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What is our Civic Responsibility as Disaster/ Emergency Management Professionals when it comes to sharing critical and time sensitive disaster related information with civilians? To what extent does privacy and information protection play a role in our decision making process while mitigating, and responding to a crisis situation? I like to explore the ethical issues surrounding information and education in disasters. Our freedoms and rights Our social responsibility Role of Corporate Social Responsibility Contingency Planning Information relay Technical infrastructure to support our civic processes Documentation and record keeping Security and information [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Transatlantic Agenda of 1995 is intended to foster cooperation and coordination between the EU and the US on matters of common interest. One of the contemplated areas is mobility, in the guise of transportation and perhaps even immigration. This paper compares the development of two sub-regimes within the larger area of human mobility, namely high skilled migration and passenger name records for commercial carriers. The first half of the analysis traces how a common system successfully emerged in the security-related realm, even if it would be difficult to claim that this constitutes cooperation. The second part delineates the expansion of separate high-skilled migration regimes on each side of the Atlantic, arguing that the absence of a common system and cooperation have not meant that there is not a good deal of regime similarity, mostly due to policy competition and mimicry. The paper concludes that standard explanations of integration and international cooperation based on differentiating between high and low politics issue areas may sometimes be turned on their head, so long as an institutional framework is provided upon which to build. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 National Climate Assessment indicates that climate change has become a present and immediate issue. Rising temperatures, per se, are not the primary concern. Many researchers and subsequent reports have focused on what the future influence of climate change may be, such as detriments to agricultural productivity, sea levels, storm frequency, and infectious disease1. The dangers and risks associated with climate change can have serious and threatening impact on national security worldwide. This paper will examine what additional responses have or should occur in national security policy to reduce the risks posed by climate change. Using statistical evidence and data gathered by the United Nations and individual state reports, the following countries will be analyzed and compared in terms of their efforts to combat climate change and the policy provisions aimed at strengthening national security: United States, Canada, Germany, France, Italy, United Kingdom, Russia, China, and Japan. The world's leading economies have the ability to impact great change, therefore a careful analysis of their responses to climate change can illuminate the threats and opportunities in this situation. The growing energy crises and explosion of the global population have made climate change a contentious issue. The adverse effects of climate change have a direct impact on resources, which every country has a vested interest in. National security policy must be adaptive and prepare for the future, in which a response to climate change becomes an integral part the global community's agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. executive depends upon organized civil society to help set policy and facilitate its implementation. There are currently over one thousand authorized Federal Advisory Committees (FACs) in which such consultation takes place, including 160 that address matters of national security. FACs offer outside organizations, including business firms, voluntary associations, relief organizations, universities, and other private enterprises an important opportunity to exert influence over the direction of foreign policy. I argue that this influence primarily involves covertly helping the administration plan and execute a political strategy for securing consent to pursue a chosen policy. This paper offers an analysis of FAC appointments between 1997 and 2012, based on data published by the General Services Administration, which I have extended in several ways. It has three core empirical findings. First, consistent with the literature on the "two-presidencies" thesis, these data show that congressional involvement is much lower in national security FACs than in other policy domains. Second, these data show that association appointments increase for FACs addressing the most contentious geopolitical issues when the opposition has a more powerful, unified caucus in Congress. Third, association appointments increase when the president is popular among the public. This supports the proposition that interest group access improves when the executive needs help with its political strategy, to mobilize the public as a means to overcome an oppositional Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis and assessment of the changes in the national security and defense policies of the republic of Serbia since the end of the Milosevic era to the present time. It will analyze the changes in the global security system, EU and NATO have impacted the policy process and outcomes for defense and national security policy in Serbia. The paper will rely heavily on an analysis of the policy documents of the civil and military authorities in Serbia, as well as interviews with Serbian officials from the legislature, executive, ministry of defense, military and non-governmental organizations. The basic thesis is that the Serbian government and military have successfully aligned their national defense structure and policies very closely with North Atlantic security institutions and that the level of functional and doctrinal integration is now so high that Serbia's admission to NATO will just be a matter of time. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia, the gateway to the continent of South America, plays a pivotal role in the world politics, insofar as natural resources, geopolitics and national conflicts. In this sense, not only does the world need to pay more attentions to Colombia, but is Colombia at the starting point to request active support to its neighbors on the globe. As will be seen, this paper indicates that how U.S. government recognizes Colombia as a strategic partner, hence, what kind of means and schemes are provided to Colombia by U.S. government, through the analysis of U.S. foreign policy towards Colombia. On top of that, this study gives answers to the questions that why US greatly concerns the Colombia issue and how US government formulates "Plan Colombia" strategies according to the background of US policy to Colombia. In details, this research analyzes that US shows four perceptions about Colombia when it comes to appropriation from 2000 to 2008 reported in "Plan Colombia: Drug Reduction Goals Were Not Fully Met, but Security Has Improved; U.S. Agencies Need More Detailed Plans for Reducing Assistance", US Government Accountability Office, October 2008. To this end, I will observe that how US appropriation 2000 through 2008 is allocated to Plan Colombia operations, moreover, explain that what plans US government agencies carry out under Plan Colombia. In addition, this paper goes on to say that each perception leads US government to set proper operations up with goals by presenting the political significance of Colombia in the American international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

?Treaties between countries always raise questions as to the value of the agreement. How best to perform an evaluation to assess the value of a treaty is often a major question. Although other economic analogies are often used for national defense, this paper examines the Moscow Treaty through an application of portfolio analysis. Portfolio analysis, as developed by Harry Markowitz, seeks to understand the relationship between the expected return of an economic portfolio and the variance of the expected return. Although the expected return from the treaty can be viewed in economic terms, to go beyond this it is necessary to briefly discuss the role of a state. Thus the expected return in this analysis is more than a simple economic calculation. Expected return and variance, which Markowitz sees as competing goals in economic portfolios, are factors to be considered in an analysis of treaties. Using his assertion that an efficient portfolio is one with the greatest return at a given variance, the Moscow Treaty is examined as to how well it fulfills this function. From the United States? perspective, portfolio analysis shows that the Moscow Treaty increases the expected return from the national defense policy, although it does little to decrease the potential variance in the knowledge of or actual numbers of nuclear weapon systems. Based on the role of the state defined in this paper, the treaty can be judged as a legitimate action. However, if the Moscow Treaty is compared to previous treaties on offensive nuclear weapons, this type of analysis shows it to be less efficient than previous long-term treaties with fixed numbers of weapon systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to look at the current homeland security organizational challenge in the House in the context of three other focusing events that led to major proposals for national policy and structural changes in Congress and the executive branch. The three events are: the launching of the Sputnik satellite by the Soviet Union in 1957; and the twin energy shocks of 1973 and 1979. In each instance, executive reorganization and new policy directions were eventually agreed upon. In the case of the energy crisis, however, the House was not persuaded that urgency or necessity dictated that it make corresponding structural changes, though the Senate did create a new Energy and Resources Committee in 1977. It is the thesis of this paper that congressional reorganization is less successful in such cases than executive restructuring. This is true in part because the internal organization and operation of the legislative branch are less visible to the public and thus are not seen by the people as vital to addressing the problem. Moreover, members of Congress jealously guard their prerogatives and power bases and are reluctant to alter or relinquish them unless congressional leadership, the threat of executive dominance, and public pressures combine with the prospect of greater rewards, power, and prestige, to overcome the inertia. Ultimately this depends on the intensity and duration of public sentiment about the seriousness of the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media is a key actor in shaping public debates and ascribing group identities. Systematic analysis of newspaper coverage dealing with immigration and migrants can yield a picture of how society is likely to view its migrant populations. A quantitative examination of newspaper articles dealing with immigration and migrants in the UK, France and Italy exposes commonalities in that migration is frequently depicted as having a negative impact on society as a whole and that it has become an increasingly useful proxy for critiquing the dubious benefits of membership in the European Union. However, coverage in these countries also differs in terms of whether the nature of the migration 'problem' is more commonly portrayed as one of security, cultural incompatibility, or as a drain on public coffers. Once the tendencies and trends of coverage have been delineated, the paper discusses whether one can speak of an emerging European discourse on immigration, or if national difference persist. It closes by commenting on why we still see differences, and if these are likely to continue, or whether a meta-narrative - such as security, as some scholars suggest - is emerging with regard to immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conference paper about security relationship between India and the U.S., prepared for the Southern Political Science Association Annual Meeting held in Orlando, Florida in 2012, is presented. Topics discussed include common concerns of both the nations over Islamic radicalism and terrorism, increase in India's military cooperation with the U.S., and India's antipathy to American hegemony. Also mentions about the economic interdependence and population flows between both nations.

