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The generation of Americans born between 1980 and 2000 does not bowl alone; they virtually bowl on their Wii. They cannot identify five Supreme Court justices by picture, but they can easily tell you who Stephen Colbert, Stewie Griffin, and Cartman are. If you ask them if they voted, many will believe you are referring to voting for their favorite American Idol superstar. They understand a sense of community and networks—at least if you are referring to Facebook or MySpace. They have grown up in the era where a Blackberry went from a business tool used mainly by Washington staffers to a key possession to any high school student. With the opportunity to teach two large lecture courses at a major state university this fall, I will be spending a period of time in each course examining the millennial culture and its impacts on political knowledge and participation. Both classes will take an instructor-designed political v. cultural awareness and knowledge pre-test on the first day, which will ask them a multitude of questions to judge where each student stands with regards to their knowledge and engagement of popular millennial culture and the political world. There will also be questions asking about usage of certain media and perceived strengths and weaknesses of each for political understanding. In the basic introduction to government course, the week devoted to political participation and behavior will instead be reserved for discussing youth participation in politics and the effect of millennial generation technology. In the second course—which covers current issues in American politics—we will instead devote two weeks to the topic. Students will be required to read The Dumbest Generation by Mark Bauerlein and we will have in-depth conversations related to topics within the book before covering the benefits and costs of millennial technology on politics for young citizens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the "Two Faces of Issue Voting" (1980), Carmines and Stimson argue that some issues are inherently "easy" and are understood by the public at an emotional, "gut" level, while other issues are intrinsically "hard" and require greater political sophistication and interest to process. This theory is intuitively appealing and widely cited in the American political behavior literature. Yet "easy" issues have been interpreted differently by various scholars, so how can we tell which are "easy" issues? Using survey data over time, I explore different measures of easiness, beginning with a traditional measure (connection to the vote) and then moving to other potential indicators of easy issues, examining the role of core values and group affect in conditioning issue easiness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implicit in the gender, religion, and race literatures is the notion that identity figures prominently in models of political behavior, dictating a wide range of opinions, attitudes, and beliefs about politics. Political efficacy also contributes independently to individual political behavior, playing a significant role in determining levels of political engagement. While studies of identity and politics conceptualize political behavior as inherently a collective enterprise, measures of political efficacy maintain a myopic vision of political engagement. This study attempts to reconcile this incongruity in two ways: it advances a theory of identity and political engagement, and develops a measure of identity-based political efficacy. Based on a survey of a representative sample of Americans, this study shows that, after controlling for identity-based political efficacy, traditional measures of political efficacy become insignificant. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I will be presenting my newly published scholarship with the above title. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lack of competition that plagues elections in the United States at all levels of government has been both widely lamented and widely studied. Yet, given the strategic advantages electoral incumbents enjoy, it is not surprising that they are frequently able to skate through an election unopposed or with only token opposition. One aspect of the candidate emergence process that has been largely overlooked up to this point, however, are the effects certain electoral laws, such as ballot access requirements and public funding of candidates, have on candidate emergence. Following the "strategic politicians" model of candidate entry (Black 1972; Jacobson and Kernell 1981), we propose that such electoral laws are properly considered part of the cost ("C") term in the standard decision-making calculus of potential candidates. Specifically, ballot access requirements add to the costs a potential candidate faces, while public funding of candidates has the ability to alleviate some of the costs associated with becoming a candidate. Using gubernatorial election data from 1980-2005, we empirically test whether ballot access (both petition and filing fee) requirements and public funding of candidates have these proposed effects on the candidate emergence process. The results provide mixed support for our claims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the style of celebrity politics in the U.S., particularly the cases of Minnesota Governor Jesse Ventura and California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger. A brief historical overview of celebrity politics in country is presented, along with a discussion of the factors influencing celebrity political success. The article highlights the political contributions of Ventura and Schwarzenegger during their terms.

The article focuses on a study which explored the implications of party culture for modeling voting behavior in the U.S. The study considered member profile, party status and district data in analyzing the partisan contours of legislative behavior. It discovered that the responsiveness of members to personal, district and positional forces is influenced by party affiliation.

