to China in 1997, the PRC's approach to the territory, in comparison to its approaches to Tibet and Xinjiang, was the least coercive - that is, China initially promised Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy over domestic affairs. The degree of coercion was stepped up when Hongkongers were perceived as becoming increasingly alienated from the new regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Brexit-driven remaking of some EU families into mixed-status families. Drawing on original research conducted in 2021–2022 with British, EU/EEA and non-EU/EEA citizens living in the UK or the EU/EEA, it shows how families whose members have previously enjoyed equal rights to freedom of movement across the EU/EEA variously negotiate the consequences of Brexit on their lives. Central to our analysis is the interplay between hardening borders and the stickiness of family relations, and its effects on families' migration and settlement projects. The article brings to the fore these emerging entanglements offering a much-needed relational analysis of the impact of Brexit on the directly affected populations, while contributing more widely to expanding the existing scholarship on mixed-status families, by attending to the peculiar ways in which families whose members previously enjoyed equal status under EU law have experienced their transformation into subjects with unequal rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the life-stories and identity narratives of Turks of Western Thrace (Greece) focusing on the role of the Turkish–Greek border and its changing permeability. It suggests that people who have strong attachments to both sides of a national border experience spatial liminality and the border is a place of passage between not only territories, but also lived identities. For young Turks of Western Thrace, travelling to Turkey to work or study is an established strategy that is intertwined with major life events. Drawing on ride-along interviews and focusing on five participants, who travelled to Turkey during the Cyprus crisis, the article identifies the disciplinary power of bordering on identities and life-stories. By examining how different individuals dealt with this power, and how their circumstances affected the outcomes, it explores the tensions between agency and structure, state power and resistance, and categorisation and liminality during life-planning and identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses differential inclusion as it relates to mobility in Europe through migrants' experiences of the closure of the European Union (EU) Schengen borders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on 36 comparative online interviews with three groups of migrants – Erasmus students, asylum seekers and seasonal workers – the article empirically investigates how differential inclusion is reflected in migrants' perceptions of border closures and the impact of border closures on international mobility. Drawing on the concept of differential inclusion, I examine the divergent border mobilities in a moment of crisis. In the interviews, migrants' reflections on borders are informed either by their own perception of borders, their surprise at the lack of awareness of borders for other migrants, or the realisation that closed borders are crossed for capitalist economic demands under high health risks. Taking this as its basis, the article makes two arguments. First, that preexisting differential inclusion exacerbated during border closures in a global health emergency. Second, that borders are not concrete but flexible in (im)mobilising people according to capitalist economic demands. In this way, the article contributes to an understanding of the process of rebordering that took place during COVID-19 and in which borders remained spaces of differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines manufacturing export determinants across Mexican states and regions from 2007 to 2015. Paying particular attention to the role of FDI, the analysis considers internal and external determinants of manufacturing exports under static and dynamic panel data methods. Several interesting results were obtained. First, the ratio of manufacturing to total GDP is the most consistent determinant of exports performance, regardless of the estimation method or specification employed. Second, static panel data estimations under GMM techniques suggest different sensitivity to FDI across regions, with the Mexico-U.S. border region observing the most substantial short-term effect of FDI on manufacturing exports. Finally, using dynamic panel data methods, we found significant persistence and similar long-term effects of FDI across most of the regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1994, Denzin and Lincoln suggested an immediate future for qualitative research, very akin to collage. This article begins by examining a seminal early collage work by Kurt Schwitters and ends with an example of the author's own meta-collage as a means of exploring the model as both a "borderlands epistemology," an art form, and a research practice. Claims for collage's potential for rich data collection plus iterative, inclusive, critical practice are made, as with that of bringing the "unthought known" using synecdoche and serendipity to the surface, championing arts-based, "And" methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay contributes to literature on the intersections of white settler colonialisms, racial capitalism, and U.S.