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This article examines the findings of a discursive analysis of UK newspapers to determine how practices of surveillance are represented. Drawing upon Deleuze and Guattari, the article argues for the importance of examining the linguistic and enunciative components of surveillant assemblages. The article shows how representations of surveillance practices in the UK media are split between two evaluative schemas. One is a discourse of appropriate surveillance, which draws upon discourses of crime prevention, counterterrorism, and national security. The second is a discourse of inappropriate surveillance that draws upon discourses of privacy, Big Brother, and personal liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the latest trends in India-Pakistan relations. It begins by justifying the assumption of one coherent Indian strategy towards Pakistan and, while focusing on the debate in India, argues that this strategy can best be described as one of "hedging." It then analyzes three sources of cooperation and six sources of competition—including one in Afghanistan. Next it argues that India should preferably follow an engagement strategy instead of its current hedging or the alternative containment strategies. At the same time, it acknowledges that an engagement strategy is unlikely, while there are recurrent terrorist attacks in India, especially those that have their roots in Pakistan. In the penultimate section, it examines the sort of political decisions that are needed in following this engagement strategy that should, ideally, lead toward a normalization of relations. However it concludes with the assessment that, despite the erratic composite dialogue, "ugly stability" continues to characterize the bilateral relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All non-nuclear-weapon states are morally and legally obliged by the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) to refrain from acquiring nuclear weapons. These obligations cannot be overridden for reasons of mere prudence. Only (i) material breaches of the treaty and/or a corresponding; (ii) 'fundamental change in circumstances' (rebus sic stantibus) that undermines the integrity of the NPT may override states parties' legal nonproliferation duties. More than the violations of the NPT by 'rogue' states like North Korea or Iran, I argue that the failure of the de jure nuclear-weapon powers since 2001 to uphold their informal and some formal NPT commitments suggests the possibility of material breach and/or institutional subversion. If NPT subversion were to occur, the non-nuclear-weapon states' collective responsibility to avoid complicity in that subversion leads them to choose between (a) individually seeking nuclear weapons capability for state security; or, more preferably, (b) a publicly announced and collective withdrawal from the NPT that simultaneously refuses to pursue the nuclear weapons option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study was conducted to evaluate the effect of aerosol generation, relative humidity, and method of sampling on the culturability of the vegetative bacteria Pantoea agglomerans (P. agglomerans) formerly known as Erwinia herbicola. This research has relevance both for the use of this organism as a biowarfare simulant and for bioaerosol exposure assessment and public health. The culturability of P. agglomerans was tested using a test chamber against two generating systems (Collison and Bubble nebulizers), two sampling systems (the all-glass impinger (AGI-30), and the BioSampler), three collection media (water, TSB, and PBS) and across a range of humidities. Results indicated that the Bubble nebulizer was 15% more efficient in generating viable P. agglomerans counts (p ≤ 0.05). No difference was observed in overall efficiency between sampling methods (p > 0.05). However, as a collection media, PBS was observed to yield higher (p ≤ 0.01) viable counts compared to sterile deionized water. Relative humidity was found to strongly influence airborne P. agglomerans culturability. Culturable P. agglomerans was below the limit of detection for RH < 15% and then increased in a log-linear fashion to humidities of 75%. This research will help identify optimal means for evaluation of environmentally sensitive airborne bacteria for purposes of exposure assessment and public health as well as homeland security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes how Raytheon was able to leverage its defense products into the emerging market for homeland security that followed 9/11, and which has since grown into a global, multi-billion dollar revenue stream for the company. Homeland security offered Raytheon the opportunity to leverage many of its proven technologies to a new set of applications that were growing faster than its core business, as well as having higher profitability. Raytheon's success provides insights into how to learn the needs of new types of customers and how to make strategic investments in new technologies while same time leveraging others. The greatest lesson, however, may be how Raytheon executives structured this new business to achieve a true partnership--rather than rivalry--with its existing operating divisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the implications of the Iraqi refugee crisis for Syria, which is believed to host up to 1.5 million Iraqi refugees. Many policy makers, activists and analysts, sometimes inspired by the conflict repercussions of refugee crises witnessed elsewhere, have warned against the regional security impact of the Iraqi exodus and consequently speculated about a possible spillover of the armed conflicts in Iraq to its neighbours. The article presents an analysis of the characteristics and composition of the Iraqi refugee population and provides an assessment of responses to the refugee crisis in Syria. Its main finding is that fears for a spillover of Iraq's violence cannot be corroborated. The relative absence of refugee violence can be explained in reference to Iraqi refugees themselves. Given their specific demographic and social traits (including age composition, educational levels and professions, and to some extent religious affiliation), in addition to refugees' sectarian segregation, an overwhelming majority of Iraqi refugees are and remain victims of the violence in Iraq; they are unlikely to become its perpetrators abroad. In this sense the Iraqi refugee crisis constitutes a strong reminder that, in order to assess the propensity of violence among refugees and their purportedly contagious impact on their places of refuge, an understanding of the causes of their flight and their roles in the conflict they are fleeing is essential. It is finally argued that security challenges are likely to come from a different source. Socioeconomic destitution among refugees and the failure to provide adequate humanitarian assistance and protection are and will be causing tensions between them and the host state and host communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With East Asian international relations in flux since the end of the Cold War, Japan's security role is critical in influencing the region's future. In this article, the author examines Japanese opinion leaders' attitudes toward relations with Asian countries, the U.S.-Japan security alliance, the role of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces, and Japan's culpability for the Fifteen-Year War of 1931-45. The four major contemporary security strands in Japan—pacifism, mercantilism, normalism, and nationalism—are analyzed. The author argues that normalism continues to rise in the post-Cold War era as the rightist conservatives (normalists) gradually gain predominance over the moderate conservatives (mercantilists). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia occupies a uniquely strong position in Japan's evolving security partnerships. The two countries' bilateral alliances with the United States, their common desire for U.S. commitment to and presence in the Asia-Pacific region, their common desire to foster regional multilateral security institutions for the purpose of disciplining China through inclusion, and their limited but significant capabilities to respond to security problems beyond the region have caused the two countries to nurture enhanced ties. Although this bilateral partnership has been more closely associated with trilateral cooperation including the United States between 2005 and 2008 (rather than with regional multilateralism), the expanding scope of Australia-Japan cooperation mostly encompasses nontraditional security areas, such as law enforcement, counterterrorism, and humanitarian relief operations. This approach seeks a middle ground between exclusive U.S.