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Circular migration has played a substantial role in the assimilation process of rural–urban migrants in Spain across the twentieth century. This paper analyses the short‐term impact of the temporariness of this type of migration in the economic assimilation of migrants during the rural exodus, 1955–73. More specifically, I study this process in one key scenario – the Spanish tourism boom. Using a novel micro‐dataset, results show that the temporariness was a key factor that constrained the capacity of migrants to achieve income growth. Thus, the incentives to persist with circular migratory movements and the socio‐economic constraints on permanent settlement had significant adverse consequences. These migrants sorted into lower‐income occupations and had lower incentives and chances to acquire host‐specific human and social capital in comparison with permanent migrants. As a result, circular migrants registered lower occupational attainment leading to a higher income gap with natives and permanent migrants as the years of circular migration increased in number. These results indicate that most migrants had fewer chances than natives of taking advantage of the process of rapid structural change not solely because of lower human and social capital factors but also because of the temporariness of their migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Science Policy & Practice is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents an analysis of what types of values, especially in regard to obedience vs. independence, families impart to their children, and how these values interact with social mobility. In the model, obedience is a useful characteristic for employers, especially when wages are low, because independent workers require more incentives (when wages are high, these incentives are automatic). Hence in low‐wage environments, low‐income families will impart values of obedience to their children to prevent disadvantaging them in the labour market. To the extent that independence is useful for entrepreneurial activities, this then depresses their social mobility. High‐income and privileged parents, on the other hand, always impart values of independence, since they expect that their children can enter into higher‐income entrepreneurial (or managerial) activities thanks to their family resources and privileges. I also discuss how political activity can be hampered when labour market incentives encourage greater obedience, and how this can generate multiple steady states with different patterns of social hierarchy and mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maintaining individuals with health limitations in the labour force is a challenge of growing importance. Determining the effect of health on occupation may tell us how people adapt to their limitations, and what types of jobs make this harder or easier. This paper uses the first 14 waves of the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey to examine the effect of health and changes in health on occupation for the working-age population. I use dynamic panel models which account for selection into employment. Two measures of occupation are used to capture two aspects of occupation highlighted in the literature as being linked to health: physical job demands and status. The results of the analyses provide some evidence that a health shock reduces the likelihood of manual employment for younger men, suggesting that younger men may adapt to a health shock by reducing physical job demands. Worsening health and work-limiting long-term conditions are found to have a negative effect on occupational status for men and women, suggesting health selection into lower-status jobs, and an adverse effect of poor health on occupational mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In reporting on recent research on the changing geographies of everyday life in the town of Nowa Huta in southern Poland, this paper seeks to promote the use of post-socialism as a conceptual, rather than simply descriptive and/or transitory, category. By exploring experiences of (im)mobility and (in)security in post-socialism, this paper connects to related work on the West and asks what difference post-socialism makes. It concludes by presenting a post-socialism marked out as different by the particular experiences of socialism, its construction and destruction and as a partial and hybrid social form, produced by a combination of multiple social forms constructed at varied scales of time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on social mobility in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland has confined itself exclusively to the linkages between male occupational origins and destinations. In this paper, three unique aspects of the Irish occupational mobility experience is investigated. First, the question of women's intergenerational occupational mobility is considered for the first time. Second, as in some recent North American research, traditional models of male intergenerational occupational mobility are modified to allow only the occupational achievement of mothers in the portrayal of a woman's occupational origins. Third, the occupational category of housewife is included as one possible occupational outcome for Irish women. The general conclusion of this paper is that not only does a mother's occupational attainments more realistically display the influence of occupational origins on women's subsequent occupational activities, but one vital component of this influence must be the occupational category of housewife. Only via the introduction of both these elements may the notably ascriptive nature of both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland in relation to female occupational mobility become understandable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper ambivalent commitments to parenting and family life by the New Labour government are explored by reference to the example of adoption support. Developments in adoption illuminate contrasting expectations in family policy and children's services more generally. Traditional normative concerns to support family status and parental autonomy are unsettled by contemporary anxieties about child outcomes and social mobility. Impatience with the attitudes and behaviour of parents has led to a ‘progressive universalism’ in which enhanced parenting services and expectations for all are combined with increasingly insistent and targeted interventions for the particularly needy, reluctant or recalcitrant few. At the same time demands for greater service modernization and professional effectiveness have led government to position parents as (potential) consumers too. The paper discusses these policy and practice tensions and concludes that new spaces are being opened up for the negotiation between parents and professionals about rights and responsibilities in family life and its support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological writing on social mobility has neglected to consider whether upward social mobility is linked to an individual's geographical mobility. This paper argues that there is no necessary link, but that in post-war Britain, where much intra-generational social mobility has been linked to workers' being promoted through internal labor markets of bureaucratic organizations this frequently means that these workers have to be re-located to different sites of that organization. In these circumstances there is a significant -- though under-researched -- link between social and spatial mobility. I argue that this type of upward social mobility is however becoming less important as public and private sector organizations have retrenched in recent years. Hence the link between social and spatial mobility has declined. I speculate on the implications of this for patterns of class formation and political alignment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on mobility in temporary society. In the search for the temporary organization, capable of and eager to innovate and adapt, high rates of personnel mobility may work against organizational change. The article discusses a case analysis which is based upon a paper which the author initially prepared for a reunion of current and past faculty members of the Federal Executive Institute (FEI), held in Charlottesville, Virginia, in February 1973. The main theme of the paper on the relationship between personnel and leadership mobility on the one hand and innovation and adaptiveness on the other scented to me a significant challenge to some of the assumptions in the current and predictive literature about organizations, with implications far beyond that altogether unique institution known as the FEI. Several concepts current among public administrators and organizational theorists set the organizational mold for the FEI. Each of these concepts was selected to neutralize what was perceived as dysfunctional aspects of traditional bureaucratic organizations.

While membership in Catholic religious orders of women in the United States is declining, demographic data on religious orders worldwide show that growth and decline patterns vary significantly by continent. The data presented in this research note demonstrate a positive relationship between female opportunity in society and the decline of female religious orders, thereby supporting the argument that religious orders serve as avenues of social mobility for women. Since orders are growing in those nations with the smallest percentage of Catholics in the population, as well as with the smallest proportion of religious women, this paper concludes that the prognosis for the future of religious orders is not optimistic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines upward social mobility in England in the eighteenth century with reference to the Whitbread family of Bedfordshire, England. Among those families often cited as notably successful in using wealth from trade to found a landed family are the Whitbreads of Bedfordshire, who in the eighteenth century took the circuitous route from Bedfordshire lesser gentry, to London brewers, and finally back to Bedfordshire as great landowners. The Whitbreads provide a good opportunity for studying upward social mobility in the eighteenth century from the viewpoint of one family's experience over several generations. Their rise is analyzed by applying to eighteenth-century England the five scales of the social hierarchy: the ideological, economic, social status, legal, and political. The article examines both the particular combination of these scales that was important to the rise of the Whitbreads and the height to which they climbed each of them. By the seventeenth century the social status of the Whitbreads was already well advanced.

This paper studies how the abolition of an elite recruitment system-China's civil exam system that lasted over 1,300 years-affects political stability. Employing a panel data set across 262 prefectures and exploring the variations in the quotas on the entry-level exam candidates, we find that higher quotas per capita were associated with a higher probability of revolution participation after the abolition and a higher incidence of uprisings in 1911 that marked the end of the 2,000 years of imperial rule. This finding is robust to various checks including using the number of small rivers and short-run exam performance before the quota system as instruments. The patterns in the data appear most consistent with the interpretation that in regions with higher quotas per capita under the exam system, more would-be elites were negatively affected by the abolition. In addition, we document that modern human capital in the form of those studying in Japan also contributed to the revolution and that social capital strengthened the effect of quotas on revolution participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of socio-structural variables (i.e. perceptions of permeability, stability and legitimacy of intergroup relations) on the extent to which professional women perceive a women's network as a collective strategy for status enhancement. A survey among network members (n=166) suggests that the extent to which women support and consider a network to benefit women as a collective is dependent on perceptions of whether individual mobility is possible (permeability of group boundaries) and beliefs that organizational conditions will improve for women in the future (stability of conditions for women). Specifically, the network is less likely to be perceived as a collective vehicle for change when individual advancement is possible (because intergroup boundaries are perceived as permeable) and status improvement in the future is unlikely. However, regardless of beliefs about the future, when female participants perceive that many barriers to individual advancement exist (due to the impermeability of intergroup boundaries), the network is considered in more collective terms presumably because the only way to challenge the status quo is through a collective effort. The practical implications for organizations that wish to or have established a women's network are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Bulgarian migrant entrepreneurs (MEs) approaching diaspora networks (i.e. ethnic spaces in host countries) provides a unique context for exploring the processes by which peripheral actors achieve embeddedness. The study considers how in‐group social norms and expectations influence out‐group candidates’ network standing. The integration of the social identity perspective with embeddedness research allows the identification of the sequence of intergroup actions and the circulation of identity signals between groups. Traditionally, the social identity perspective focuses on the act of constructing identity through positively stereotyping in‐groups and negatively stereotyping out‐groups. Nevertheless, an empirical study of 12 cases of Bulgarian MEs