-Mexico borderlands history by tracing the web of spatial, temporal, and legal power relations that produced El Paso, Texas' seemingly legitimate possession of stolen Mexican territory known as "El Chamizal" in the El Paso-Cd. Juárez borderlands. This land theft became the Chamizal Dispute: an international land and boundary conflict between the U.S. and Mexico caused by the meandering Río Grande that defines the "fixed" international border between El Paso, Texas and Cd. Juárez, Chihuahua. In the 1860s, multiple shifts in the Rio Grande "relocated" El Chamizal north of this river/boundary. Soon thereafter, and despite Mexico's sustained claim to and jurisdiction over this land, recently arrived Anglo American settlers incorporated El Chamizal into the nascent City of El Paso. In 1964, the U.S. and Mexico finally agreed to resolve this conflict by virtue of the landmark Chamizal Treaty, which ceded 630-acres of El Paso to Cd. Juárez as El Chamizal. Contrary to what dominant state accounts and the mainstream historical literature on this settlement would have us believe, however, this ceded land includes only a fraction of the original contested terrain. El Chamizal therefore remains a stolen tract of land nestled within the heart of El Paso. Drawing on oral histories, court testimonies and affidavits, and an array of binational records, this essay demonstrates that this ongoing theft is not a finite or complete project. Rather, the process hinges on a fragile web of spatial, white settler temporal, and legal practices of concealment/denial anchored to a colonial rumor that refuses to open this region to the mystery and wonder of the Río Grande's "wayward life, beautiful experiment in how to live." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Problematic trends have been identified with student travel that perpetuate hierarchies of power in outdoor recreation. Little research has examined the impact of bias, racism, or political national meta-narratives regarding immigration and people crossing the border on students who enter areas where cultural differences exist. Purpose: The purpose of this study was to understand how a place-based outdoor recreation experience impacted students' understanding of recreational experiences on a trip in the border region of Texas. Methodology/Approach: Using a constructivist qualitative approach, the researchers provided a group of college students with place-based lessons about the Texas and Mexico border prior to and during a canoe trip along the border. The team then conducted semi-structured interviews to understand student experiences. Findings/Conclusions: The findings from this project suggest that place-based lessons may have helped students refute faulty meta-narrative, humanize cultural others, and induce sympathy for fellow travelers in the region. Implications: This project has implications for environmental educators who are teaching in places where power differentials exist between students and local people. Educators may find place-based education to be a useful tool in preparing students to learn in a non-extractive way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new psychiatric institution emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: the psychopathic hospital. This institution represented a significant development in the history of psychiatry, as it marked the profession's reorientation from asylum-based to hospital-based care, and in this way presaged the deinstitutionalization movement that would begin half a century later. Psychopathic hospitals were also an important marker of psychiatry's efforts to redefine its professional boundaries and respond to its vociferous critics. This entailed both a rapprochement with general medicine in an effort to assert its scientific bona fides and a redefinition of its scope of practice to absorb non-certifiable 'borderland' cases in order both to emphasize non-coercive treatment and to enlarge the profession's boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Dutch) veterinarians have increasingly been confronted with conflicting accountability regimes, related to data-driven, networked accountability systems, to decrease the use of antibiotics in veterinary practices. Based on our longitudinal ethnography (2012–2020), we propose a conceptual model that illustrates how professionals intra-actively become positioned in different accountability regimes, yet which is continually diffracted by the recalling of their responsibilities to proximal and distant others. By taking an agential realist approach, we contribute to recent critical perspectives on accountability by showing how veterinary professionals become positioned as specific accountable subjects and yet how such positioning simultaneously produces the 'borderlands' – a space of indeterminacy in which the accounting practices of the professional are continuously weighed in light of incommensurable responsibilities. Based on our results, we show how conflicting accountability regimes are—as often argued—not to be 'fixed' through commensuration, nor are they dysfunctional. Rather, they create the very condition of indeterminacy, opening up the possibility for professional responsibility. We offer suggestions for how to further investigate this appreciation of the borderlands, for example, by focusing on how the account holder can draw from other responsibilities to counter a dominant accountability regime, and how governing authorities can become positioned as responsible for keeping professionals in the borderlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The current study examines the relationship between immigration, school punishment, and place in schools near the U.S.-Mexico border using a racial threat framework. Given the consequences of the immigration-crime link and the growing perception of the U.S.-Mexico border as a crime-ridden place, this study explores how immigration within certain places may differentially impact outcomes of school punishment. Methods: Using Generalized Linear Modeling (GLM) with a logistic link function, we examine the relationship between immigration and school violence by probing variation in school punishment and juvenile justice referrals across Texas schools given their proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border. Results: First, we find that Texas schools located near the U.S.-Mexico border have lower juvenile justice and school discipline rates net other variables in comparison to Texas schools away from the border. Second, we observe a negative relationship between a rise in the immigrant student population and punishment in Texas schools far from the U.S.-Mexico border and no relationship in Texas schools near the U.S.