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It has been argued that the preoccupation of individual nations with economic growth and development has contributed to environmental degradation. Economic nationalism is viewed as a hindrance to international strategies that can be used to slow the rate of environmental degradation. This paper argues that, in the case of Singapore, the means to mitigate environmental concerns are largely driven by material interests. Emissions control measures have been introduced provided they have been deemed economically feasible. But this has not prevented the city state from being a socially responsible member of the global community. This paper argues that, in today's context, policies that appear to be “nationalist” may not be totally inconsistent with policies that could help to improve the standard of living of all members of the international community. Selective engagement in regional and global initiatives realistically portrays the policy choices of many nation states. This paper contends that environment-related initiatives have to be seen in terms of reconciling the dual objectives of maximising the national interest and mitigating the global problem of environmental degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a key element in its climate change strategy, the UK government launched a greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme in April 2002. The UK ETS is the first-ever national, industry-wide carbon trading scheme in the world and will eventually form part of the global carbon market which is expected to be established under the Kyoto Protocol. This paper assesses the effectiveness of the scheme both in facilitating emission reductions and also as driver towards moving from a fossil-fuel-based economy towards a low-carbon economy. By looking at early developments in the UK ETS and examining the emission profiles of FTSE 100 companies, the paper reveals some serious weaknesses and highlights that the environmental credibility of the market is hampered by low standards of emissions monitoring and reporting. The authors argue that a fundamental review of the UK scheme is required, to improve its environmental credibility and to bring it in line with the planned EU-wide scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the development of the Ecosystem Services framework, which has recently emerged as an internationally recognized framework for valuing 'the 'natural capital' of ecosystems, presents a number of opportunities for heritage management and the archaeological record, arguing that the inclusion of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental 'value' within this framework presents an opportunity to incorporate heritage alongside a range of other critical 'services'. It presents a short case study focusing on the problems facing the preservation of peatland archaeological sites and deposits in situ alongside developments within peatland conservation and restoration initiatives partly driven by the ability of healthy, functioning peatlands to sequester carbon and hence mitigate climate change. It is argued that this drive towards peatland re-wetting may bring both positive benefits and opportunities for heritage management but also presents a number of practical issues, which now require active engagement from the archaeological community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are several air pollution issues that concern the international community at the regional and global level, including acid deposition, heavy metals, persistent organic pollutants, stratospheric ozone depletion, and climate change. Governments at the regional and global levels have entered into various agreements in an effort to deal with these problems. This paper deals with two major global atmospheric change issues: stratospheric ozone depletion and climate change. The focus is on the policy responses of the United States to these global issues. The United States has signed and ratified international agreements to deal with both problems. The Vienna Convention and the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer have led to an effort in both developed and developing countries to phase out ozone depleting substances. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has been signed and ratified by over 180 countries. The UNFCC contained no binding targets and timetables for emissions reductions. The Kyoto Protocol (1997) to the UNFCCC did contain targets and timetables for reductions of greenhouse gases on the part of developed countries. The United States has signed but not ratified the Kyoto Protocol. The United States has experienced some movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on the part of various levels of government as well as the private sector. The policy process is constantly informed by scientific research. In the case of stratospheric ozone depletion and climate change, much of this work is carried out under the auspices of international scientific panels. From a policy perspective, there is a great deal of interest in the use of indicators for assessing the scope and magnitude of these problems, both for fashioning policy responses as well as assessing the impact of adopted programs to reduce ozone depleting substances, and potentially, greenhouse gases. This paper will discuss some of the indicators used for stratospheric ozone depletion and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (NZ ETS) broke new ground in ETS design. Drawing from analysis of core policy documentation, this paper examines the rationale, outcomes, and outlook for three key innovations – broad sectoral coverage with some upstream points of obligation, the absence of a hard limit on system emissions, and a two-part cost containment mechanism – following the first decade of operation. It also provides comparative assessment with the European Union Emissions Trading System and California Cap-and-Trade Program. The NZ ETS was designed around the principle of least-cost compliance with international responsibility targets and a core assumption that the Kyoto Protocol emissions market would converge toward an efficient emission price aligned with rising global mitigation ambition. This