indicates that the circulation of identity signals that facilitate inter‐group comparison can result in complementarity and brokerage. The study suggests the existence of a novel strategy (i.e. social circulation), to add to already known social identity strategies (i.e. social mobility, social creativity and social change). In contrast to previous constructs, the new one does not occur at the expense of either in‐groups’ or out‐groups’ identity. Thus, it adopts an integrative logic, currently missing from the social identity perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores some of the issues involved in constructing measures of mobility when the data are provided in the form of a transition matrix. An initial set of axioms is proposed which is inconsistent. They can, however, be reconciled if empirically unlikely transition matrices are eliminated from consideration. The paper then discusses the problem of comparing matrices not defined over the same interval. An index based on the convergence speed in a Markov chain process is able to compensate for differing time periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high point of research investment in mobility research was in the early 1970s, when three major national surveys of England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland absorbed very substantial proportions of the spending of the SSRC on sociology. Only the Oxford Social Mobility Group retained a sufficiently large team of scholars to sustain active work on the data collected, although the number of publications that have subsequently made use of the three data-sets must now be several hundred in number. The dismal economics of large-scale survey research have since prevented ant similar follow-ups of mobility per se, but there have been some smaller specialist studies and new data have been derived from other sources. Both the range of articles featured in this paper, and the secondary analysis referred to, demonstrate how the original paradigm of mobility research and has become modified. Social mobility is now not so much a single area of sociology as four or arguably five connecting clusters of work. The first, not least in terms of paradigmatic dominance, concentrates on discovering and describing large-scale flows of people between social origins and social definitions. It is this which gives rise to our knowledge about patterns and rates of mobility.

Researchers have typically understood access to elite positions in the social structure either in terms of a structural-functional focus on ability or a class-reproduction focus on inheritance. This paper argues, and empirically demonstrates with a study of access to Harvard College, that a political- organizational perspective incorporates and goes beyond the insights of each of these perspectives. Using concepts such as cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1977a) and organizational field (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983), hypotheses regarding who gets into Harvard College are generated and tested. Political mobilization as well as historic ties among elites are both key factors in determining admissions outcomes. Though academic merit is a prime determinant of admission to Harvard College, there was evidence that affirmative action for legacy applicants, minorities (but not Asians), athletes, and working-class males was also in effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Wisconsin model is a concise and seemingly effective system of antecedent and intervening variables in status attainment. Founded upon research in the U.S.A., it holds that occupational status is largely a function of educational status and is substantially influenced by intellectual capacity and socioeconomic status. Effects of these variables appear to be transmitted through a number of intervening social psychological and performance variables. This paper provides a test of the adequacy of the Wisconsin model in another culture. It was found that the model had to be altered to provide a parsimonious explanation of attainment for a sample of middle-class, small-town Costa Rican males. Reasons for the alteration are discussed. Suggestions are made regarding several of the more vexing research problems in studying the attainment process in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes current patterns of intergenerational denominational mobility and trends in affiliation (or no affiliation), by merging 5 years of national survey data and using log linear modeling techniques Results indicate that denominational mobility is influenced by a set of factors--such as the Catholic-Protestant-Jewish cleavage and geographic region, whose influence has remained constant in recent times The only major trend indicated is toward an increasing choice of no religious affiliation; yet even here there has been a constant tendency for those raised with no affiliation to adopt one. This paper analyzes current patterns of denominational mobility using data from a series of national surveys for the years 1973 through 1977. For the first time, students of religion in American society have the resources to systematically study factors that govern denominational change. By merging the data from these surveys a sample is large enough to allow confidence in the inferences drawn from its analysis. Also, recent developments in statistical techniques for analyzing relationships among categorical variables (log-linear modeling) make it possible rigorously to examine data on the intergenerational transmission of affiliation. These log-linear modelling techniques (Goodman, 1965, 1968, 1972) are used to test hypothesized influences on denominational change and to make a rudimentary examination of trends in denominational affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the question: can the variation that have been observed in class mobility rates in England, France and Sweden be in fact attributed entirely to differences in the evolution of the class structures of these societies - or in other factors affecting the demand and supply conditions attending mobility; or is it rather the case that there are, in addition to such structural sources of variation, differences also among the three societies in the pattern of what we would term their social fluidity or, in other words, in mobility considered independently of structural influences? To use the conceptual language that has been conventional in mobility research- but from which we would wish to depart -- the issue could then be alternatively posed as that of whether the cross-national variation that we have demonstrated is confined simply to structural mobility, or whether it extends to exchange mobility as well. The source of mobility data in England, France and Sweden have been fully described in previous paper of these authors. Here it will be sufficient to say that the data derive from nationally-based sample survey inquiries undertaken in the three countries during the early 1970s.