The article describes the political participation of elites in South Africa, based on the observations of political scientists that political elites mobilize new electorates to secure their hold to power. An operationalization of conflict was used to clarify the timing of suffrage expansion in the U.S. and South Africa in the 20th century. The author argues that the coalition of elite and mass political participants creates the incentive for political elites to concede to the demand for black voting rights.

Utilizing six surveys of political attitudes and behavior for a local community in Ohio (from 1980 to 2005), the author demonstrates that gender based age cohorts change their reported party identity in different directions at different times, suggesting that socialization to political life may vary across time and with gender. It is further suggested that the concept of party identity may embrace multiple meanings and that gender/age cohort groups may attach different meanings to their avowal of attachment or lack of attachment to political parties, meanings that lead to different responses to ongoing political contexts and stimuli. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the disparate causes of inflated survey reports of political participation in the U.S. It uses various National Election Study (NES) data to provide an assessment of the magnitude of the various effect that result in survey overestimates. It discusses several different source of non-random error which affect the estimates of voting participation of NES.

This article discusses the results of a content analysis of over 400 network news stories and an estimated of 3,000 local news stories broadcast on the airwaves in New York, Los Angeles and Miami during the days leading up to the 2004 election. A comparison between the election coverage on Spanish- and English-language news is also presented. Determining media content may be helpful in explaining the lag in political participation among Spanish speakers in the U.S.

This article examines the determinants of voter turnout in U.S. Supreme Court elections between 2000-2004. The type of selection system employed by the state is one of the main factors that should affect voter turnout. Several studies have been conducted to investigate factors influencing voter turnout in judicial elections. One of the studies was by Philip Dubois, who investigated factors influencing voter turnout in state Supreme Court elections in non-Southern states between 1948 and 1974.

Harking the calls made by Londregan (2000) and Patty and Penn (2004) for an inclusion of the realities of legislative scheduling and agenda setting into empirical analysis of legislative business, I examine a simple procedure in the United States House of Representatives, approving the Journal, and its implications for legislative business. In particular, following a suggestion made by Sinclair (1995), I examine the hypothesis that such votes are more than simply pro forma motions or dilatory tactics by the minority party. Rather, the taking of such a vote represents a signal (perhaps to members of the House, but at least to the analyst) that the day’s ensuing business is important to at least one party’s leadership and that it is expected to be a close vote. Considering the 102nd-107th Congresses, I show that a recorded vote on the Speaker’s approval of the Journal indicates that the legislative day’s business will be both more contentious (i.e., recorded votes have a smaller margin of passage) and more partisan (i.e., recorded votes are more likely to be “party unity” votes). In addition, the fit of Poole’s Optimal Classification estimates for legislators’ preferences is higher for recorded votes taken on such days. In addition, I discuss the marginal effect of the type and timing of legislative business on these findings, as well as the identity of who calls for the vote on the Journal. Of particular interest are the differential effects for appropriations and “procedural” matters. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines several issues relating to contemporary campaign finance through the rubric of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). The law provided for the end of unregulated soft money to political parties, and it is also aimed at increasing disclosure of campaign activities by political parties and interest groups. Between the 1996 and 2004 election cycle, total contributions by members of the U.S. Congress increased as party margins remained narrow and party leaders pressured members to contribute for the party.

Decades of research suggests that campaign contact, together with an advantageous socioeconomic profile, increases the likelihood of casting a ballot. Measurement and modeling handicaps permit a lingering uncertainty about campaign communication as a source of political mobilization however. Using data from a uniquely detailed telephone survey conducted in a pair of highly competitive 2002 U.S. Senate races, we further assess the influence of politics on participation. We conclude that vote history is the most important stimulant in voter mobilization but that holding this variable constant reveals some effect for campaign communication among intermittent voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This simulation introduces students to the judicial confirmation process, the motives behind various players, and the partisan politics involved in filling vacancies in the federal judiciary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the theoretical underpinnings of political skepticism in the context of data from the 2000 National Election Survey trust index in the U.S. Use of the trust index in evaluating public attitudes toward executive leadership, government policies and political parties; Role of trust, distrust and political skepticism in the government; Implications of trust and distrust for democratic institutions.