assumption did not become a reality. As a result, the NZ ETS has produced a functional cross-sector trading market but little incentive for domestic mitigation to date. In late 2019, amendments were introduced to reform sectoral coverage, unit supply, and price management features so the system will better support New Zealand's targets under the 2015 Paris Agreement and 2019 Zero Carbon Act. However, substantial technical and political challenges remain to set near-term domestic mitigation ambition, phase out industrial free allocation, determine the mitigation contribution from the land sector, and design the agricultural emissions pricing regime. The evolution of the NZ ETS, relative to other systems and in response to national circumstances, offers insights that can inform the future development of emissions trading globally. Key policy insights Since 2008, the NZ ETS has successfully pioneered broad cross-sector emissions trading with upstream energy-sector obligations and deforestation obligations with afforestation crediting. Pricing of biogenic agricultural emissions is anticipated from 2025. The government's failure to adapt unit supply and cost containment mechanisms to changing market conditions has undermined incentives for domestic mitigation, resulted in a large bank of participant-held emission units, and subjected the market to long-term policy uncertainty. A cap on auctioning and new price management features will better equip the NZ ETS to support New Zealand's domestic emission reduction targets, but strategic questions remain about the future role of the land sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1990 carbon dioxide emissions in Africa have increased by about 50%. The total carbon dioxide emissions of the entire African continent are not, however, anywhere near those of countries such as India or China. Yet certain African countries have per capita emissions comparable to some European countries. What is the outlook for Africa? How should African countries respond as it becomes increasingly likely that climate change is occurring? Increased industrial growth and more foreign investment in Africa, especially in countries that are politically and economically stable, have led to huge commercial developments such as the In Salah gas project in Algeria, which releases more than a million tons of carbon dioxide annually; and synthetic fuel plants and power stations in South Africa that generate more than 350 million tons per year. In this perspective should some African countries be required to limit greenhouse gas emissions or should they be immune to 'environmental taxation'? This paper critically reviews the carbon dioxide problem in some parts of Africa and its role in climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National, regional, and international actors can use a range of different policies to increase the demand for forest-based carbon sequestration. Demand for these services has, the potential to significantly impact the decisions of landowners, land managers, and private investors by increasing the incentives for creation or maintenance of forest ecosystems. The Kyoto process is at the center of discussions regarding the market for carbon services although it is not the only relevant source of demand. The authors recommend an approach to climate change regulation that requires actions beyond the current scope and term of the Kyoto Protocol. The four areas addressed in this paper are: (1) increasing regulation-based demand for carbon reductions by improved implementation and increasing coverage, (2) increasing voluntary demand for carbon reductions, (3) increasing the percentage of carbon reduction that derives from land use, land use change, and forestry, and (4) ways to stimulate demand for forest-based carbon sequestration generally by reducing transaction costs and contractual risks and in a particular country by recommending policy changes in Panama. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and Canada have been active participants in international climate change negotiations since the early 1990s and have often shared negotiating positions. This paper discusses why, in spite of considerable similarities in national circumstances, the Canadian government chose to ratify the Kyoto Protocol in 2002, while the Australian government decided against doing so. It is argued that a range of factors led to a narrower conception of the national interest in the case of Australia, which encouraged a focus on the short-term, economic costs of implementing the Protocol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is the second largest emitter of greenhouse gases (GHG) in the world, with potentially about two thirds of total Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) for Asia on the world carbon market (Gruetter, 2002). Since 68% of its primary energy is from coal, China's average energy intensity is 7.5 times higher than the EU and 4.3 times higher than the US (EU, 2003). Therefore, introducing advanced clean technologies and management to China represents opportunities for Annex I countries to obtain low-cost CERs through CDM projects, and access to one of the largest potential energy conservation markets in the world. CDM can provide a win-win solution for both China and Annex I countries, and the Chinese government considers that the introduction of CDM projects can bring advanced energy technologies and foreign investment to China, thereby helping China's sustainable economy and generating CERs. As energy efficiency is generally low and carbon intensity is high in both China's energy supply and demand sectors, numerous options exist for cost-effective energy conservation and GHG mitigation with CDM. This paper reviews current Chinese policies and administrative and institutional settings for CDM cooperation, and discusses existing policy, institutional and other barriers in the energy market by drawing on observations and experience from previous initiatives such as Cleaner Production and energy efficiency. Some options to remove these barriers are addressed. In order to make CDM projects feasible, China's government needs to promote awareness, streamline administrative systems, and be more active in building