The paper focuses on major research areas and needs in the field of social stratification, with special reference to rural society. Problem areas treated are (1) criteria of stratification and their interrelationships, (2) procedures employed in an operational definition of social strata, (3) the social unit in which a given system of stratification is operative, (4) cultural and group expressions of stratification, (5) vertical social mobility, and (6) stratification and social change. Major methodological problems concern (1) discovering rationales for selecting and relating criteria of stratification, (2) perfecting socio-economic scales and prestige rating procedures, and (3) bridging the gap between the community and mass society approaches. Considerable interest has been shown in describing the cultural aspects of stratification as seen in patterns or styles of life, but much more attention is needed on group expressions of class interests, the channels and personality correlates of vertical social mobility, and social forces which produce change in systems of stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes trends of social mobility in England and Wales. Speculations about trends of social mobility have been prominent in contemporary commentaries on the condition of England, and on the changing structures of highly industrialized societies. Empirical research has given little support to expectations that definite changes would be observable when rates of social mobility were compared over time. The theory that in the U.S. the closing of the frontier and the consolidation of corporate capitalism must have reduced movement up and down the social scale has been questioned by recent research. And the contrasting notion, common in Western Europe, that economic, political and educational changes must have increased chances of social ascent and descent has also been empirically challenged. These studies have made little impact on the general debate about contemporary social stratification. But such evidence has also been only partly relevant to some major issues of the debate. For while the data relate to patterns of social mobility prevailing yesterday, the debate has often in effect centered on those patterns which may prevail tomorrow. It is possible that the occupational experience of those who are still only children or adolescents today will follow new lines–in consequence particularly, it has been suggested, of recent changes in educational policy.

The article discusses social status and electoral choice in two constituencies in Great Britain in 1952. The statement that social class membership is of outstanding importance as a determining factor in political behavior would probably be regarded by most contemporary social scientists as little more than a truism. And it is perhaps for the very reason that the gross outlines of the relationship are so clearly perceptible that so few systematic attempts have yet been made to analyze its structure in any detail. The material presented in this paper forms part of the results of an inquiry into certain subjective aspects of English social stratification, carried out in September-October 1950. To study social class differences in voting behavior was only one of its aims: the inquiry was designed also to study, inter alia, varying conceptions of the nature of social classes and of the criteria of class membership, the social class placement of various occupations and attitudes to social mobility. An account of the design of the survey and of some of its findings will appear elsewhere; it may be useful, however, to include here some brief notes on the sample, and on the method employed of classifying respondents.