-Mexico border net of other factors. Conclusion: The current study highlights that the local context, such as proximity to the U.S.-Mexico border, is significant when examining the racial threat perspective in school punishment and warrants further attention in future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proceeds from a moment of impromptu 'border-fixing' in the wake of an inter-communal conflict, to explore the everyday spatialisation of the state in a rural region of Central Asia. Drawing on ethnography from the Kyrgyzstan - Uzbekistan border, it contributes to a growing concern to understand how the state is rendered 'integral' in everyday life. Rather than focusing on the enactments and justificatory statements of state officials, the paper explores instead the diffuse but passionate work of borderland dwellers in policing the state edge in a context of political upheaval. 'Territory' in this reading is not just an a priori attribute of the state, nor only the product of official imaginings and interventions, but the site, too, of everyday practical and symbolic work, a vehicle for claims making and the means of performative enactments of belonging and difference. The paper calls for greater attention to the 'ordinary affects' that are elicited by borders and boundedness and the need to bring discussions of territoriality into conversation with a literature on the affective life of the state. Doing so, it argues, will both enrich our understanding of everyday state formation and give us greater purchase on the role of events in rupturing and reconfiguring state space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pro-German family and health policies were, at their core, anti-Polish measures that cleared the path for later racially determined politics. The sources demonstrate how these policies were justified and how their character developed from protective to invasive. Therefore, I examine first protective discourses about the fight against venereal diseases, then analyze supportive regulations such as the midwifery policies and the later invasive measures like sterilizations. Although these seem to be different topics, I show that the German "people's family" (Volksfamilie) and its significance for the health of the German "people's body" (Volkskörper) is always implied. Using a close-reading approach that considers newspaper articles, administrative and private files, I show the extent to which national and nationalist beliefs interfered with the everyday life of citizens. The text thus scrutinizes unpublished sources regarding the strategic importance of families in German biopolitics and its interpretation in the conflicted border region of Upper Silesia. In 1921, a plebiscite was held to decide on the division of the region. This intensified conflicts between Germany and Poland, which had just gained independence in 1918. I argue that the unstable position of the new emerged country was instrumentalized in German discourses to underline the image of the disorganized and underdeveloped East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we argue that it is folly to stake the legitimacy and value of entrepreneurship research on the uniqueness of its theory. A better path is to orient around questions where we are uniquely positioned to create useful and important knowledge. To this end, we anchor on Venkataraman's seminal definition and argue that entrepreneurship research should focus on understanding the outcomes of venture creation not just for founders, but also for other stakeholders and society as a whole. Moreover, we argue that generating robust insight into these questions requires contributions from multiple perspectives, and this makes our field's theoretical diversity a great and under-appreciated asset. Drawing on the metaphor of "borderlands," we argue that embracing and leveraging diversity can help to address important social and environmental problems while also laying a foundation for the unique identity so long sought by the members of our field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Soviet nationality policy in Belarus in 1944–1947 during the population exchange between the Soviet Union and Poland. Unlike in Lithuania and Ukraine, the authorities in Belarus prioritized keeping the labor force over national homogenization, determined nationality by territory of birth, and attempted to keep the people by designating them as Belarusians irrespective of their self-identification. The article argues that in Belarus, the population transfer was a combination of an exodus of refugees with the expulsion of Poles by the state. Although the declarations about the voluntary character of the resettlement were false, the direction of the compulsion varied, and this ambivalence opened up a space of limited autonomy in which the people could exercise agency. The Soviet ethnic cleansing remained incomplete in Soviet Belarus because of the competing urge to keep the labor force. Paradoxically, much of the demographic de-Polonization of new western territories of Soviet Belarus was achieved without the state's commitment to ethnic cleansing and without the involvement of Belarusian nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Framed by queer theory, this qualitative study sought to better understand the unique experiences of homophobia that occur amongst Latinx gender and sexually diverse youth (GSDY) in south Texas. Latinx GSDY in this borderland region, are less likely to be in schools that adopt affirming policies and are therefore more likely to experience homophobia. The study collected written journal responses from eight Latinx gender and sexually diverse alumni of borderland region schools that presently serve as community leaders and advocates. Findings suggest that homophobia is experienced as trauma and that participants employed positive trauma responses to confront their experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As residents of the Sino-Tibetan borderlands, the Naxi people have their own native religion, which manifests a mixture