-Japan-Australia trilateralism and all-inclusive regional multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with religious soft power in foreign policy making through a focus on the foreign policies of the USA, India and Iran. It suggests that, if religious actors 'get the ear' of key foreign policy makers because of their shared religious beliefs, the former may become able to influence foreign policy outcomes through the exercise of religious soft power. In relation to the above-mentioned countries, the article proposes that several named religious actors do significantly influence foreign policy through such a strategy. It also notes that such influence is apparent not only when key policy makers share religious values, norms and beliefs but also when policy makers accept that foreign policy should be informed by them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungary's constitutional commitment to support kin-nationals beyond its borders (nation policy) has been a central feature of its post-1989 foreign policy and highlights a particularly important national security concern - the societal security of national identity, culture, language and tradition. This article examines Hungary's societal security concerns and the policy methods it utilises, including its EU membership and the promotion of minority rights at the European level, to help combat these concerns. It is suggested that Hungary has found it somewhat difficult to balance its societal security policy objective with internal economic demands on its welfare system and its external foreign policy objective to maintain good neighbourly relations. This article also notes that Hungary's attempts to Europeanise, or rather 'EU-ise', minority and ethnic rights issues as a means to enhance societal security for the Hungarian nation has certain political consequences for the EU. This suggests that societal security provision is an issue that cannot be overlooked when trying to understand the longer-term implications of EU eastern enlargement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a rejoinder to an article by Kristian Stokke published in Third World Quarterly, 27 (6), 2006, which is euphorically entitled 'Building the Tamil Eelam state: emerging state institutions and forms of governance in ltte-controlled areas in Sri Lanka'. This author's critique of Kristian Stokke's article is twofold: one criticism relates to the way research for the article was undertaken; the second is of the glaring factual inaccuracies on which Stokke's article is based. This article presents statistical and other evidence to refute the claims made by Krishan Stokke that the LTTE is a liberation movement with mass support, performing state functions in areas under its control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose a new temporary worker program that will match willing foreign workers with willing American employers, when no Americans can be found to fill the jobs. - President George W. Bush, Remarks by the president on immigration policy, January 7, 2004. The heart of the problem is that guest worker programs seek to reconcile two sharply conflicting goals: the need to protect citizen workers from the competition of foreign workers who are willing to work for wages and in conditions that few citizens would tolerate versus the wishes of some employers who rely on labor intensive production and service techniques to secure a plentiful supply of low cost workers. In addition, there are always unforeseen side effects that harm the wider society. - Dr. Vernon M. Briggs, Jr., Professor of Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, in testimony to the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary, February 5, 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyses of military transformation in South Africa have been preoccupied with the numerical, technological and organisational superiority of the South African Defence Force (SADF) and how all these shaped the outcomes of the process. The critical shortcoming of existing analyses is to locate the process of military transformation in the context of a transition from apartheid to democracy. The transition process involved many explicit and implicit compromises. On the military front, there was an agreement that there would be no purge of security forces to pursue human rights abuses. Furthermore, instead of creating a new defence force, the SADF was used as a base on which to build the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). This meant that the SADF would absorb other armed forces to form a new national defence force. However, the superiority of the SADF is not adequate to explain its absorption of the other armed forces. It is to the compromises that characterised South Africa's transition process that we should look if we are to explain the domination of the SADF. The African National Congress (ANC) made several military compromises in order to attain political power with the assumption that gaining political power would enable it to take control of the military. While necessary for the attainment of political power, these compromises led to tensions in the SANDF and threatened the stability of the new national defence force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the links between development and 'security', situating these concepts within their philosophical and political contexts, particularly in relation to contemporary wars, including the 'war on terror', and the so-called 'securitisation' of development. The security of states does not necessarily ensure the security of their citizens, and the very concept of security is both complex and contested. The author provides a succinct summary of various interpretations of security - of states, collectivities, and individuals - showing how each is double-edged or ambivalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A potential terrorist attack utilizing a Radiological Dispersal Device would spread fear and panic on a massive scale, in addition to creating a widespread, severe, and long-lasting economic burden. The main purpose of the present study is to make some assessments of the radiological impact of such an incident, with a primary focus on the public health risk. We discuss the possibility of utilizing radioactive sources or nuclear fuel in such an incident and make a comparison of the relative impact associated with each source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the impact of the drug trade on security and stability in Tajikistan. In order to capture the multifaceted nature of this relationship, the effects on territory, population, state institutions, and the idea of the state are examined. The types of threats affecting these components of the state are discussed. These include societal security in the form of addiction and drug-related diseases; the military threat, most notably manifested by the merger of crime and terror; economic and political threats resulting from a criminalised economic and political system; and the relationship between the drug trade and the legitimacy of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of US foreign assistance has shifted in the wake of 2001, and Washington has resurrected practices previously associated with police aid during the Cold War. In particular, the Bush administration has broadened the remit of the United States Agency for International Development (usaid) in such a way as to make it a quasi-security agency. The consequences of this could be significant for both usaid and democratic-style police assistance programmes more generally, for today's threat-driven policies are part of a trend which in the past has had worrying consequences. Using the critical variable of public policing (which is illustrated by reference to developments in Kenya), I argue that using usaid to improve the counter-terrorist capacity of Africa's police in the pursuit of US national security objectives is a seriously flawed strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for a combination of long-term engagement in providing security, culminating in training and mentoring of new security forces; a comprehensive approach to reintegrating ex-combatants that also benefits civilian host communities and helps to ensure that agricultural livelihoods are made viable; and the opening of a space for discussion of governance issues and revenue distribution that is supported by a revenue-collection trusteeship that takes some of the key areas of economic pillage out of the purview of the state and deposits state revenues transparently into the state's coffers, leaving it to a new breed of Liberian politicians to emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the effect of the Congo war on state power in Rwanda and Uganda. Drawing on theories of European state formation, it asks whether the Congo war has led to a strengthening of the state in the two countries. It is argued that this has not been the case. Neither the Rwandan nor the Ugandan state has been strengthened as a result of the war. While the war has weakened the state in Uganda, the remarkable strength of the Rwandan state just a few years after the 1994 genocide must be understood as a result of the security threat faced by the regime from Hutu militias, and not as a result of the Congo war. This means that security threats against the regime can, in certain circumstances, have the same effect on state formation as war had in early modern Europe. I also argue that changes in the state system have altered the links between war and state formation. The ‘war makes states’ connection presupposes a positive relationship between war, regime survival and state formation. In contemporary Africa there is no such link. On the one hand, state survival is guaranteed anyway, no matter how weak the state is. On the other hand, regime survival does not depend on mobilisation of resources through taxation, since resources are available from elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses homeland security results management approaches and issues. It discusses several approaches often used in results management that can be used independently or in concert to set homeland security goals and assess progress. The article identifies issues with implementing these approaches for homeland security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the historical dynamics which led to the emergence of a pendulum between liberalization/ globalization and national security in Turkey. To understand these dynamics requires two main missions. First, by looking into the political liberalization initiatives of the late Ottoman era and their relation with the tremendous public concern over the empire's security, the article explores the genealogy and formation as well as the overwhelmingly shared perception of a dichotomous relationship between security and liberalization. Second, by carrying out a detailed analysis of the two attempts to introduce multi-party politics during the republican era, the article shows how the previously identified dichotomy between liberalization and security developed into a "national security syndrome."