Copyright of Regional Science Policy & Practice is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The intergenerational elasticity of income is considered one of the best measures of the degree to which a society gives equal opportunity to its members. While much research has been devoted to measuring this reduced-form parameter, less is known about its underlying structural determinants. Using a model with exogenous talent endowments, endogenous parental investment in children, and endogenous redistributive institutions, we identify the structural parameters that govern the intergenerational elasticity of income. The model clarifies how the interaction between private and collective decisions determines the equilibrium level of social mobility. Two societies with similar economic and biological fundamentals may have vastly different degrees of intergenerational mobility depending on their political institutions. We offer empirical evidence in line with the predictions of the model. We conclude that international comparisons of intergenerational elasticity of income are not particularly informative about fairness without taking into account differences in politico-economic institutions. ( JEL E24, J62, J68, P16) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a new methodology to measure worker mobility across occupations and jobs in the US, building on the limited longitudinal dimension of monthly CPS data. For the period 1979–2006, we find that about 3.5% of male workers employed in two consecutive months report different three-digit occupations. This rate is procyclical, mildly rising in the 1980s and falling after 1995. We also revise upward current estimates of aggregate job-to-job mobility since 1994, from 2.7% to 3.2% of employment per month. Despite extreme similarity of average levels and time-series behavior, occupational and job mobility are only weakly correlated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using both rare and ethnically identified surnames, this study tracks the economic status of social groups in Costa Rica between 1840 and 2006. The results show that, despite its relative equality compared to most of Latin America, social mobility rates in Costa Rica were low, with an intergenerational correlation of status at the surname level near 0.8. Social mobility rates in recent years have been as low as they were in the nineteenth century. Interestingly, however, these low rates of mobility are no worse than those in Chile, England, or Sweden in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There is no indication that Costa Rica was an unusually immobile society, despite its ethnic differences and Latin America's reputation for low social mobility rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a report of the main findings of a reliability study carried out in association with the 1972 Oxford Social Mobility inquiry. The original sample consisted of some 10,000 men interviewed in England and Wales. The reliability study involved re-interviewing a representative 10 per cent of the sample after a lapse of two years. After initially exploring the reliability of occupation (position on the Hope-Goldthorpe scale) and distinguishing this from its stability over a period of two years, the analysis proceeds to examine the basic set of stratification variables. The raw correlations tot the full 1972 sample are adjusted in the light of the reliability findings, and the adjusted values are employed in path analyses. The main substantive conclusion of the paper is that education is more a disrupter than a transmitter of the influence of paternal social standing on respondent's occupation. The main conclusion of the reliability analysis, apart from the estimates of the reliability coefficients, is that measurement errors are not entirely independent of one another. Finally, some comparisons with a comparable American inquiry are offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a model of intergenerational mobility and intragenerational inequality that allows us to explore the relationship between economic growth and social mobility. The model is used to analyse the neo-liberal theory of stratification and to assess the consequences of some of the criticisms that have been made of it. In particular, the intergenerational transmission of wealth and privilege, and the existence of ethnic, gender and other forms of ascriptive disadvantage, reduce economic efficiency, although they do not always diminish the extent of social mobility. Furthermore, excessive intragenerational inequality may inhibit, rather than encourage, economic growth. We show that there is no necessary link between rates of social mobility and levels of economic growth. This, we suggest, provides an explanation of why rates of social mobility show very little cross-national variation and display no very evident trend over time towards greater societal openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a cross-national comparative analysis of social inequality in the former Federal and Democratic Republics of Germany. Social policy in the GDR reflected a conflict between egalitarian and meritocratic conceptions of justice. Against this background, I attempt to determine whether or not half a century of communism reduced class inequalities of opportunity in East Germany, relative to those in the Federal Republic. I argue that the study of social mobility suggests little progress was made towards achieving this goal. Attitudinal data indicate that the perceived failure of the East German authorities to create a more open society may have exacerbated the problem of regime legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comment on the article "The Attenuation of Class Analysis: Some Comments on G. Marshall, S. Roberts and C. Burgoyne, Social Class and the Underclass in Britain and in the USA'," by Lydia Morris and John Scott that appeared in the 1996 issue of the "British Journal of Sociology." Marshall et al's paper, Scott and Morris argue, may be located within the Nuffield programme of class analysis. They are critical of the departure of this programme from what they see as its Weberian origins. They argue that as a consequence Marshall et al fail to distinguish between individual class situations and Weberian social classes; the latter being demographically constituted collectivities that are formed through intra and inter-generational mobility, through relations of household formation and inter-marriage, and through a myriad of status-related social relations such as informal interaction and friendship. Scott and Morris conclude that, as a consequence of their failure to make this distinction, Marshall et al. do not address the really significant sociological question of whether the underclass can be said to exist as a real social class. Scott and Morris are also critical of a number of other features of the Nuffield programme, such as the seemingly arbitrary class labeling of the nominal categories of the different versions of the Goldthorpe scheme.