In this paper, I examine the role of political leaders in either prolonging or terminating peripheral wars. Using case studies of the Vietnam War during the period of 1968-1975, and the Algeria War during the period of 1956-1962, I examine how Richard Nixon and Charles deGaulle, respectively, sought to shape the public's understanding about the stakes in a war. Initially, each man believed his country's reputation, if not necessarily its security, was at stake in the wars; as such, each sought to convince the public to tolerate a longer and more expensive commitment. Later, when each leader came to realize that the war was not winnable and a withdrawal was necessary, they changed course, and sought to again recalibrate the public's beliefs - this time convincing them that terminating the conflict served the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Edward Hallett Carr in his seminal work, The Twenty Years' Crisis (1939), "the true problem of peaceful change is, in national politics, how to effect necessary and desirable change without revolution and, in international politics, how to effect such changes without war." This work will establish a 'power-benefits ratio' which reflects the changing dynamics of international power created by differing rates of economic growth among great powers. When the rising and increasing power of one political entity, relative to other members of an international system, is not adequately reflected in an increase in benefits conferred, that power tends toward dissatisfaction. Left without recourse to address a perceived injustice, the rising power, given the differential in economic rates of growth, soon becomes powerful enough to force change. Hence, as the rising power becomes dissatisfied and now in possession to do something about it, the probability of systemic conflict increases. A hypothesis is that the creation of a peaceful mechanism for international change begins with the acknowledgement of the changing power-benefits ratio and the need for effective and peaceful adjustment. A stable international system requires what E. H. Carr called 'a common feeling of what is right,' and as a result establishing morality as a guiding principle of the newly emerging global order. Necessary, but for Carr insufficient, the nature and significance of power must also be incorporated into the peaceful change mechanism. Incorporating these ideas, the paper will present a political policy spectrum based on power transition theory and leading toward the establishment of a mechanism for effective change in global politics and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It if often argued that the fear of violent death is central to Hobbes’ political teaching and that fear is the sole basis for civil obedience and political obligation. It is suggested that Hobbes thinks this passion is able to control pride and vainglory, one of the destabilizing forces of the commonwealth. In this paper, I argue against this interpretation. First, I argue that Hobbes reveals that the fear of death is limited in its ability to control pride and, even more importantly, he shows that this fear cannot provide the basis for the obligation needed to preserve the state. Secondly, I argue that pride, and not the fear of death, does provide the basis for the preservation of the commonwealth. In so doing, I will attempt to show that Hobbes’ materialist ontology plays the crucial rhetorical role of inflaming pride in the human art, the commonwealth, which transcends “the necessity of nature.” His account of nature serves the role of redirecting and transforming human pride to serve civil peace and to provide a more solid basis for political obligation to the state. In the end, I argue, Hobbes founds his politics more on pride than on fear. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Since 1989, intelligence analysts and policy-makers have had the opportunity to reevaluate potential strategic threats to the security of the United States. In the past, analysts have been able to develop more accurate measures of the power projection capabilities of potential competitors by relying on more refined analytical tools, such as the use of purchasing power parity figures rather than market exchange rates to determine actual military spending. More recently, some analysts have begun to focus less on static data regarding personnel and equipment and more on state performance, i.e. the ability of states to convert these resources into the ability to project power. However, despite the large number of studies linking social capital theory to organizational behavior, there is very little discussion of social capital as a factor in facilitating this conversion process. Social capital is related to levels of trust and the benefits that arise from belonging to social networks. Like financial and human capital, it is a resource that increases productivity and performance within organizations. This paper will argue that social capital is an important indicator of military capabilities to the degree that it influences the ability of state and non-state actors to mobilize resources and engage in the conversion process. Integrating a social capital assessment into an analysis of potential threats can help analysts and policy-makers avoid overestimating or underestimating the capabilities of competitors and to predict the type of opposition US forces are likely to face in a given conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the United States' recently elevated attention to terrorism, the issue of national security has become of great importance to the American public in recent years. The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA) is one of the most significant courts in the judiciary to deal with such issues. Curiously, the business of the court is very different in comparison to other federal courts. The problem is attempting to balance important national security issues with ensuring that civil rights are not violated due to the secret nature of the court. The paper delves into analyzing known functions of the court, reasons for secrecy, structural issues, the quasi-executive nature, affects of the Patriot Act,wiretapping issues and purpose as stated in the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978. In doing so, we reveal problems that arise with lack of oversight, the non-adversarial process, the structure of the court, ex parte opinions, and the constitutional and civil liberties issues in general. We believe the court could be structured otherwise and still achieve national security objectives. Among the suggestions are using a panel of judges, a Special Amicus to represent the accused, and doing away with the current appeals process the court has. Our arguments are normative due to the secrecy of the court, and our suggestions will promote legitimacy and accountability within the FISA Court. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2002 National Security Strategy for the United States focused American strategic policy around the use, or potential use, of preemptive/preventive strikes, particularly as a counter-proliferation and counter-terrorism tool. While preemption and prevention are not new strategies, they have never been highlighted to such a degree as is currently the case. These activities have been studied in the context of international security, using elements such as spiral models and offense-defense theory. This paper seeks to examine if other elements, specifically international law and normative issues, such as just war tradition, contribute to our understanding of the use, or non-use, of preventive or preemptive actions by states. The results indicate that the limitations on the use of anticipatory military activities found in international law and the just war tradition do not have a significant impact on the likelihood that these actions will be used by states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined state-mandated training requirements for emergency first responders in the eleven states of the southeast United States, focusing on police officers, firefighters and emergency medical workers. The study posited that a clear understanding of first responder training requirements is necessary