September 11 has been etched on our memories. This article explores the uses and problems of memory in relation to responses to September 11, focusing largely on material from the USA and the Federal Republic of Germany as illustration, and argues that we might be better off forgetting September 11. The exhortation to remember is used to justify responding militarily abroad and, significantly, curtailing civil liberties at home. Criticism of these policies is difficult because of the moral cause established by the dead. However, the problematic of memory destabilises the possibility of straightforward knowledge and this is important for analysing the construction of a particular 'we' through distinguishing between 'us' and 'them' and the construction of September 11 as something exceptional. These constructions work together not only to make possible responses which are mere technical fixes, but also to undermine what may be said to constitute the identity of the West, other than as an entity under attack. This precludes the contemplation of alternative responses to the events which would take into account our responsibility towards others and the political power of renouncing a memory. It is in addressing the problematic of memory and, as a result, in considering such alternatives that we may find the affirmation of our identity that we currently seem unable to find. What is at stake are fundamental questions of politics-about who we are, about how to address our inevitable vulnerability and our responsibility towards others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the response of Japan to U.S. security policies. Key markers of progress toward the U.S.-Japan alliance; Obstacles to the reorientation of Japan's national security priorities; Background on Japan's political system; Contribution of Japan to the U.S.-led war against terrorism.

Argues that the instrumentalization of natural resources, anchored by oil, is redefining U.S. relations with sub-Saharan African states as part of U. S. to create an informal global empire. Details of a symposium that made linkage between the effort to combat terrorism and the U. S. consumption of African Oil; Focus of the national energy policy of U. S.; Salient elements for the declaration of the Gulf of Guinea as vital to U. S national security; Negative side of petroleum exploration in Africa.