of indigenous beliefs with Tibetan Bon and Buddhism. A pictographic Scripture on the Five Emperors in the Five Directions discovered in Lijiang reveals in detail for the first time the influence of Chinese Taoism on the Naxi manuscripts. By analyzing the manuscript and the related religious rituals, it is proved that the prototype of the main figure in the manuscript comes from the Taoist classic of TaiShang DongYuan Zhao ZhuTianLongWang WeiMiao ShangPin 太上洞淵召諸天龍王微妙上品and its narrative is derived mainly from "LingBao WuDi GuanJiang Hao靈寶五帝官將號," of the TaiShang LingBao WuFuXu 太上洞玄靈寶五符序. It is also the only Naxi manuscript published to date that shows Han Chinese dragon worship among the Naxi people, though the detailed narrations are not identical to those in Chinese or Tibetan sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Escape tourism seems to be difficult to define. It is related to many different kinds of tourism, including the so-called Robinson tourism. Given that escape tourists' motives, ways of travelling and activities vary widely, the article deals with general conditions which may trigger the decision to undertake escape tourism. It also examines geographical spaces that are potential destinations for escapees thanks to their remote location or specific features. The article applies theoretical considerations to the consideration of Poland's tourist space as a source of possible 'escape destinations', finding that geographical spaces traditionally considered suitable for escape tourism – borderlands, peripheries or geographical extremes – have decreased in importance as the phenomenon migrates towards less obvious places and forms of psychological refuge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a creative disjunctive feminist analysis of affective rhythms within a complexly bordered complex of favelas in Rio de Janeiro. It explores the gendered atmospheric constitution of authority in the favela's violent border spaces, arguing that authority is partly embodied through a channelling of attention. Attention is conceptualised as involving not just conscious intentions, perceptions and emotions, but also non-conscious rhythms of autonomous affective self-regulation. The article is structured through a tripartite disjunctive form that expresses the bordering of city, body and experience. Drawing on qualitative interview data, quantitative electrodermal activity physiological data and creative writing, the article dwells with the materiality of words and the forms of affects to express material and physiological aspects of emotion and affect in journeys around the internal border-spaces of the city. Adapting the modernist tradition of 'stream of consciousness' writing, we style a 'stream of attention' form of writing that expresses multiple modes of embodied, conscious and preconscious attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this historical study was to investigate how individuals articulated the call for the South Texas/Border Initiative, a legislative mandate that funneled unprecedented amounts of funding to underserved universities along the Texas-Mexico border region between 1987 and 2003. Utilizing archival sources, we conducted an analysis of the intentional shifts in funding critical to equity and access in higher education. The events surrounding the South Texas/Border Initiative are unique in that they represent purposeful Latina/o community and state-wide activism that challenged higher education funding inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media coverage and emerging scholarship have brought increasing international attention to the urgent humanitarian crisis facing Central American transmigrants as they navigate landscapes of violence in Mexico. While stories of Central American immigrants who remain in Mexico are largely absent from this coverage, there is arguably a 'Central Americanization' occurring on the southern border through this permanent settlement. Central Americans choosing to establish themselves in the border state of Chiapas do so in a socio-spatial and political context defined by the introduction of 'progressive' state- and national-level migration policies on the one hand and the persistence of discrimination and violence on the other. We know little about the implementation of these policies on the ground, namely how they are applied and the impacts they have on the immigrant experience in Mexico. To begin to fill this gap, this paper focuses on the experiences of Central American immigrant women living in the Mexico-Guatemala border city of Tapachula. Employing a feminist geopolitical lens, which encourages conducting research and analysis at diverse scales, it examines their everyday interactions with low- to mid-level representatives of the Mexican state as they seek to avail themselves of their legal and social citizenship rights, and the impacts of these interactions on their livelihoods. This article argues that low- to mid-level officials' actions reveal the importance of a form of extra-official, subtle, yet pervasive regulation through which immigrant women are denied rights they are entitled to, inducing negative impacts to their livelihoods, which I term everyday restriction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many countries, irregular immigration usually engenders adverse public reaction and restrictionist policies. However, public attitudes often vary and looser policies have been adopted at certain times and for certain reasons. The purpose of this paper is to explore the phenomenon of undocumented, transnational marriages in the Sino-Vietnamese border areas of China, and to explain why many undocumented immigrants are treated leniently and/ or have not been deported. Research reveals that this could be due to female immigrants considerably relieving the marriage market crisis along China's border. Thus, unauthorized border crossing continues despite prohibition and de facto marriage is prevalent and uncontrollable. China and Vietnam have yet to establish a bilateral cooperation to address the problematic aspects of