for the creation of effective state and federal emergency response plans. The study found that emergency medical workers are the most regulated and consistently trained of the three groups, with firefighter training being the most unregulated and inconsistent. The paper includes a discussion of the implications of the differences in training mandates and of the lack of mandated standards on state and national emergency response plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist theories of securitization are built on a foundation of communicative action tenets. While this represents an important and innovative advance in international relations theory, securitization ignores some of the components involved in a successful communicative act. Williams (2003) calls for securitization theory to incorporate the hitherto ignored effects of mass media and in this paper we answer this call. We first show that securitization's specification of leaders' speech acts and audiences' legitimative discourse presumes mass media actors are indifferent in how they convey leader representations and justifications of crises. We take this presumption as an empirical question and execute a study of whether the national presses of ally countries differently emphasized the frames Bush invoked in their news coverage of key September 11th speeches. We show from comparisons of chi-square distributions and regression analyses that, far from being passive conveyers of speech frames, the national presses of the US, Canada, France, Britain and Ireland (1) did not convey all of Bush's securitizing problem representations and response justifications proportionate to the extent Bush invoked them in his speeches, and (2) that for each national press factors based on professional norms and/or organizational routines increased the likelihood that a speech sentence would be conveyed in a news story. We discuss the implications of our findings for how securitization theory should conceptualize media actors when redressing this gap in its explanatory models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States, United Kingdom and other nations implemented national security policies and operations after 9/11 that revealed a gap between capabilities and insecurity, and established a gap between counter-terrorism operations and international human rights law. For example, when states prosecute or detain suspected terrorists they often due so on the basis of secret evidence. This creates a gap between the state's national security operations and international human rights law protections. I examine how the U.S. and U.K. have challenged fair trial rights when prosecuting alleged terrorists and how domestic, regional and international courts have responded. I demonstrate that international human rights law severely limits governments from prosecuting and detaining terrorism suspects based on secret evidence. Based on this law, I propose rules to attain a balance between national security and fair trial rights. These would narrow the gap between national security operations and international law, and in turn narrow the gap between capabilities and insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examined the effective border security strategies to prevent the flow of personnel and materials during an insurgency. Also cited are the term "revolutionary war" that is used by French military officer David Galula to describe insurgency, the meaning of "counterinsurgency" (COIN), and some examples of insurgencies like the French-Algerian War of 1954-1962, and the 1965-1980 civil war in Rhodesia.

Independent judiciaries serve as important stopgaps against democratic reversals and can help facilitate peaceful transitions of power essential to democratic survival. An independent judiciary is an important institution that legitimates democracy among citizens. What, then, explains legitimacy of an independent judiciary itself? Past scholarship argues citizens lose faith in an independent judiciary when the judiciary is corrupt or when it fails to deliver procedural fairness in legal matters. I argue that citizens living under conditions of high terror threat lose confidence in independent judiciaries even when the judiciary is honest and fair. Terror threats lead citizens to enable the state leader to provide for their security and defeat the source of terrorism. These have important implications for inter-branch relations between the executive branch and the judicial branch. As a result, citizens living under terror threats lose confidence in independent judiciaries that provide due process for suspected terrorists. I test my argument with a mixed effects models that incorporate the Global Terrorism Database and two waves of European Values Survey. The analyses demonstrate the negative effects of terror threats on judicial confidence when interacting terror threats with measures of judicial independence. My findings have important implications for the study of democratic confidence and the liberty-security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs) expand when most remain restricted to their original disputants? Existing literature on war diffusion treats war as a disease that 'infects' any country in contact with those fighting the war thereby making them susceptible to joining the war as well (Most and Starr 1989, Siverson and Starr 1991, Yamamoto and Bremer 1980). In doing so it over-predicts diffusion-expansion of wars. In contrast, this paper recognizes the strategic nature of occurrence of conflict and the decision to participate in it. States make such decisions taking into account what others are doing. States have multiple and simultaneous interactions with other states that are involved in the same conflict and with those that are uninvolved but not extraneous to the dispute. These interactions between states occur within networks of economic, political and security ties and over a physical geographical space. How states are positioned in these network spaces affects their likelihood to join an ongoing dispute and consequently whether a conflict expands or not. This paper uses network analysis to (a) build networks for multiple relationships like contiguous neighbors, militarized rivalry, alliances and IGO memberships, and (b) create measures for potential joiner states' positionality in these networks. The paper then empirically analyzes multiple hypotheses about how a potential joiner state's positionality in these network spaces can have different, reinforcing or opposing effects on that state's decision to join an ongoing dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the enduring paradox of balancing liberty and order in the pursuit of justice faced by constitutional democratic republics. The emphasis of the paper will examine privacy and national security from an historic view to present day. The major question addressed will be, how does government balance civil liberties and the obligation to maintain national security? The topics will include: President Lincoln's executive actions during the Civil War, the creation and development of the National Security Agency (NSA) by the Truman Administration in 1952, the "Church Committee" investigation in 1975, the creation and development of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) of 1978 and the FISA Court, the U.S.A. Patriot Act of 2001, satellite surveillance, and data mining techniques and telecoms. The power of the executive branch, the role of Congress, and relevant U.S. Supreme Court and state Supreme Court decisions will also be examined. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of immigrant discourse on attitudes toward immigration reform, policy issues with substantial implications for Latinos (education), and Latinos themselves. Using an experimental design with approximately six hundred subjects (200 Latinos, 200 African Americans, and 200 Anglos), we will expose the subjects to varying stories about the presence of immigrants in America. One story will use the term "illegal immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more conservative views of immigration and immigrants. The second story will use the term "undocumented immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more liberal views. The third story will use the term "unauthorized immigrants," which is the term used in publications of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and evinces an in-between perspective. The policy questions will involve a variety of immigration reform proposals that range from libertarian to comprehensive to enforcement oriented. In addition, we will then ask all respondents a number of questions about education policies that relate to Latinos. For example, we will ask about the Dream Act, bilingual education, Plyler v. Doe, and equitable school funding. Some of these policies relate specifically to unauthorized immigrants, while others do not. Lastly, we will ask respondents various questions aimed at ascertaining attitudes toward Latinos as a community. The paper will thereby investigate whether the experimental treatment not only affects views about immigration reform but also Latino education policies and the Latino community itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to discuss on the basis of empirical research, reports, documents of transatlantic stakeholders the most important challenges that the Balkans face with accordance of building public security in the post-conflict areas. The presentation will employ innovative combination of last eight years Kosovo experience in rebuilding post-conflict society, Bosnian reconciliation experiences as well as forthcoming tasks that depart from contemporary security paradigm in international relations. The paper will focus on transatlanctic community response to human security challenges such: poverty and social exclusion, corruption, illiteracy, women discrimination. Bosnia and Kosovo present the cases to examine security threats in the field of weakness of governance, human rights violention and democracy building. These factors remain issues of considerable significance for regional and international security since they affect almost all aspects of the socio-political life. The lack of transatlantic attention along with ineffective transatlantic interventions create real impediments to foreign investments, macroeconomic stability, decline in the household purchasing power and speculation concerning prices. Consequently, both Kosovo and Bosnia as the weak political entities pose serious challenges to transatlantic community in terms of humanitarian assistance, refugee protection, trafficking in illicit goods, peacekeeping. But, as long as human security aspect will be marginalised in international relations, the overall security situation will remain unstable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have long studied the relationship between the federal government and the states and how changes in that relationship affect American politics and policy. During the last decade the federal government has adopted a more coercive posture toward the states, and states in turn have become increasingly willing to challenge federal law and policy, even under threat of reproach. This paper analyzes the state of American federalism through the lens of three policy areas: drug control, education, and homeland security. Measures permitting the medical use of marijuana in eleven states; the backlash against the 2001 No Child Left Behind Act; and criticisms of the cost and content of efforts to safeguard national security represent formidable state-level challenges to federal policy. The federal government historically has used grants-in-aid as the primary means of encouraging states to adopt its goals. But new conditions, including the rise of direct democracy, support for devolution, state budget surpluses and growth in tax revenues, and increasing responsiveness to public opinion, have made states less dependent on federal funds, less attentive to federal priorities, and less willing to accede to federal dictates that come with strings attached. In a shift from previous decades, the public's greater confidence in state and local governments than in the federal government may further contribute to state policymakers' willingness to advance their own agendas. This paper offers findings from three policy areas that shed light on the causes and consequences of the turn toward "coercive federalism" and the states' activist response. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Performance management necessarily involves establishing program goals and measuring performance toward goal attainment. Superior public management systems differentiate among inputs, outputs, and outcomes in measuring performance and efficiency. This otherwise straightforward effort is complicated where program goals are multiple, vague, or in conflict, and where implementation is delegated to third parties whose interpretive view of program goals may further depart from those intended by policymakers (Frederickson & Frederickson, forthcoming). Exemplary of recent policy change has been relaxation of transparency requirements for particular programs through exemptions from transparency laws. Most notable among these are economic development policy and homeland security policies. Within the policy subsystems for both economic development and homeland security there are clear goals, though often not clearly prescribed courses of action. Overarching constituent policy such as open records and open meetings laws (like state freedom of information acts), while not in direct conflict with economic development policy, interferes with the competitive recruitment process at the state level. On the other hand, transparency conflicts directly with the goals of U.S. federal and state policies intended to prevent and respond to emergencies such as terrorist attacks. This paper examines recent policy change in these two policy areas and suggests a theoretical framework to explain how different models of change apply to each as a result of differences between direct and indirect applicability of transparency to policy goals. The paper concludes by examining the role of goal conflict as the impetus for policy change and its implications for performance management. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines what motivates local emergency management officials to implement federal emergency management and homeland security policies within their own departments since the September 11 attacks. Pre-existing research claims there is confusion among local governments about potential changes to the role local emergency management services should play before, during, and after natural, accidental, or terror related incidents (Waugh 2007; Birkland and Waterman 2008; Lindsay 2008; Esinger 2006). Meanwhile, additional research claims the new federal disaster management policies (The National Response Plan, National Incident Management System, and Incident Command System) lack flexibility in implementation expectations, and there is limited cohesion among the layers of government, actors, and interests involved (Waugh 2006; Esinger 2004; McEntire 2004; Haddow 2005; Schneider 2005; Lester and Krejci 2007; Takeda and Helms 2006; Wise 2002; Newman 2002; Nicholson 2007; Department of Homeland Security 2008; Birkland and Waterman 2008; Edwards 2007). Assuming these researchers are correct, my study asserts that something must spur local actors to comply with federal policy demands in their daily operations. The study examines the effects of coercion, defined as actions taken by the federal government to force state and local implementers to comply with federal policy demands, which is nothing new in the policy arena (Posner 2007). Available federal grant dollars for emergency management and homeland security practices could make a dramatic difference to local emergency management operations, forcing these actors to comply with federal policy demands, even if it is in a begrudging fashion that deviates from traditional Comprehensive Emergency Management (CEM) principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An estimated $400 billion has been spent on "security" in the decade after September 11, 2001 (Trotta, 2011). Among the important changes in governmental response to these "focal events" (Birkland, 1997) is a growing interdependence that is "often mandated" (Caruson and MacManus, 2006). All of these efforts lead inevitably