The history of social mobility has been a study of male mobility experiences. That is, not only have females been excluded by intention from these investigations, but, more importantly, it is argued that this omission is justifiable and legitimate. This is particularly so in relation to the British Isles where the heated defence of the traditional position, presently labelled the conventionalist approach, continues to rationalize and justify the exclusion of over one half of the British and Irish population. Drawing together recent North American, British and Australian research, this paper challenges both the theoretical and empirical assumptions of this conventionalist position. Arguing that a woman is neither simply a summation of domestic identities nor is her status one of complete dependency, national and international evidence on the unique and important contribution of women to the occupational attainments of husbands and children, as well as the class reproduction of families in general, is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Horizontal equity and social mobility are discussed in terms of a non-utilitarian social welfare function which takes account of the process by which an ex ante distribution is mapped into an ex post distribution (by the tax system, for example). An index of inequality is proposed which decomposes into two components, corresponding to vertical and horizontal equity respectively. A functional form for the social welfare function is derived for the purposes of empirical work, and an application to data for 5895 UK households is presented. The paper contains a theoretical application of the index to a model of optimal taxation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an econometric methodology to deal with life cycle earnings and mobility Among discrete earnings classes. First, we use panel data on male log earnings to estimate an earnings function with permanent and serially correlated transitory components due to both measured and unmeasured variables. Assuming that the error components are normally distributed, we develop statements for the probability that an individual's earnings will fall into a particular but arbitrary time sequence of poverty states. Using these statements, we illustrate the implications of our earnings model for poverty dynamics and compare our approach to Markov chain models of income mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, it is argued that past research on family structure and stratification processes affecting family members has obscured, both theoretically and empirically, the distinction between the achievement of socioeconomic status and social mobility. Certain methodological weaknesses of approaches to these issues which define mobility as the difference in social position between parent and child are discussed. Blau's and Duncan's (1967) model of the occupational achievement process in the United States is suggested as a framework, which avoids the pitfalls of past work, for use in analyzing the relationship between family type and mobility. Data on house-hold structure and the educational and occupational patterns of a sample of male household heads in Santiago, Chile in 1960 are used to replicate their model and determine the role of household type in this system of variables. The data reveal no relationship between status and household composition, although evidence is produced which is consistent with the view that members of extended households should be less "mobile. "Specifically, the data suggest that as criptive factors (father's occupation and father's education) are more influential determinants of the statuses attained by men from extended family households, whereas achievement factors (education and early job status) are more influential with regard to men from nuclear households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of professional formation have employed the concepts of collective social mobility, closure and the process whereby knowledge is translated into social and economic rewards: in addition, there has been some attempt to show how this occurs. This paper builds on that work by examining the utility of the `five class model' of stratification with its emphasis on the `aspirant middle class' (Neale, 1972) and the `unresolved dialectic' (Portwood and Fielding, 1981) between traditional and modern values, for studying how Scottish accountants established their professional position -- the first of that occupation to do so. The accountancy profession in Scotland was able to place the cachet of ascription on its members because its leaders were associated with the gentry, the legal profession and the more respectable (commercial, as opposed to manufacturing) part of the bourgoisie. The achieved status of members was thus endorsed by the respectability of ascription. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses individual data on 6,873 male employees from the 1972 General Household Survey in the U.K. to assess the extent to which differences in personal characteristics explain differences in occupational and economic success. This is done by means of a path model fitted on the following key variables: father's occupation, respondent's occupation, education, ability and earnings. In addition, alternative specifications of the same basic model are fitted involving age or experience as an additional variable and different proxies for the ability variable. The results indicate that personal characteristics explain about one-third on the variance in earnings in the U.K. and that education is art important contributor to economic and social ascent. Although this finding is in slight variance with the conclusion of a similar study by Jencks using U.S. data, it is noted that the differences in results might be due to our inadequacy in matching the exact definition of variables for the purpose of international comparisons of the kind attempted here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a contradiction between theory and method in status attainment research. The authors argue that the Meadian social psychology adopted by the status attainment researchers is incompatible with causal modeling which they use as their principal analytic tool, because Mead's ideas are inconsistent with any method which assumes unidirectional causality. A symbolic interactionist interpretation of the process of status attainment is offered in place of the causal interpretation. The symbolic interactionist interpretation removes the contradiction between theory and method and is, in addition, shown to be compatible with current sociological knowledge of the process of education. Finally, it is argued that the symbolic interactionist interpretation is also compatible with American political language, while the causal interpretation is not, and that therefore the adoption of the symbolic interactionist interpretation would permit the findings of status attainment research to speak to the question of the degree of equality of opportunity in American society as that question is asked in American politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper which aims to document the impact of the plague-induced demographic crisis of the second half of the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth centuries on the succession patterns of the English landed aristocracy. The figures suggest that there was a high rate of failure of families in the direct male line even in stable demographic conditions and thus, assuming common-law rules of inheritance, a significant degree of land transmission through heiresses. This expansion in the percentage of common-law heiresses must, however, be viewed against the background of the control that landowners could exert over the descent of their inheritances. In the use and the entail they had a potential solution to the problem of natural wastage of male lines. The later medieval period was one of developed and developing avenues of wealth acquisition outside land. The ready convertibility of new money into land was given added significance in the period of demographic crisis and beyond by the connection between the acquisition of land by purchase and its acquisition by marriage.