this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scaffolding poetry, drawing, and narrative fragments from lived experience, I offer mishritata (mixedness) as a way to make meaning of multiply minoritized identity through the "doing" of dissertation research with one's communities. Conceptualized as an orientation, mishritata is an indigenized embodied borderlands positionality that recognizes and celebrates the mixedness of the Queer Desi/South Asian experiences: an interplay of histories and contexts, of people and places, and of structures and systems that organize them across borders, both real and imagined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The narratives of fear and uncertainty from the discourse of the 'global war on terror' have been used by many governments to expand securitization processes. As more aggressive security tactics have been deployed, scholars have sought to understand the changing relationship between individual rights and the authority of sovereign states by drawing on Giorgio Agamben's insights into the state of exception. In this paper I argue that borderlands are a key site for investigating the connections between the state of exception and securitization processes because political borders are the symbolic markers of the limits of a sovereign's authority. I trace the securitization of the borderlands between India and Bangladesh and I describe the increasingly exceptional measures employed by Indian border security forces in order to prevent terrorist threats from entering India. At the intersection of the state of exception in the borderlands and the securitization narratives and practices of the global war on terror, Muslims in both India and Bangladesh are marginalized in the affairs of the state and targeted in state-sanctioned violence. I conclude that borderlands, as an explicitly spatial example of the state of exception, are a crucial site for locating and understanding the decision on the exception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore and evaluate the concept of integrated rural tourism (IRT) by drawing upon a networks approach and the notion of best practice. By integrating the two an attempt is made to understand the processes that generate the sharing, exchange and transfer of knowledge and skills. The case examples of tourism-focused networks from the England-Wales border region highlight how the innovative practices of individual actors have shaped local resources into tourism products, providing a long-term focus for economic development and local restructuring. It is concluded that the development aspect of best practice, as a pathway to developing IRT, offers a tool to capture the 'intangibles' or noneconomic aspects of networking that promote economic growth and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates practices of border formation through an analysis of Australia's quarantine processes. We use the work of the Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service (AQIS), through the Northern Australia Quarantine Strategy (NAQS), to interrogate the ways in which borders are made and remade in daily life. By exploring quotidian practices of quarantine we argue that borders are the sites of complex and fluid relationships that are constantly being renegotiated as multiple active agents cohabit, contest, belong, and exclude. We find that quarantine borders are constantly being (re)made by forces outside NAQS's control, including through the practices of Yolngu Indigenous land-management staff and rangers, individual local residents, and diverse non- humans. Borders are revealed as active spaces produced in multiple locations at multiple scales. They are underpinned by diverse ontologies and are always more-than-human. This challenges the overly simplified view evoked within AQIS's public awareness material and the prevailing national discourse of defence, invasion, and fear. Through attention to quotidian practices of border making, different ways of understanding borderland geographies emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing and implementing rules that would teach young people to become active citizens became a crucial technique for turning those spots on the map of Europe whose sovereignty had shifted after World War I into lived social spaces. This article analyses how principals of borderland secondary schools negotiated transformation in Polish Upper Silesia with the help of Arnold Van Gennep's notion that a shift in social statuses possessed a spatiality and temporality of its own. The article asks whether and how school principals were called on to offer elite training that would make Polish Upper Silesia more cohesive with the rest of Poland in terms of the social origins of pupils and the content of the history curriculum. In addition, it examines the extent to which borderland school principals accepted, refuted, or helped to shape that responsibility. The social origins of pupils are detected through a quantitative analysis of recruitment figures and the profiles of pupils' parents. This analysis is combined with an exploration of how school principals provided a meaningful explanation of the recent past (World War I and the Silesian Uprisings). The article demonstrates that while school principals were historical actors with some room to make their own decisions when a liminal space was created, changed, and abolished, it was ultimately a priest operating in their shadows who possessed more possibilities to become a master of ceremonies leading elite education through its rites of passage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars have examined the non- or more-than-human world from a variety of unique positions. This article draws on contemporary archaeology and assemblage theories in geography to put forward an understanding of everyday geopolitics that includes the presence of objects in the formation of state subjectivity. Our approach, however, reveals not only this disciplining force of objects but also the ontological absences that are also at the heart of post-structuralist theories of