to the question "Is it working?" In particular, are the reforms working as they were intended? This study develops a theoretical framework to analyze institutional change among local homeland security organizations; specifically CCCs (Citizen Corps Councils) and CERTs (Community Emergency Response Teams) in Florida over the last ten years. Using Florida as a case study provides greater understanding into the implementation of Department of Homeland Security mandates. This study performs a social network analysis to evaluate institutional change among CCCs and CERTs from the years 2002 to 2011; specifically in the wake of three focal events: (1) the attacks on September 11, 2001 (2) the 2004-2005 hurricane seasons and (3) the explosion of the Macondo well platform in the Gulf of Mexico (2010). Evaluating the role of actors or nodes in the network will give insight into the interconnections present over the last ten years. The role of cohesion in the network is assessed through the amount of transitivity present. In particular, the analysis reveals that while the number and density of connections have increased, the overall centrality of the network has decreased. Results of the analysis bring to light a network of organizations that are more complex yet more decentralized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relations between the U.S. and Indonesia and security architecture of Southeast Asia. It informs that the relationship between the U.S. and Indonesia is unique as there is a greater perception of give and take between Washington and Jakarta, Indonesia. It also informs that the uncertainty in the security environment in Washington has propelled it to take a closer interest in Southeast Asian security.

Despite the National Parks system covering 19 million acres, being visited by 25% of the U.S. population and costing the taxpayer two billion dollars annually, the relationship between congressional appropriations and National Parks has gone largely unnoticed by the academic community. This lack of study is probably due to the fact that National Parks expenditures could be considered a rounding error of total federal outlays, and is not considered an impediment to a member of Congress getting reelected. However, our findings suggest that this relationship is important for helping scholars understand government efficiency, management of resources, and representation. We find that appropriations for National Parks are based on factors associated with the resource - not a function of earmarks - that those resources have to be managed, and that committee influence exists, it is negative. Additionally, we will suggest how future research in this area will be important in areas of national security, environmental protection, and economic prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Obama Administration Policy Toward Africa and The Problems of African Security(Abstracts)1.The Obama Administration policy toward Africa is a unique and not a repetition of the Bush era one after President's and Secretary of State Clinton's visits to Africa in summer 2009. The changes are visible and their main features can be described as a policy of strengthening U.S.-African relations at the times when especially China and other countries as well try to challenge the American ability to promote its economic, military and political interests on this continent. AFRICOM is destined to protect U.S. interests in Africa.2.Such policies cannot be considered normal from the point of view of the African security. Africans are interested to see their continent free from any foreign interference, especially the U.S. one. This country has a long history of interfering in the internal affairs of other states. In the Bush era it was justified very often as humanitarian intervention. Now the Obama Administration interferes for political and economic reasons in the affairs of such countries as the Sudan, Somalia and Zimbabwe though the disputable problems can be settled peacefully in the framework of the U.N. and A.U. Charters. In 2003 the US has done a big mistake when it invaded Iraq without the Security Council permission. Now it is strongly desirable not to follow the same mistake and come to terms with the African politicians themselves. May be, the African roots of President Barack Obama can become a way-out of some dead-locks that characterized the Bush Administration African policy in the past. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Realism has always been considered one of the safest foreign policy strategies that a nation can follow. Focusing on one's own self interest and the interests of their countrymen has always guaranteed a level of security and consistency that has earned the favor of so many U.S. officials. Now, some of the nations that provided the United States, Great Britain, and other European powers with the most economic or regional control years ago, are the same nations that monopolize our mass media as the plague of international security today.Some of modern histories most notorious revolutions and rebellions have spurred out of years of external meddling and oppression. The Cuban Revolution of 1959, and the 1979 revolutions in both Iran and Nicaragua are the direct result of U.S. intervention and realist tactics. The United States has never had a clear foreign policy except for the cries of liberty and democracy that have carried our nation against every enemy from Nazism to Communism, from Terrorism to Despotism. However, every conflict seems to end in the same confusion surrounding the actual objective of the United States government; is the main objective oil or freedom?The solution is a new look on the workings of the world, that actual promotion of liberalism and constant support for the will of the people, rather than using realist tactics, will eventually result in greater economic and political gain for the United States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do transnational networks have the advantage over nation states in the struggle to control Afghanistan? The total amount of resources possessed by NATO nation states does not equal a decisive advantage over the insurgency because only a fraction of NATO power is being brought to bear in Afghanistan. Transnational networks by contrast are able to devote nearly 100% of their collective power towards achieving their Afghan goals. The conflict on the ground is not the mismatch the western media has portrayed it to be. By examining how insurgent networks operate and what kind of advantages they have over nation states in the current Afghan conflict we can gain a fuller understanding of events in Afghanistan and how to improve them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers frequently make sweeping generalizations about the positive relationship between the democracy agenda and U.S. national security. These generalizations are buttressed by important assumptions about the effects the spread of democracy has on national security priorities. This study examines the degree to which political science research to date substantiates these assumptions. A content analysis of each official White House National Security Strategy from 1986-2001 reveals four primary assumptions: the spread of democracy decreases interstate conflict and increases stability, human rights, and economic development. A review of the literature finds that several of these assumptions are only justified by mature democracies that have passed through the gray zone of transition to democratic consolidation. In contrast, those democracies that occupy the intermediate or gray zone actually pose a threat to U.S. national security. It is consequently recommended that the democracy agenda prioritize democratic consolidation of the gray zone above all else. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the Security Council crisis over Iraq in order to assess the standing of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and evaluate the merits of multilateral cooperation. Defining features of international relations during the latter half of the 20th century; Events which exemplified the resurgence in UN legitimacy; Factors which raised doubts about the value and purpose of the United Nations.