This article presents a study which examined the impact of vertical social class mobility on family integration in the U.S. U.S. social scientists have published a mass of empirical data establishing the fact that social classes do exist in the country and, furthermore, that membership in a particular social class does tend to predict a wide range of behavior patterns from voting habits to kissing techniques. The study covers an investigation of 78 families. These family units were studied through a combination technique of having participant- observer papers written by student members of the families, using an outline provided by the writer. Interviews were conducted with students where further information seemed to be necessary. All of the cases were studied in the setting of a state university and reflected both patterns of vertical mobility and social class continuity. In general, families with social class continuity seem to have more stability and more sociological closeness than families in which either the entire group or some members of the group have been moving from one social class to another. The initial theory was based on the assumption that if social class is the basic variable which research implicitly assumes, then social class mobility must be one of the most powerful forces affecting family cohesion in U.S. culture.

To date, there is a very limited literature on the use of systems ideas and methodologies as a basis for developing curriculum or courses. To fill the gap, this study has made several contributions by employing systems theory and thinking in analysing issues related to higher education. Industry 4.0 is reshaping the future of education, which opens up our vision and makes us to consider what knowledge and skills students should possess after they have graduated from college, when to accelerate workforce reskilling and what is the building blocks and connections of education supply chain. In this study, it is the first time the concept of 'education supply chain' is proposed and coined. Furthermore, our research has led us to view educational systems and configurations, such as international mobility and transnationalization, as outcomes of enduring power related to industrial revolutions. Finally, a curriculum structure based on system thinking is proposed. We engage our inquiry with transformations that are happening around higher education and position our research on the benefits of sharing of global intellectual resource and top talents through transnational mobility and education joint ventures in the context of Industry 4.0. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses various reports within the journal on topics including income inequality (income distribution), a wage/gross domestic product (GDP) ratio, and social mobility.

This article uses Anglican marriage registers from colonial and post‐colonial Uganda to investigate long‐term trends and determinants of intergenerational social mobility and colonial elite formation among Christian African men. It shows that the colonial era opened up new labour opportunities for these African converts, enabling them to take large steps up the social ladder regardless of their social origin. Contrary to the widespread belief that British indirect rule perpetuated the power of African political elites (chiefs), this article shows that a remarkably fluid colonial labour economy actually undermined their social advantages. Sons of chiefs gradually lost their high social‐status monopoly to a new, commercially orientated, and well‐educated class of Anglican Ugandans, who mostly came from non‐elite and sometimes even lower‐class backgrounds. The study also documents that the colonial administration and the Anglican mission functioned as key steps on the ladder to upward mobility. Mission education helped provide the skills and social reference needed to climb the ladder in exchange for compliance with the laws of the Anglican Church. These social mobility patterns persisted throughout the post‐colonial era, despite rising levels of informal labour during Idi Amin's dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose and characterize a new measure of rank mobility. The index is given by the head count of those whose positions change in the move from one period to the next divided by population size. The interpretation of this head‐count ratio is straightforward and intuitive. In addition, we illustrate how the measure can be decomposed into an index of upwards mobility and an index of downwards mobility. The axioms used in our characterization results are appealing and easy to justify. We conclude with an application to the Human Development Index, a summary measure of average achievement in key dimensions of human development: a long and healthy life, being knowledgeable and having a decent standard of living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the General Social Survey-2011 (Family), this study examines intergenerational educational mobility in Canada, with a particular focus on the role of public educational spending. This study finds that children's education is significantly correlated with father's education. However, the strength of the correlation declines with an increase in provincial educational spending. In other words, public educational spending positively affects intergenerational educational mobility. To check the robustness of these results, the study compares son's and daughter's education with father's education. Furthermore, this study also compares children's education with both father's and mother's education. In all cases, the results show that the intergenerational educational elasticity declines with an increase in provincial educational spending. This result has important policy implications, particularly at a time when Canada is concerned about growing income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Viet Nam's Doi Moi reforms opened the economy to the world and set