a competitive edge in the world carbon market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to assess recent developments and prospects for future changes in United States (US) climate strategy. In doing so, the paper explores some of the key factors that have shaped strategies and policies to date, distinguishing between factors related to institutional and governance structures, linkages between science and policy, energy technology and the role of interest groups. Against this background, the paper attempts to explore future development paths for US climate policy. More specifically, the paper assesses opportunities for policy changes compared to the preferences of the current administration, and the prospects for future linkages between US and international climate change strategies. In brief, the paper argues that substantial changes are unlikely to take place in the near to medium term, leaving open, however, the possibility of wide-ranging changes in domestic politics or major incidents that could facilitate a shift in the perceived need for near-term action. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Australia's climate change relationship with developing countries is framed by the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. Under those agreements, Australia has committed to take a lead in cutting greenhouse gas emissions and to provide technological and financial support to developing countries. In practice, Australian governments of both political hues have adopted a somewhat ambiguous and ambivalent attitude to developing countries within climate change politics and their fulfilment of those commitments has been uneven. This is particularly so if the concept of the 'Global South' is expanded from developing countries to include those people who are vulnerable to the environmental, social and economic impacts of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though developed countries have contributed the lion's share of greenhouse gases to date, developing countries are rapidly catching up - and seem unlikely to adopt meaningful GHG controls in the near term. This prospect concerns major developed countries, since their own GHG controls could cause carbon-intensive production to migrate to unregulated countries, a phenomenon called 'carbon leakage.' This article surveys progress in international negotiations to date. It argues that, given the slow pace of efforts to create a global GHG control framework, carbon tariffs and other border measures are likely to be invoked as an alternative means of preventing carbon leakage. The article illustrates the legal and economic pitfalls of border adjustments and urges major emitting countries to suspend the imposition of border measures for a limited time while negotiating a 'Code of Good Practice' to guide their trade-related climate measures going forward. The Code that we describe would constrain the scope of border measures and sharply limit their negative consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African governments face increasing pressure from major export destinations, primarily former colonial and slave-owning countries, to be climate change compliant. This will certainly be on display at the upcoming December 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, which will seek to strengthen climate change rules agreed on in Kyoto, Japan, in 1997, and adopt new protocols on global climate change regulation. Climate change is a double-edged sword: on one side it is hitting Africa's agricultural sector with increased droughts, floods, extreme frost and wildfires; and on the other, African governments are being forced to respond to stringent regulatory regimes imposed by international export destinations. Currently, the per capita greenhouse gas emissions from the highly industrialised nations - the North - is estimated to be four times that of Africa and the rest of the developing world. Twin research questions were investigated in this article: (1) to what extent does climate change impact on African trade and development, and (2) how can African governments stay on a path of sustained trade and development in this era of climate change? The article argues that Africa's survival in these times of climate change compliance rests on a shift to greater intra-African trade, as individual nations move towards cleaner and more organic technologies to become full-fledged partners in the international climate change regulatory regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that there is an urgent need to reframe the current climate change debate, not as a scientific assessment of the extent of human impact on nature, but as a 'perfect political dilemma' involving questions of human injustice and insecurity, the symptoms of which are: widening gaps between the poor and the rich; and a climate in crisis with high security risks. It concludes that in order for the climate debate to move beyond the current stalemate, the international community needs political leaders who understand science and who are willing to seek fair, equitable and just political solutions to a scientifically based challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the adoption of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992) and the Kyoto Protocol (1997), an impressive international regime on climate change has emerged, involving over 190 countries. It includes legally binding quantitative targets on the emission of greenhouse gases for thirty-eight countries as well as for the European Union. In addition, the regime offers guidelines and incentives for countries to develop climate policy. The development of national climate policy strategies is legally binding, but countries are free to select their own policies and measures. Yet, since national climate policy is discussed in and promoted by international institutions, convergence of policies and measures can be expected. We present an empirical analysis of policy output and policy outcome convergence, based on the National Communications of twenty-three European countries. Our results suggest that in most European countries the explorative phase of climate policy has evolved into the selection and further elaboration of a set of core measures (especially in the energy and transportation sectors), implying some output policy convergence so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five years down the road from Kyoto, the Protocol that bears that city’s name still awaits enough qualifying ratifications to come into force. While attention has been understandably focussed on the ratification process, it is time to begin thinking about the next steps for the global climate regime, particularly in terms of a deeper inclusion of developing countries’ concerns and interests. This paper begins doing so from the perspective of the developing countries. The principal argument is that we need to return to the basic principles outlined in the Framework Convention on Climate Change in searching for a north–south bargain on climate change. Such a bargain may be achievable if we can realign the policy architecture of the climate regime to its original stated goals of sustainable development. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

To what extent has the European Union (EU) had a benign or retarding effect on what its member states would have undertaken in the absence of EU climate policies during 2008–2012? A measurement tool for the EU policy's effect is developed and shows a benign average EU effect with considerable variation across countries. The EU's policy effectiveness vis-à-vis its member states is explained by the EU's non-compliance mechanism, the degree of usage of the Kyoto flexible mechanisms, and national pre-Kyoto emission reduction goals. Time-series cross-sectional analyses show that the EU's non-compliance mechanism has no effect, while the ex-ante plans for using Kyoto flexible mechanisms and/or the ambitious pre-Kyoto emission reduction targets allow member states to escape constraints imposed by EU climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the impact of the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol on the capital structure of nonfinancial firms in 45 countries from 2002 to 2007. Results show that in general, the Protocol ratification has a negative impact on the leverage of firms. Such negative impact is apparent in developed than in developing countries. Furthermore, this negative impact is reinforced by a market-based, as opposed to bank-based, financial system. Lastly, results suggest that the Protocol ratification has reduced agency costs for firms in developed as opposed to developing countries. Results provide policy implications. In general, firms in ratifying countries should reduce leverage in response to stricter climate-related regulations as they undergo transition toward becoming environment friendly. Such leverage reduction should be more pronounced in developed than in developing countries. Firms in ratifying countries with market-based financial system should reduce leverage more than those in ratifying countries with bank-based financial system should. Finally, results suggest that it is beneficial for developed countries to commit to becoming environmentally liable by joining the global effort to combat climate change because the Protocol ratification appears to mitigate agency problems for firms in developed countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Climate change presents a useful case in the study of small states because their interests can be differentiated from larger states. Small states are expected to respond to international politics, not to lead. The development of the climate regime has seen small states engage in a 'grand strategy' to achieve climate change mitigation. The apparent powerlessness of small states and the nature of the public good problem are central to understanding small states' negotiating power in the climate regime. They have capitalised on their victim status and the common interests of all states to act as regime leaders; but they have not achieved all of their objectives in terms of access to finance and technology. This suggests that while small states share the difficulties of other developing states in pursuing value-claiming goals, they may have a comparative advantage as norm-entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997 the European Commission presented a communication to clarify the link between environmental strategy and job creation, and the Kyoto Protocol was also negotiated during that year. While it may be considered that implementation of the protocol has contributed to environmental and socio-economic phases in the response to climate change, the method of accounting for carbon offsets is ambiguous and uncertain from the management viewpoint. In addition, from the planning viewpoint there is doubt as to how to realise a low-carbon society without any socio-economic burden. Since it is important to know the real value of carbon offsets when considering the environment for future generations, it is necessary to prepare a management tool to accurately account for carbon offsets. The identification of the effects of climate change will be a key to properly planning global-scale projects, and financial options will depend upon how greenhouse gases are categorised (pollution or a global warming threat). Categorisation should therefore be considered carefully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has become a key instrument for climate change mitigation. Parties with emission targets are using it to buy greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reductions for compliance against the Protocol's emission reduction targets. In parallel, the purchase of emission reductions through a voluntary carbon market has become a mainstream practice across business and individuals who, although not having any regulatory mandate, aim to offset their emissions. This voluntary market relies on mitigation projects which may or may not follow the standards of the CDM. This review compares these two instruments and traces similarities and differences in terms of project types, offset quality and contribution to sustainable development. It is shown that both mechanisms support a wide range of mitigation options and technologies, and differ considerably in the contribution of forestry and industrial gas offsets to their markets. There is not enough empirical data to assess