Discusses the public perception of the association of Arabs in the U.S. with terrorism. Role of Israel in propagating the idea that Arabs represent a terrorist threat throughout the world; Implementation of the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System in the country; Responsibilities of Arabs in the U.S. and the political organizations that represent their interests.

This article examines the ideas involved in the ongoing international relations debate over reconceptualising security in Third World countries. Security is potentially a more complex concept than is traditionally understood and the increasing number of people working on the concept suggests that it will be an important area for future investigation. The traditional Realist definition of security in International Relations is relatively simple. However, Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms emphasise that other linkages exist between various actors and issues, the inclusion of which might enrich current concepts of security. The traditional definition of security developed to represent the view of the most important issue for Western developed states. Security thus came to be a dominant organising concept in the study of International Relations but it was not the only way of looking at the subject. Non-Realist interpretations of International Relations from the Pluralist and Structuralist paradigms suggest that traditional concepts of security have kept important issues off the political agenda.

This article analyzes the 1990-1991 Gulf war foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. This policy during the Gulf war represents a watershed in the kingdom's conduct in international affairs. When Saudi Arabia sanctioned the use of U.S. force to crush Iraqi power just to end the war between Iraq and Iran, the kingdom has emphasised the primacy of the regional balance of power and its relations with the U.S. to preserve its security in the post-Gulf war era. Saudi Arabia's Gulf war policy also represents the culmination of unprecedented Saudi foreign policy activism. The 1973-74 Arab oil embargo and oil price increase thrust the kingdom into an Arab leadership role for which it was poorly prepared. In such political and economic circumstances, and as a result of them, Saudi foreign policy sought compromise and consensus.

The article analyzes the military involvement of the superpowers in the Persian Gulf from the perspective of Iran. The Islamic Republic of Iran considers that the U.S. serves as the major agent provocateur and the most immediate threat to the security of the Islamic Republic. From the vantage point of Tehran, the American naval build-up in the Persian Gulf is a clear manifestation of the hostility of the states towards the Iranian Revolution. It has been rationalized that the American military build-up in the gulf is a defensive posture against the Russian designs in the region.

The article examines the U.S. policy toward Nicaragua and Iran. There has been a consistency and continuity of the major elements of American foreign affairs over time and across the globe. It was found that the states foreign policy is motivated by economic interests and these economic motivations are clarified in the ideology of national security. Its opposition to Third World nationalist movements arises from structural and ideological factors in the American economic system and from perceptions of policy makers about the needs of the economy.