Outlines a model of foreign policy development that explains changes in the U.S. grand strategy. Changes in the U.S. foreign policy orientation under conditions of structural uncertainty; Factors that affect the reorientation of grand strategy; Comparison of the foreign policy orientation during the administration of former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and in the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush.

Offers information on COINTELPRO, the counter-intelligence programs included in the operations of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) against hostile foreign intelligence services from 1956 to 1971. Activities of the COINTELPRO against Ku Klux Klan and other hate groups; Actions taken by the FBI to deal with foreign hate groups; Evaluation of the COINTELPRO activities.

The consequences of violent conflict permeate countless aspects of a society and are not limited to the political and economic institutions of a state. I examine the effect of militarized conflict on the populations of states by evaluating the relationship between war and public health, taking into account relevant political and economic factors, including democracy and wealth. I argue that interstate and intrastate conflict negatively influence the health achievement of states and, therefore, the human security of their populations. I assess this relationship by analyzing data on summary measures of public health in all states between 1999 and 2001. My analysis suggests that the negative effect of war on health is closely linked to the levels of income, trade, and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Americanism is a phenomenon that has received increasing attention in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks and more recently with the invasion of Iraq. However, despite its wide use, anti-Americanism is used often as a polemic term, and then often inconsistently. We attempt to provide a clearer and more consistent definition of anti-Americanism. Then, using newly released Eurobarometer data from the fall of 2002 and the spring of 2003, we observe the prevalence of anti-American attitudes among the peoples of Europe, and what leads to these attitudes. We find that ideology, nationalism, attachment to a supranational Europe, the security concerns of Europeans, and U.S. behavior on the international stage are all strong predictors of anti-American attitudes. We then draw inferences about the effects of anti-Americanism. We find that anti-Americanism leads to an erosion of support for NATO and increased support for a defense arrangement led by the European Union, with no noticeable effect for support of defense led by national governments. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is increasing in Europe, which implies this trend of decreasing popular support for NATO and increasing support for an EU-led defense will continue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the use of gender differences and human rights justifications for military intervention and national security. Issues regarding gender gap in politics; Overview of research on human rights attitudes; Application of the concept of framing in analyzing presidential behavior; Hypotheses about human rights.

Presents an institutional analysis of foreign policy making since September 11, 2001 in the U.S. Discussion on who is in charge of U.S. national security policy; Impact of the terrorist attacks on the balance of power; Information on developments that resulted from the terror attacks in September 11, 2001 and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq; Role of the executive branch with President George W. Bush and his advisors in leading the national security policy.