the actual additionality and quality of produced offsets and their contribution to national and local sustainable development also requires further empirical assessment. Large scale mitigation options provide a substantial percentage of GHG reductions in both markets, with methane-based mitigation and fuel switching dominating over renewable investments such as solar and tidal. Africa remains the least benefited continent in both schemes. The review supports proposals towards reforming the CDM so that the least developed countries can also participate in a transition towards a decarbonised global society. Voluntary markets, in turn, are likely to remain driven by investors' willingness to support projects which are in line with poor countries' demands and priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations is formally committed to gender mainstreaming in all policies and programmes, and that should include policy-making processes relating to climate change. Yet gender aspects are rarely addressed in climate-change policy, either at the national or at the international levels. Reasons include gaps in gender-sensitive data and knowledge about the links between gender justice1 and climate change; and the lack of participation of women and gender experts in climate-related negotiations. This article shares insights and experiences from the international climate-change policy process, recounting the history of women's participation, demonstrating progress achieved, and hoping to inspire women and gender experts to get involved - at the local, national, regional, and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both climate change itself and related policies are likely to have wide-ranging effects on gender relations, especially in developing countries. Poor women face many gender-specific barriers that limit their ability to cope with and adapt to a changing climate; these must be removed in the interests of both gender equity and adaptation efficiency. At the same time, gender analysis should be integral to the appraisal of public policies designed to reduce carbon emissions. To date, gender issues have hardly figured in the international policy discourse, including the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol. However, this may be changing thanks to feminist lobbying and the increasing involvement of gender specialists in this field. There is a lot at stake; the international post-2012 Kyoto Protocol agreement will have enormous implications for gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the Kyoto Protocol, a Joint Implementation project is a mechanism whereby one industrialized country can finance a greenhouse gas-reducing project in another country. The investors in the project can, in return, claim credits for the reduction in carbon (C) emissions and carbon sequestration. The purpose of this case study was to investigate the potential for carbon sequestration from such projects. The study covers afforestation with Scots pine on unforested land (burnt areas, cleared spaces, gaps, etc.) in the Povolgie region of Russia. Three scenarios were compared: (1) no afforestation (baseline scenario); (2) afforestation with pine, and carbon sequestration only considering above-ground tree biomass; (3) afforestation with pine, but accounting for carbon sequestration in all pools. On average, carbon sequestration in the above-ground tree biomass could be around 80 t C ha-1 during 50 years of pine (Pinus sylvestris L.) plantation growth with 54 t C ha-1 in equilibrium storage. A considerable amount of carbon will be bound in the lower layer of the pine forest stand (24 t C ha-1), which is usually underestimated in afforestation Joint Implementation projects, and wood-based products (35 t C ha-1). Sequestered carbon in equilibrium storage is allocated in the following proportions: 46% in pine stands, 21% in the lower level and 33% in wood-based products. To extend the carbon sequestration, harvested wood should be used to manufacture products for long-term use. The results indicate good potential for such projects in the investigated territory in a long-term perspective, in compliance with international costs for sequestered carbon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adapts a theory of ecological modernization to characterize countries by their economic, political, and cultural development to estimate their structural and strategic readiness to commit and comply with the Kyoto Protocol. Hypotheses logically derived from ecological modernization theory perform as expected, with substantial variation in Kyoto Protocol ratification explained by our variable pool. Results from logistic and Cox proportional hazards regression tests show that democratic openness, gross domestic product (GDP) output per unit of energy input, CO2 emissions per capita, and record of international cooperation on transboundary environmental problems significantly predict whether or not a country is party to the Protocol, and how quickly a country submits an instrument of ratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been recognized worldwide that the utilization of an enormous amount of fossil fuel has created various adverse effects on the environment, including acid rain and global warming. An increase in average global temperatures of approximately 0.56 K has been measured over the past century. This increase is called global climate change or global warming. The gases with three or more atoms that have higher heat capacities than those of O 2 and N 2 cause the greenhouse effect. Carbon dioxide (CO 2 ) is a main greenhouse gas associated with global climate change. Nitrous oxide (N 2 O), chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), methane (CH 4 ) are other important greenhouse gases. Collectively, they are projected to contribute, directly, about as much potential global warming over the next 60 years as CO 2 . Three trace gases, HFCs, PFCs, and SF6, would be regulated under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol because of their global warming potential and for their potential growth of concentrations in the atmosphere. HFCs have been widely approved as substitutes for CFCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]