subjectivity. As such, the formation of object-oriented geopolitical subjectivity is also always haunted by these other affective forces that are part of being in the world. These theoretical considerations are substantiated in our study of the material culture of a military outpost in the highlands of northern Chile where the objects left behind by soldiers offer insight into the complexities of state subjectification and state–society relations in border regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a shared ethnographic experience centered on a trip back to a crucial landing site in Sicily. Searching for the evocative and emotional dimension of a border zone, the research follows a refugee, who is now living within the institutional reception system in Northern Italy, wandering and rediscovering the moment of his arrival three years after having been rescued. The dialogue that emerged from this experience focuses on the following aspects: the relationship between death at sea and the willingness to remember and give testimony, the security turn in the management of programmed landings, the production of the sea smuggler as a comfortable public enemy and scapegoat, and the camp as a device of segregation rather than hospitality. Through these four aspects, the article explores the critical possibilities of a refugee gaze, trying to explore the border from a different perspective from that of the state's thought on migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon and contributing to a feminist geography of borders, the chosen methodological approach examines women's bodily experiences at a Southern EUropean border, the Spanish enclave of Melilla. Drawing on three months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article scrutinises the care interactions unfolding in a Centre for Immigrants between medical humanitarians and women residing there in their position as both migrants and patients. The analysis foregrounds the gendered forms of domination that the care function of the humanitarian border entails. I argue that medical humanitarians are vested with the power to decide over women's mobility in the name of care on the basis of an entanglement of administrative and medical procedures in this border context. While women are subject to greater humanitarian intervention due to the association of their embodied states with vulnerability, the biopolitical migration management of the border grants medical humanitarians a decision-making authority. The article uncovers how medical humanitarianism, enmeshed in the border regime, yields gendered constraints from practices of immobilisation to imposed practices of mothering. It traces the rationale for these practices to racialised and gendered processes of othering that usher in perceptions of undeservingness and sustain a humanitarian claim for biopolitical responsibility over these women's mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early twentieth-century China, as with other post-imperial states, faced the challenge of creating a nation encompassing different social groups and cultures. How to identify ethnic groups living in the borderlands and generate nationwide social cohesion became a fundamental question that concerned multiple intellectual communities. This article traces the formation of two approaches to ethnicity—ethnology and sociology—at that time. These two approaches, configuring "ethnic differences" in dissimilar ways, were received differently by the public. In the end, the ethnological approach prevailed and the sociological approach was marginalized. This outcome exemplifies a possible hierarchy of knowledge, but also involves the politics of knowledge. This article shows that the disparate visions of "ethnic others" were produced by intellectuals differently positioned within the social context of post-imperial China. The positionalities of these disciplines explain much of their intellectual alignment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Distinguishing between the us and them of the military and civilian is a clearly delineated binary. Yet, if the line demarking military from civilian is obvious, it is far from finite. Within this demarcation or border lies the veteran. One who has traversed both sides of the line and yet no longer belongs to either side. Veterans belongs to both and yet neither caught in the haze gray but never again underway. Anzaldúa's (2012) borderlands method is extended to explore the veteran identity as a nebulous borderland between military and civilian cultures. Border crossings, identity development, intersectionality, deficit discourse, and microaggressions are explored through qualitative analysis including stylistic narrative and anecdotal writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cities of San Diego and Tijuana have long been economically interdependent. Today, each represents the bifurcated character of the new economy wherein low wage labor in Mexico is used to underwrite the quality of life for the middle class in the United States. This article traces the political origin of this economic structure. Instead of a top-down orchestration of neoliberal governance, the contours of the New Economy were formed through a process of contestation: a battle between international capital and its demands for profit and San Diego's white middle class homeowners dedicated to maintaining their quality of life by resisting border integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay questions the rise of border humanitarianism in the North-Eastern Moroccan borderlands. The increasing presence of humanitarian organizations in contexts marked by border violence has raised the attention of a number of critical migration scholars. Observers, however, have failed to problematize the presence of humanitarian activities, traditionally connected to emergency contexts, in sites integrated in the "routinary" regulation of mobility. Building on 8 months of fieldwork conducted in 2016 and 2017, the article addresses this gap, taking the working of border humanitarianism as a vantage point to reflect