A critical competent of national security policy, military doctrine provides a force with a common understanding of what it perceives itself to be, what it perceives its opponents to be, and what its mission is. Because these understandings affect the mission's conduct, it is important to examine their construction. In the case of contemporary US counterinsurgency doctrine, an epistemic community of military analysts played a key role in aggregating academic knowledge, military traditions, and historical experiences, and distilling them into a coherent operational manual. Despite some initial resistance, their ideas were disseminated to troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, making their propositions part of the material world. How US forces approach insurgents as a result of doctrine affects how the insurgents perceive the United States and create expectations for future interactions that shape the dynamics of the conflict. Modern counterinsurgent wars are particularly illustrative cases in this regard, as the resource asymmetry between the belligerents often means that they have only their direct interactions with each other to base their expectations. By analyzing the construction of doctrine and how it translates academic study into policy innovation, this paper seeks to provide insights for improving military responses to insurgent opponents. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the differences between security policy substitutability (the fact that a state may engage in a variety of different strategies that achieve the same effect) and substitution (the act of decreasing investment in one security strategy in favor of increasing investment in another), and empirically examines the security policies of a number of minor power states involved in rivalry to determine 1) the substitutability of different security policies such as military spending, alliances, and military coercion across states, as well as 2) to what degree these states may substitute one policy for another. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working under the assumption that "politics stop at the water's edge," researchers have long assumed that although Congress and the president may quibble endlessly about domestic policy, Congress does not exert a significant constraint upon the president's foreign policy making in matters of national security. Making use of quantitative ideological scores from Poole and Rosenthal, this paper demonstrates that Congress does exert an institutional constraint upon the president's foreign policy making, but that this institutional constraint is variable depending on the ideological make-up of the actors. Using Correlates of War data from 1945 to 2005, results from an interactive logistic regression suggest that when the ideological difference between the president and the median ideological actor in Congress is great, presidents are constrained in their ability to make threats and deploy the military to solve international disputes. When the Congress is ideologically similar to the president, such constraints are dissolved and the likelihood that the president will employ the military to solve disputes increases significantly. This study suggests that the proper question is not whether domestic institutions matter, but under what circumstances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sometimes our students just don't want to read. This paper will propose and discuss a new way of teaching Introduction to International Relations by using film to teach various lessons. I will first evaluate the goals and lessons to be covered in the course. I will then go over the movies selected to teach each lesson and what sorts of dicussion can be generated with thier use. Finally, I will dicuss the evaluation and measurement of sucess in teaching basic international relations concepts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have established that sociological considerations drive defense procurement as much as hard security concerns. Decision-makers worry about prestige, national identity, and appropriateness when determining how to spend scarce defense dollars. In the early part of the twentieth century, national prestige in both great and minor powers depended on the acquisition of dreadnought battleships. In the wake of Alfred Thayer Mahan's The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, national power, modernity, and independence were understood to be factors of naval power, and dreadnoughts became the most visible indicators of such power. Virtually abandoning considerations of military necessity and operational sustainability, small states contracted for the construction of dreadnoughts that they were unlikely to use and unable to maintain. This paper argues that sociological concerns dominated naval procurement in the early twentieth century, but that the steady rationalization of defense procurement procedures throughout the twentieth century has transformed the logic of vessel acquisition such that different justifications and different concepts of national power prevail. In the last fifteen years, the spread of the LHD, or amphibious support ship, has come to resemble the dreadnought spree of the early twentieth century, but with different effects and radically different implications for inter-state relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiple studies have found little support for Huntington's Clash of Civilizations thesis. However, a review of militarized dispute data over time reveals a significant magnitude of conflict between states of different cultures, or to use Huntington's term, between states of different civilizations. Many scholars contend that cultural differences contribute to increased tension and conflict (e.g., Carment and James 1995; Henderson 1997; Rothman and Olson 2001). While various analyzes have examined conflicts between culturally different entities, few, if any, have analyzed underlying issues of international conflict between culturally different states on a broad scale. In this study I combine empirical analysis with an issue based approached to examine the extent to which different-culture conflicts are actually due to cultural differences. I find that in the post-Cold War years the vast majority of militarized conflicts between states of different cultures are associated with the same categories of issues as are those between states of similar cultures, the two most frequent being national security concerns and territory. I further conclude that while cultural differences do play a part in some conflicts, they are more likely to serve as enabling conditions than as the root causes of conflicts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As states get stronger, they are expected to be more successful in suppressing the active insurgency and limiting their activities against the state. This study examines the relationship between an important dimension of state capacity, namely extraction of resources and civil war onset. The ability of the state to extract resources from the society is of great importance because all states need financial resources to enforce is will over citizens and to govern effectively. Revenue is not only essential to strengthen the military capabilities that will suppress the insurgency or fight with external enemies, but also to control the territory and the population, to implement state policies and carry out various goals (national security, economic development, financing of macroeconomic stabilization programs), and to provide public goods and other services (e.g. justice, health care, education, job training and infrastructure). As a result we expect states with higher levels of tax revenue to have a lower risk of civil wars. Utilizing time-series, cross-nation data for the 1975-1995 period, the empirical findings suggest that as the level of the government extraction increases, the likelihood of civil war onset declines significantly, controlling for several other economic, demographic, and political factors. Our findings demonstrate that the state's extractive capacity is vital for the maintenance of peace and that higher levels of tax revenue have a strong pacifying effect on civil war. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most crucial threat Pakistan is facing nowadays is religious extremism and its grave consequences. This factor not only has affected its internal but also its external security. The extremists have become militants involved in terrorists attacks and large number of suicide attacks resulting in the killings of massive number of innocent people. The society is terrorized and fear prevails. The worrying aspect is that the religious militants activities were earlier limited to tribal areas but now they have reached settled large cities, even the capital Islamabad is no more safe . A number of militants groups are backed by Al-Qaeda, who wish to 'Talibanize" the Pakistan society, whenever the government has taken stern militant action against extremists, they retaliate back against with suicide attacks against security personnel and the establishment. Even more disconcerting is the fact that these elements are winning popularity in the weaker segments of society. The expensive and long gestation system of adjudication of civil and military courts and insensitive and unresponsive police organization is diverting the people towards the extremist ranks who deliver speedy justice and provide effective security. Massive reformation in the government structures, education system and societal taboos would be needed to regain the confidence of the masses and the perpetuity in democratic processes and elimination of despotic tendencies in the political system of Pakistan would be the only safeguard against this unwelcome aspect of comparative politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]