Presents research which examined the transfer of party electoral strength in U.S. elections. Assessment of the advantages of the Republican Party over the Democratic Party; Analysis of the complexity of federal system of elections; Problems associated with the transferral of partisan electoral strength.

Presents research which examined the role of women political consultants in the U.S. Congressional campaigns. Impact of women political consultants on the outcome of campaigns; Assessment of the political participation of elite women; Analysis of the existence of gender gap in U.S. politics.

Discusses the impact of descriptive representation on women's political engagement. Aspects of the legislative behavior of female politicians in the U.S.; Significance of changes in women's descriptive or numerical representation in politics to the country's political system; Factors which motivate women to pursue administrative positions in public offices.

Explores the issue base of the gender gap in voting. Overview of the central issues on which women and men differ in U.S. politics; Factors which make women relatively liberal on issues affecting the less fortunate in society and less likely than men to vote strictly in terms of their own economic self-interest; Several models of how the issue positions of women and men can shape the gender gap in voting; Reasons women are becoming an important serial constituency in U.S. politics.

Discusses the importance of partisanship in U.S. congressional members' support for environmental measures. Role of partisanship in structuring environmental voting; Factors that influence legislators in voting on environmental legislation; Methodological difficulties associated with including member ideology as an independent variable in environmental voting.

Discusses the aspects of legal mobilization by tracing the interaction of multiple strategies in the U.S. west coast affirmative action battles of the 1990s. Strategic resources which carry substantial weight in U.S. law and culture; Conditions under which rights are best defended through litigation, legislation or ballot initiatives; Ways by which the perception that some powerful institution is violating one's fundamental entitlements as a citizen or as a human being, shape political action, among conservatives as well as liberals.

Explores the nature of active opposition to judicial decisions. Patterns of anti-judicial backlash; Ways to express opposition to judicial decisions; Factors that influence individuals or institutions to oppose judicial decisions; Impact of anti-judicial backlash on the U.S. justice system.

Explores the legislative party strategy and the separation of powers in the U.S. Explanation on the strategic dilemma confronting legislative party leaders; Observation on the factions within legislative parties; Information on the permanent campaign.

Documents changes in voting technology in the U.S. and assesses their impact on unrecorded votes in the 2004 election. Outline of an agenda for assessing the intended and unintended effects of Help America Vote Act of 2002; Impact of full-face electronic voting machines and central-count optical scan systems on unrecorded votes; Background on reform efforts.

Examines the amateur's place in the career structure of U.S. governors. Ability of political amateurs to compete against higher quality politicians; Use of candidate quality measures to assess the capabilities of candidates who run for governor; Importance of partisan and ideological disposition of the electorate to determining the percentage of the vote candidates can expect to receive.

Examines who and why some are more attentive and how greater or less attentiveness affects individual behaviors related to mitigating air quality problems and how greater or less attentiveness is associated with support or opposition to air quality policies in the U.S. Overview of the Texas Air Quality Survey; Variables which are very important in delimiting greater attentiveness; Description of how various components of the citizenry approached fundamental beliefs about democracy, electoral participation and candidate selection.

Examines the professional relationship among members of the U.S. Congress, U.S. administrators, and the U.S. President. Information on the tendency of labor secretaries to be distinct form their presidents; Review of the literature on congressional-executive relations; Factors that must be considered in the selection of cabinet members.

Examines the causes for the relatively poor showing of women political candidates in the U.S. congressional elections in 2002. Examination of the types of seats women contested; Effects of the political climate on the candidacy of women; Communication of women candidates with voters.

Examines the State of the Union Addresses delivered by U.S. Presidents. Information on the rhetoric exhibited by U.S. President George W. Bush in 2002; Distinction between two eras of presidential activity; Discussion of the directive rhetoric classification.