The article discusses the social impact of the increasingly autonomous national security bureaucracy headed by the president in the U.S. The Institute for the Study of World Politics revealed that the foreign policy elites circumvented the authority of congress and the courts, perceived themselves above the law and use secrecy and distortion to deceive Congress and the public in order to accomplish their policy objectives. The Vietnam War and Watergate has warned the Americans on the danger brought by these changes in the government. It is asserted that politics was seen dangerous to the democracy during Vietnam and Watergate. It is also stated that the political conflict are caused by continuous growth of secrecy that gave the government a distort information.

The article discusses the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) regional security and integration prospects. The author relates that the military cooperation between member-states has become a pressing matter for the GCC. The rising regional threats, the GCC's primary concern is with external security, and it is through the Joint Defence Arrangement that the organization seeks to face challenges to its politico-military stability. With respect to internal security, GCC states continue to discuss the adoption of the Internal Security Agreement, blocked by Kuwait's insistence that certain extra-territorial rights conceded to Saudi Arabia be revoked.

The article discusses the political condition of Argentina during its transition period from 1983-1985. The transition period, accordingly, has commenced when President Raúl Alfonsín took the office in December 1983. And to comply with his commitment that he would make a decent government out of his administration, President Alfonsin has tried to put an end to the state of fear into which the military had plunged the country in the name of the infamous doctrine of national security, as well as cease the so-called illicit economic operations or corruption. In addition to these efforts, the time of transition has also aimed to break with the old formality of history.

The article focuses on the influence of the military on politics in Latin America. As late as the early 1960s it was a normal assumption of political observers that economic modernization would be accompanied by the consolidation of civilian government and the professionalization of the armed forces. By 1973, however, the majority of Latin Americans were again living under military government. Since the spread of these regimes was in some sense a response to what their leaders saw as the threat of Cuban-inspired subversion, guerilla warfare and urban terrorism, this movement has been seen as the consolidation of the garrison state or national security state.

Examines the centrifugal forces threatening Central Asian states. Review of each of the states to analyze their behavior, identify their regional objectives and state policies in relation to Central Asia; Evaluation of the impact of Central Asia on state security; Implications for United States security.

Discusses challenges to Pakistan's security. Involvement in military hostilities; Ethnic and sectarian strife; Loss of international support; Permanent arms gap; Major arms importers among developing countries; Military confrontation with India and Afghanistan.

Discusses the implications of Taiwan's democratization for its security. Features of the democratic peace theory; Democratization experience by Taiwan; Applications of the democratic peace theory on Taiwan; Four themes concerning democratization in Taiwan.

This article deals with the function of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and its annual budget. The CIA have been critical to the country's domestic and foreign policymakers' economic decisions. The factors contributing to the reduction levels of federal welfare expenditures. The declining state of national infrastructure and the increasing federal deficits. Issues raising the real rate of interest to high levels which contributed to the reduction in domestic private investment and to the inflow of foreign funds. INSET: The DIA's basic estimating methodology..

Attempts to reassess the different explanations of changes in Soviet foreign, security and defense policy in the second part of the 1980s by focusing on internal Soviet policy processes that led to some crucial decisions in the area of Soviet military strategy. Factors that figure in the explanations offered by Western political analysts; Generation of policy innovations.

Discusses the national security dilemmas in Russia and Estonia from 1991 to 1994. Russia as a threat to Estonian security; Baltic cooperation in security matters; Russian desire to secure an international mandate for peacekeeping.