on the relation of borders to the exception, on the role of violence in border maintenance and, ultimately, on the politics of life and death at the frontier. Drawing on the work of Salter and Vaughan Williams on exceptionalism and biopolitics at the border, the article makes two points. First, I argue that the ordinary functioning of the Spanish–Moroccan border is founded on the bestialization and devaluation of Black lives, often to the point of death. Second, I contend that the integration of the "exception" in border normalcy activates, challenges, and endlessly reproduces the need for emergency interventions. In this dystopian framework, humanitarianism becomes a tool for the ordinary maintenance of migrants' degraded life, transformed by the border into a less-than-citizen, less-than-human form of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between the late Qing constitutional movement of 1905–1911 and the vast borderland regions of the Qing Empire–that is, Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. It traces how intellectuals and officials concerned with devising constitutional policies foresaw the integration of these regions into the nascent parliamentary institutions at the provincial and central levels. The article argues that the status of the borderlands played a significant role in late Qing constitutional debates, and that debates on borderland constitutionalism were a phenomenon of a wider constitutional wave affecting Eurasia in the 1900s. Chinese intellectuals and officials felt the competition of the emerging parliamentary institutions in Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and anticipating that constitutional and parliamentarist movements among Mongols, Tibetans, and Turki could lead to the separation of the respective regions, they hoped that parliamentary representation, albeit limited, would be an instrument against centrifugal tendencies on the borders. Hence, they called for constitutional reforms in China and for the inclusion of the borderland populations into the new parliamentary institutions. Yet, arguing with the sparse population of the borderlands as well as with their alleged economic and cultural backwardness, they denied the direct application of the constitutional plan to these territories. The differentiated policies eventually applied to the borderlands were a lackluster compromise between these conflicting interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-immigrant rhetoric and constricting avenues for asylum in the United States, amid continuing high rates of poverty, environmental crisis, and violence in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, have led many migrants from these countries to remain in Mexico. Yet despite opportunities for humanitarian relief in Mexico, since the early 2000s the Mexican government, under growing pressure from the United States, has pursued enforcement-first initiatives to stem northward migration from Central America. In July 2014, Mexico introduced the Southern Border Program (SBP) with support from the United States. The SBP dramatically expanded Mexico's immigration enforcement efforts, especially in its southern border states, leading to rising deportations. Far from reducing migration or migrant smuggling, these policies have trapped migrants for longer in Mexico, made them increasingly susceptible to crimes by a wide range of state and nonstate actors, and exacerbated risk along the entire migrant trail. In recognition of rising crimes against migrants and heeding calls from civil society to protect migrant rights, Mexico's 2011 revision to its Migration Law expanded legal avenues for granting humanitarian protection to migrants who are victims of crimes in Mexico, including the provision of a one-year humanitarian visa so that migrants can collaborate with the prosecutor's office in the investigation of crimes committed against them. The new humanitarian visa laws were a significant achievement and represent a victory by civil society keen on protecting migrants as they travel through Mexico. The wider atmosphere of impunity, however, alongside the Mexican government's prioritization of detaining and deporting migrants, facilitates abuses, obscures transparent accounting of crimes, and limits access to justice. In practice, the laws are not achieving their intended outcomes. They also fail to recognize how Mexico's securitized migration policies subject migrants to risk throughout their journeys, including at border checkpoints between Guatemala and Honduras, along critical transit corridors in Guatemala, and on the Guatemalan side of Mexico's southern border. In this article, we examine a novel set of data from migrant shelters--16 qualitative interviews with migrants and nine with staff and advocates in the Mexico-Guatemala border region, as well as 118 complaints of abuses committed along migrants' journeys--informally filed by migrants at a shelter on the Guatemalan side of the border, and an additional eight complaints filed at a shelter on the Mexican side of the border. We document and analyze the nature, location, and perpetrators of these alleged abuses, using a framework of "compassionate repression" (Fassin 2012) to examine the obstacles that migrants encounter in denouncing abuses and seeking protection. We contend that while humanitarian visas can provide necessary protection for abuses committed in Mexico, they are limited by their temporary nature, by being nested within a migration system that prioritizes migrant removal, and because they recognize only crimes that occur in Mexico. The paradox between humanitarian concerns and repressive migration governance in a context of high impunity shapes institutional and practical obstacles to reporting crimes, receiving visas, and accessing justice. In this context, a variety of actors recognize that they can exploit and profit from migrants' lack of mobility, legal vulnerability, and uncertain access to protection, leading to a commodification of access to humanitarian protection along the route. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]