Discusses the limits and possibilities of legalism and moral acceptance in the pursuit of a sexual politics in the U.S. Legal aspects of homosexuality; Social and political recognition of the GLBT community; Possibilities for a legal agonism among GLBT people.

Capitalizing on the Numbers: Interest Group Activities That Promote Political Assimilation of the Mexican-American Community By Timothy S. Rich and Darrell Lovell According to the 2000 Census, those of Mexican descent compose one of the fastest growing segments of the American populace. As their numbers begin to match those of the African American community, certain political opportunities emerge. However, Mexican American rates of political action, especially in the area of voting, lag behind that of almost all other groups. This project attempts to determine the factors that lead to lower levels of political activity among this group and the effect these levels have on American politics as a whole. This project consists of two parts. First, previous research on the political activity of Mexican Americans is analyzed to determine any recent trends. From this, several factors limiting activity become evident. These factors range from basic demographics (naturalization rates, age distribution, poverty rates, etc.) to educational and psychological factors (an understanding of the political structure, apathy, etc.). These factors only partially explain the situation however. The second part focuses on major Mexican American political organizations that are traditionally considered representative of the community, in particular National Association of Latino Elected Officials (NALEO) and National Council of La Raza (NCLR). Interviews with members of both groups are compared to the written record to show a connection between what a group believes the Mexican American community needs and what this community actually desires from these groups. Any discrepancy between what the groups perceive as necessary for the community and what the community views as important may help to explain the lower rates among Mexican Americans. The interviews will also show the role these groups play in encouraging political activity among the Mexican American community. Obviously several factors contribute to the lower levels of political activity among this section of the population. This project attempts to identify each of these factors while negating often held misnomers concerning those of Mexican decent. We hope to discover what interest groups see as the main issues concerning Mexican American political behavior and what activities are most important to this community. By doing this, we hope to discover the key components pertaining to Mexican American political assimilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open and free elections provide a fundamental connection between American institutions and the American public. As a result, the way candidates contest elections and how voters respond has attracted considerable attention from political scientists. The vast majority of this large literature focuses on individual-level voter behavior and its individual-level predictors. When the influence of campaigns on voters has been considered, the focus has been primarily on the impact of candidate contacting (e.g. Wielhouwer and Lockerbie 1994), candidate spending (e.g. Jacobson 1990, Green and Krasno 1988) and/or negative advertising (e.g. Stevens 2007) on voter turnout. While some controversy remains, the consensus is that such activity generally stimulates voter participation. Scholars know comparatively less about how such stimulants affect the choices voters make after they get to the polls. In this paper, we begin such an exploration, focusing specifically on the impact of negative advertising on voter behavior.We do not expect to uncover a simple direct effect of campaign negativity on vote choice. Rather, we expect the impact of negative advertising to depend upon the mix of such advertising between the two candidates, the partisanship of the voters exposed to that advertising, and their political efficacy. We evaluate our theory using advertising data from the Wisconsin Ad Project and voter behavior data from ANES in three Senate elections. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on the results of an exit poll of the 2008 presidential election contest in Webb County, Texas, the U.S. county with most Hispanics as a percentage of total population (and a county whose state convention delegates were overwhelmingly Hillary Clinton supporters). The survey will include traditional measures of racial resentment (and possibly items on old-style racism), with the hope of investigating whether rivalries between blacks and Hispanics are the result of economic competition between members of the two groups or motivated by racial attitudes and determining whether these factors impact Hispanic support for the presumptive Democratic nominee. The survey will be administered in both English and Spanish. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unconventional political activities—also known as protest acts, which consist of boycotting, demonstrating, occupying a building, signing a petition, attending an unofficial strike, etc.—have long been used by citizens to influence the political system. In many instances these activities have proven fruitful in bringing about political change. These activities are often associated with minority groups. The participation literature suggests that unconventional political action is a "weapon of the weak", used by ethnic minority groups who are educationally and economically disadvantaged. However, more recent studies have shown that even non-minorities have also begun to use more unconventional political activity at an increasing rate to influence the political arena. In this paper I argue that the catalyst behind the changing political behavior of American citizens is the evolution of interest groups and their tactics. Viewing interest groups as more than established institutional organizations but also as individual effectors of change, who use blogging as resources to set the political agenda, allow us to see how the shift in American citizen's political behavior is facilitated. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we expand the existing research on symbolic representation by examining simultaneously the influence of race and gender on political engagement. Using ANES data from 1990 to 2004, we test whether black female empowerment positively influences a broad range of political attitudes and behaviors: political interest, knowledge, trust, efficacy, discussion, proselytizing, and voting. While we expect to find a strong correlation between black female empowerment and African American political participation, we anticipate that the empowering effect black female candidates and officeholders will be strongest for African American women in the electorate. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent campaigns, candidates have sought to attract votes from the growing Latino electorate. President Bush's "Viva Bush" campaign and Senator Kerry's "Unidos con Kerry" slogan were ubiquitous reminders of the emphasis that many campaigns place on attracting Latino voters. Unfortunately, we know very little about the real impact of such appeals and how Latino voters react to them. In particular, we know very little about whether and to what degree voters are more likely to vote for candidates of the same race or ethnicity. Building onprevious research on the effects of racial priming and cue taking, this paper will examine the role that ethnic cues play in shaping the political opinions of Latinos. We argue that candidate ethnicity can alter the political attitudes of Latinos by priming ethnic and/or nationalist identities which can then be used to formulate political judgments. Using a laboratory experiment, we test the effects of exposure to political candidate profiles that vary according towhether one of the candidates is or is not Latino, and we examine how this affects vote choice and policy opinions for Latinos and non-Latinos. Finally we discuss the implications of our results and the ever-evolving roles that ethnicity and language play in shaping modern day political campaigns. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies of the impact of party pressures on legislative outcomes in the U.S. House have been hampered by a lack of quality evidence about which bills and resolutions considered by Congress are the target of sustained leadership lobbying. Using the archived papers of former party leaders, we have identified all roll call votes that were the subject of formal party whip activity by House Democrats, 1955-86, and House Republicans, 1975-80 and 1989-94. We use these data to categorize all floor roll calls that occurred in the House during these periods by whether or not they were selected as party issues by one or both parties, and then evaluate a number of hypotheses about the roles of parties and leaders in the chamber and the evolving scope and contents of the Democratic and GOP issue agendas. The results shed valuable new light on the foundations of party power in Congress and the explanatory power of leading party theories. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislative activity in the states demonstrates that the issue of felon disenfranchisement is rising on the public agenda both within and outside Southern states. An estimated 3.9 million citizens, or one out of every fifty adults, has lost the right to vote because of a felony conviction and it is widely acknowledged that felon disenfranchisement has a clear disproportionate impact on the African American population (Fellner and Mauer 1998). Felon disenfranchisement policies may also have affected the outcome of past elections (Uggen and Manza 2002). Historic practices vary widely across the states (Mauer and Kansel 2005, M. Colgate Love 2005), and recent legislative efforts across the states diverge in content and approach as well. In this paper, we draw upon theories of agenda setting to explore factors that are shaping the felon disenfranchisement debate and which may provide an indication of the potential for significant policy change regarding the franchise. Agenda setting theory suggests that interest groups, state and citizen ideology, political context, state resources, and administrative infrastructure influence the ability of issues to reach the public agenda. We use cross-sectional time series to analyze the attempts of state legislatures in the fifty states to restore the franchise to convicted felons from 2001 through 2005. Findings demonstrate that interest groups, political context and administrative reforms are significant influences on attempts to restore voting rights, when controlling for regional effects. Specific administrative structures and state environments receptive to administrative reform may represent an avenue for policy change across the states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is co-authored by Lorn Foster, of Pomona college.In 1960, the Supreme Court ruled in Gomillion v. Lightfoot that a 27-sided electoral district drawn to restrict blacks' opportunity to elect the candidate of their choice violated the equal protection clause. 35 years later, the Court ruled in Bush v. Vera that an oddly-shaped electoral district drawn to enhance the opportunity of minority voters to elect the candidate of their choice violated the equal protection clause. Looking at how the Court's interpretation of the 14th amendment has changed, we ask whether it should take a racially neutral or racially affirmative position regarding the ability of minority voters to elect candidates of their choice? We contend that the Court's application of the doctrines of strict scrutiny and compelling state interest has become increasingly antithetical to the political interests of minority voters. We will analyze approximately twelve pivotal voting rights cases decided between 1960 and 1994. In so doing, we will also consider how periodic strengthening of the VRA, improvements in redistricting technology, and partisan imperatives to protect incumbency have combined to facilitate the crafting of majority-minority electoral district. We will also address the underlying federalism and balance-of-power issues at play: a) how states are wedged between Congress' intent, the Justice Department's oversight, and the Supreme Court's interpretation of key provisions of the VRA, and b) how the VRA itself is buffeted between Congress' and the Court's interpretation of it. Here, we argue that minority political power faces erosion by institutional, doctrinal and constitutional battles over the VRA ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine legislative elections over 40 years, particularly in the South. Has the shift from one-party Democratic south to (increasingly) Republican south been one marked by competition or conversion of district seats? That is, as Democratic incumbents retired, did the districts switch from uncontested Democratic incumbents to uncontested Republican seats (conversion), or did the two parties contest the district for some period of time (contestation). In other words, what is the pattern of change in the South as Republicans began to replace Democratic dominance? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The closeness of the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections provided a unique opportunity to observe what has been referred to as the "Red State/Blue State" Electoral College divide in the United States. The 2000 election further suggested a Republican Party Electoral College advantage, with George Bush winning the Electoral College while losing the popular vote. The closeness of these elections also focused attention on "battleground states."This paper examines three related questions. First, does the Republican Party have an Electoral College advantage, as suggested by the 2000 election? Second, what regional party realignments at the presidential level can be observed during the past twenty years? Third, do campaigns accurately identify battleground states?Techniques similar to Abramson, et al. (2006) are used to evaluate Electoral College advantage by creating "hypothetical" tie elections. The adjusted data suggest a trend away from a Republican Electoral College advantage to the Democrats, interrupted only by the 2000 election, but continued in 2004. A primary cause of this trend is Republican gains concentrated in smaller states where Electoral College victory is secure, including northern Plains and southern/border states.The data also reveal misinterpretations by both campaigns regarding several "battleground" states. For example, Daron Shaw's study (JOP, 1999) describes the Electoral College strategies of the 1996 Clinton and Dole campaigns, which identified "battleground," "marginal" and "base" states, assuming a close election. The campaigns wrongly classified crucial states, such as Illinois and Ohio. Other anomalies are noted. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Campaign finance reform supporters strive for a political system as free as possible from the effects of special interest groups. But squeezing money out of candidates' campaign coffers has forced it into the hands first of the political parties (after the post-Watergate FECA amendments of 1974) and then increasingly into the pockets of independent groups (especially so-called 527s, following the BCRA, or "McCain-Feingold" law, in 2002). These independent groups may be more likely to attack candidates, rather than engage in contrast or positive advertising. Prior experimental research has found that candidates' attack ads drive up the negatives of their targets - but also the candidates' own negatives, and that they especially backfire with Democratic audiences. This dynamic provides healthy incentives for candidates, especially on the Democratic side, to stay positive. But as advertising shifts toward independent groups, those incentives erode, as candidates can take the high ground while allied third parties take the low road. This paper tests empirically the extent to which independent groups' advertising is more negative than candidate advertising, drawing upon the author's adapted 2000 presidential primary 53,000-case subset of the Wisconsin Advertising Project's database "Political Advertising in 2000." Preliminary results demonstrate that Republican independent groups (at 16.16% attack ads, vs. contrast and positive spots) were about twice as likely to go negative than GOP candidates (8.73%). What's more, though, Democratic independent groups were overwhelmingly negative (63.70%) - while Democratic presidential primary candidates personally sponsored not a single attack ad in the entire 2000 nomination cycle. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many studies have examined the trends and possible factors that contribute to the public's approval of the President relatively little has been written about Congressional approval. Using elements of the model employed by Durr, Glimour, and Wolbrecht (1997), this paper examines factors affecting the public's approval of Congress. Durr et al's measure of congressional public approval is updated to include survey measures from 1994 through the fourth quarter of 2005. Factors that are examined include polarization between the branches of government and the nature of the media coverage Congress receives. The polarization variable was not included in the aforementioned model, but has gained national attention as the cause of all the nations woes. Durr et al's results indicate that increased polarization should lead to lower approval. They find that increased internal strife leads to a decrease in approval. However, rather than using their measures of internal strife, I will substitute polarization. The media variable was included in the Durr et al. model, however, with the increased prevalence of the 24-hour cable news channels and the advent of news websites, I argue that the affect of the media on approval has intensified. Therefore, an abundance of negative press will lead to a decrease in public approval. A better understanding of the nature of Congressional approval has many applications beyond the advances it brings to Congressional research. It can improve approval research pertaining to the other two branches of government, particularly the emerging topic of public approval of the Supreme Court. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a research which focuses on the influence of racial group consciousness of Latinos on their political participation in the U.S. Topics discussed include analysis of the 2006 Latino National Survey to explore the political activism of Latinos, relationship between racial group consciousness and voter registration, and role of Latinos in political decision-making and expressing their racial identity among Americans.