structural transformations and society in motion. In this context, a relevant question is whether structural transformation has created new employment opportunities and facilitated upwards social mobility. Social mobility, captured by labour and income mobility, is a useful concept to measure the extent to which opportunities exist in a society. Using panel data, this article finds that Viet Nam's labour market shows some flexibility, but does not follow a clear trend. An expected predominance of the industrial and service sectors and wage employment could not be found. The income distribution is open, and four fifths of the households change their position. In essence, income mobility continues to follow traditional patterns: agriculture is still key to advance households' well-being, especially in times of uncertainty. The structural changes are still not an important driving force for income mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK policy debate has recently focused on the role of young people's aspirations and attitudes in raising educational attainment. We use the youth component of the British Household Panel Survey to examine how educational attitudes and aspirations among 11- to 15-year-olds vary with the local unemployment rate. We find that children who have highly educated parents with positive educational attitudes react more positively to low labour demand than those from less educated families with negative educational attitudes. This reduces social mobility and increases persistence in educational inequality for a cohort growing up in a recession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The grounds for global solidarity have been theorized and conceptualized in recent years, and many have argued that we need a global concept of solidarity. But the question remains: what can motivate efforts of the international community and nation-states? Our focus is the grounding of solidarity with respect to global inequities in health. We explore what considerations could motivate acts of global solidarity in the specific context of health migration, and sketch briefly what form this kind of solidarity could take. First, we argue that the only plausible conceptualization of persons highlights their interdependence. We draw upon a conception of persons as 'ecological subjects' and from there illustrate what such a conception implies with the example of nurses migrating from low and middle-income countries to more affluent ones. Next, we address potential critics who might counter any such understanding of current international politics with a reference to real-politik and the insights of realist international political theory. We argue that national governments - while not always or even often motivated by moral reasons alone - may nevertheless be motivated to acts of global solidarity by prudential arguments. Solidarity then need not be, as many argue, a function of charitable inclination, or emergent from an acknowledgment of injustice suffered, but may in fact serve national and transnational interests. We conclude on a positive note: global solidarity may be conceptualized to helpfully address global health inequity, to the extent that personal and transnational interdependence are enough to motivate national governments into action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. After increasing sharply in the 1970s and 1980s, the number of high-poverty neighborhoods in the United States unexpectedly and dramatically declined in the 1990s. This article examines the roles that residential and income mobility played in this decline. Methods. Using geocoded data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, this study analyzes changes during the 1990s and early 2000s in: (1) patterns of residential mobility between high-poverty and lower-poverty neighborhoods; and (2) patterns of income mobility for residents who remained in high-poverty neighborhoods. Results. Both patterns of residential and income mobility changed in the 1990s and early 2000s. While patterns of residential migration to high-poverty neighborhoods were largely unchanged over this period, patterns of residential migration from high-poverty neighborhoods changed significantly, with poor individuals-especially poor blacks-becoming more likely to relocate from high-poverty to lower-poverty neighborhoods. Patterns of income mobility for residents who remained in high-poverty neighborhoods also changed significantly, with nonpoor residents becoming less likely to become poor and poor residents becoming more likely to exit poverty. Conclusion. Poverty rates in high-poverty neighborhoods fell primarily because of the net upward income mobility of residents who remained in these neighborhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interest in migrant social networks and social capital has grown substantially over the past several decades. The relationship between 'host' and 'migrant' communities remains central to these scholarly debates. Recently urbanized cities in Africa, which include large numbers of 'native-born' or internal migrants, challenge basic presumptions about host/migrant distinctions informing many of these discussions. Using comparable survey data from Johannesburg, Maputo, and Nairobi, we examine 1) the nature of social connectedness in terms of residence and nativity characteristics; and 2) the relationship between residence and nativity characteristics and three measures of trust within and across communities. Our findings suggest that the host/migrant distinction may not be particularly revealing in African cities where domestic mobility, social fragmentation and the absence of bridging institutions result in relatively low levels of trust both within and across communities. These findings underscore the need for new concepts to study 'communities of strangers' and how people strategize their social mobility in urban contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]