This article is a discussion of how ideological paradigms shaped during the Cold War might be adapted in high schools to explore critically the roles played by the United States in world affairs during the last half century. The author focuses on two specific paradigms, represented respectively by the work of Paul Gagnon and Noam Chomsky. Whereas Gagnon asserts that examination of flaws in American foreign and military policies must be tempered by recognition of the legitimate national security concerns of policymakers and the difficult dilemmas they face, Chomsky argues that the rela objective of American policies has been geopolitical dominance and that the methods used to realize that objective have been ruthless. The author concludes with the argument that allowing students to stand outside of both paradigms and explore them in light of historical evidence will help them to develope a meaningful perspective on the roles played by the U.S. during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary International Relations theory, there exists a sharp distinction between international political economy and security studies. However, this is largely a false distinction, a product of peculiar circumstances associated with the cold war, and one which is becoming increasingly anachronistic in the post-cold war era. In order to understand international relations in this era, a reintegration of the discipline is necessary. This article considers three sets of issue areas in which appeals to themes normally associated with political economy are necessary to understand national security concerns. It explains how the cold war temporarily allowed the salience of these issues to recede, and why they are likely to be of increasing importance in contemporary international politics. It concludes with a brief survey of how these influences are likely to affect the national security of a variety of states in the coming years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of International Relations have generally presumed the existence of separate and analytically distinct 'levels of analysis'. For realists and neo-realists, the state is considered to act more or less independently of domestic social forces, and explanation is sought primarily at the international systemic level, in terms of the imperatives of a given configuration of international power relations. Other theoretical traditions reject the assumption of the causal primacy of international structure, and the corollary assumption of the analytical separation of state and society. For the most part, however, 'domestic structures' have been granted a status as a second-order or supplementary variable, something to be 'added on' to systemic explanations. This has been particularly evident in theory and research on cycles of free trade and mercantilism. This article seeks to develop a more synthetic account of the relation- ship between societies, states, and the global political economy by analyzing the relationship between the dominant or hegemonic power and the evolution of international shipping. The imperatives of global structure considered in isolation from domestic social forces do not adequately explain events. The global transformation of shipping results from the mutual interaction of concrete political and economic struggles among classes and class fractions within the hegemonic power and the opportunities and constraints of a given international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hegemonic stability theory and its variants point to the dominance of the United States and its commitment to multilateralism and liberalism in the early post-Second World War period as the key ingredients to the establishment of a liberal world trading order as embodied in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The present study challenges this image on several fronts by focusing on the GATT multilateral trade negotiations between 1948 and 1958. The historical review shows that US attachment to liberal principles was susceptible to reversal under moderate congressional pressure and its influence in GATF negotiations constrained by European assertiveness and linkage of trade talks to security priorities, although not from any deep commitment to multilateralism as such. The account reinforces the notion that international cooperation is less the product of hegemonic unilateralism and more the outcome of bargaining and exchange between multiple parties both in and out of the institutional structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on issues pertaining to the plan of the U.S. government to develop an effective defensive shield or ABM in order to protect the country from nuclear annihilation. Reason why the author believes that no defensive system, no matter how advanced, will work; Focus given on how an intensified effort to develop ABMs will change the basic U.S.-Soviet Union strategic relationship; Effect on U.S. national security.

The article focuses on the Korean airliner flight 007 which got destroyed over the Soviet Union territory. The flight had 269 passengers and the destruction of the civilian plane was not an accident. The incident reflects the insecurity of the Soviet military which feels threatened by even a single civilian aircraft. The Soviets find their national security vulnerable and fragile. Instead of making an apology for the destruction of the Korean airliner, the Soviet government chose to campaign for self-justification. The deployment of weapons like the MX and Trident II missiles will only make the Soviet Union feel more insecure.

The article presents the authors' comment on the classified document titled "National Security and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)," by Joseph K. Landauer, associate director of the Livermore Laboratory .The document had arguments for and against the CTBT to be signed by the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The document contained photographs of weapon components showing corrosion. According to the author, CTBT can help in preventing nuclear war but is not useful for weapons laboratories.

The article presents the author's comment on the decision of the U.S. Justice Department to drop its attempt to suppress the publication of articles in "The Progressive," and the "Daily Californian," related to the secret of the Hydrogen bomb. The author mentions that the legal actions of the Justice Department to suppress the article were not appropriate because its publication would not have represented any danger to the security of the United States and its people.

The article comments on the "Effective Use of the Sea" report of the Panel on Oceanography in the U.S. The report focuses on issues concerning the U.S. Federal involvement in ocean science and technology research. According to the author, Federal involvement in the research relates to national security in military sense. An example of which is the U.S. Navy, which is responsible for all defense efforts involving the ocean environment, and thus, requires specialized oceanographic data for specific devices being developed and a better understanding of characteristics of the ocean environment in which it operates.

The article provides information on the test-ban treaty imposed in the countries of Soviet Union, the U.S., France, Great Britain, Germany, China, India, Africa, Brazil and Chile. It has been noted that the test-ban agreement is a victory for the concept of arms control in these countries. The treaty suggests that in an instance where political differences may arise, an overall settlement is vitally needed in nonviolent terms. That is to say, without the use of their nuclear weaponry. Meanwhile, the test treaty confers another meaning, in that it has arisen the evolution of an entirely new system of international relations. Decentralization of international relations has emerged, this time on countries thought to have inferior capabilities in terms of their atomic weapons.