The article discusses decreasing level of political engagement in the U.S. which requires a meaningful participation from everyday citizens. Topics discussed include the Universal National Service Act of 2010 bill proposed by Representative Charles Rangel which would require all the U.S. residents to complete a minimum of two years of service in the government, mandatory public service law to ensure active citizen partnership, and liberal political theory.

The predictors of party identification in the United States have been extensively examined to determine how certain social groups form attachments to a particular party. Campbell et. al. (1960) showed that mostly Catholic white ethnic groups, such as Italian and Irish Americans, formed strong partisan attachments to the Democratic Party in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as urban political machines recruited these groups for their votes. And Jelen & Wilcox (1995) demonstrate the residual effect of this psychological tug in more recent elections.However, little has been reported on other, and possibly more relevant, white ethnic groups such as Arab-Americans. A recent survey conducted in 2003 by ICPSR showed that 32% of respondents in the 2003 Detroit Arab American Survey identified as Independent and 20% indicated No Preference, the opposite of earlier predictions. Over half of all Arab Americans now choose not to affiliate with either party, which is much higher than the numbers reported for the general population. A first look indicates that traditional predictors should impact Arab Americans partisanship. For instance, Arab Americans are more conservative on social issues, report higher levels of self-employment and tend to be more religious. Conversely, a solid majority of Arab Americans are foreign-born, albeit naturalized citizens, and a good number have been active or are still active in labor unions. Instead, we believe that other indicators, such as linked-fate, discrimination and foreign policy issues might be driving Arab Americans away from both parties and towards no affiliation and/or no preference. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the backlash against the U.S. President Barack Obama's usage of policy "czars" as an administrative strategy to handle the challenges faced by his presidency as compared to previous presidential practices in the U.S. and the political and media response to it. It evaluates the ways by which the media has covered presidential appointments of policy czars. It also discusses the historical dynamics of czar politics.

Like their secular peers, religious organizations maintain offices in the nation's capital to advocate for their policy preferences. And yet, their authority and influence in Washington depends largely on the perception that they are "above" politics. If religious organizations are seen as "just another interest group" rather than as "representatives of religious communities of believers", then they are likely to experience diminished influence. In light of this dilemma, how do religious organizations achieve a delicate balance between advancing their earthly policy interests and harnessing their heavenly authority to influence public policy? We argue that religious organizations attempt to walk this line by maintaining an intentionally multivocal posture - adjusting their rhetorical strategy depending on the venue in which they are speaking. We hypothesize that three factors contribute to organizational decisions to modulate their rhetoric across venues: organizational identity, frame alignment, and institutional context. We test this with a content analysis of the testimony of various religious organizations. Our very preliminary results support the conclusion that religious organizations using identity, framing,and context to guide their multivocality. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]