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Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on Hayden White's understanding of the subject and explores how best to move forward discussions in theory of history after his arguments about narrativity. To do so, I reconsider his arguments in light of more recent feminist and queer theorizations. Through a reconstruction of the current international new wave of feminism and LGBTQ+ activism as a rich and complex social movement that involves a narration of its own (practical) past, I will recontextualize and revaluate White's insight from the perspective of Judith Butler's theory of subject formation. The argument will unfold in four parts. First, I will recall White's ironic and existential stance on language and narrativity in the representation of reality and in relation to social beliefs. Second, I will again raise the question of the value of narrativity, as framed by White, in the context of the publication of a recent feminist manifesto. It is here that another issue will emerge as crucial: the relationship between the limits of linguistic self‐consciousness and the question of the subject. In the third part, my argument will take a partial turn "against White" and toward Butler's subject formation theory. My claim will be that there is a residue of the belief in the sovereign individual in White's insistence on self‐consciousness. However, I will also show that his suspicion regarding the psychological impulse toward narrative closure can be re‐elaborated as the challenge Butler is facing with their theory of subject formation: that of critically resisting the belief in our being coherent and self‐sufficient individuals. In the fourth part, I will present Butler's refiguration of the thesis of the subject's opacity in terms of the primary relationality that binds human beings to one another, and I will offer a new understanding of the individual, norms, agency, infancy, and ethics. Finally, I will conclude that we are bodies in history and that theory of history can find a promising line of research through this conception of the subject, a conception that reframes how we understand the intimate links between political consciousness, historicity, and embodiment. I also claim that this line of research constitutes an ethics for our historical undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to advance scholarship on conflict in feminist organizations. Using the theoretical framework on agonistic conflict of Chantal Mouffe, it analyzes a conflict about racism that arose in a feminist lesbian, bi and trans social movement organization, located in Paris (France). The main contribution lies in offering a framework to analyze the mechanisms that prevented this conflict from constructively fostering the intersectional politics of the feminist organization. The ethnographic findings show that the organization's inability to challenge its racism and whiteness is linked to its post‐political vision of feminism, which translates into attempts to suppress conflict related to multiple and competing identifications. Thus, this article contributes to existing research on conflict in feminist organizing by suggesting that the subduing of conflict associated with such a post‐political vision of feminism prevents feminist organizing from being "anti‐oppressive". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the gendered politics of care in global environmental activism. Drawing on interviews with 96 Extinction Rebellion activists worldwide and a close analysis of 10 older women within this dataset, we contend that 'care' both replicated and contradicted the patriarchal order. Older women in Extinction Rebellion have often been relied upon to take on much of the caring labour involved in the maintenance of the movement at local and national levels. However, care also involved these women undertaking powerful—and empowering—forms of political action, often grounded in their knowledge and experience of organising social justice movements over decades. In contrast to prior research in the area, we found that women's participation in leadership roles within the movement against climate change appears to have increased over time. Using Sara Ahmed's (2004) concept of affective economies, we argue that the emotion of care came to be accumulated and attached to older women within Extinction Rebellion, producing inequalities in expectations for who would 'care for the movement' while also opening up opportunities for empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic and activist conversations about the position of men in feminism often operate under the assumption that women are the movement's key beneficiaries and men are privileged outsiders lending their support. I use 59 interviews from a broader project on feminist and LGBTQ+ activism in the United States to illustrate how men's orientation to feminism is shaped by whether social movement organizations adopt what I call woman‐centered or identity‐fluid politics. While woman‐centered politics treat men as allies whose intentions must be vetted by women, identity‐fluid feminism imagines men as insiders with their own independent investment in the movement. I argue that the tension between these two models of identity politics gives men a liminal "insider‐ally" position within feminism. Although feminist men are given a tentative authority to speak for the movement, the persistence of woman‐centered understandings of feminism means men's insider status is contested, especially when they dominate feminist spaces, compromise women's sense of safety, and seek leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SEMINAR IDEA Assign students or groups of students to each pick a case of an existing social movement, community organization, non-profit or advocacy group, state-sponsored institution, or some other collective effort (CE) to bring about transformative change. B Collins, Patricia Hill (1990/2000) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, Routledge, New York b . A highly comprehensive overview of feminist political theory, with sections outlining four distinct feminist strategies for transformative social change. [Extracted from the article]

Ruth Wilson Gilmore currently enjoys the status of a popstar in the abolitionist movement. Gilmore anticipates more recent discussions on abolitionist care when she presents freedom as place making (p. 474) against carceral partitioning and division. Feminism paradigmatically illustrates how political movements cannot only be pacified by the state and thus lose their radical edge but also become involved in the justification of white supremacist systems of oppression as soon as they convert their demands into the medium of criminal law. [Extracted from the article]

With this in mind, I congratulate Chancer for taking on this job and laying out an analysis of where feminism has been and where it needs to go. After the Rise and Stall of American Feminism: Taking Back a Revolution. Written in the time of #MeToo and other movements, Chancer lays out a careful argument of where feminism has been and what still needs to be accomplished. [Extracted from the article]

Scholars know relatively little about the potential impact of women's movements on gender diversity in the corporate world. We aim to fill this gap in the literature by providing the first empirical analysis of the relationship between women's movements and female representation on boards of directors. Drawing on political process theory, we argue that the strength of a women's movement is positively associated with its ability to increase the number of women on corporate boards. Moreover, we posit that the effect of women's movements on female board representation is moderated by corporate opportunity structures, that is, attributes of firms that make them more or less receptive to social movement activities. Three firm characteristics are particularly relevant in the context of boardroom gender diversity: reputation‐seeking behavior, commitment to corporate social responsibility, and political orientation. Using firm‐fixed effects models to analyze data on more than 2000 companies from 10 countries over a period of 10 years, we find support for three of our four hypotheses. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are some of the effects of women's participation in the 2011 Egyptian uprising on their personal biographies? A small body of feminist scholarship has examined how gender mediates the consequences of social movement participation for women. These studies have largely focused on participants' experiences under Western democracies and within women's movements, yet we know less about the impact of participation on women protestors in Arab autocracies. Using the case of the 2011 Egyptian uprising, the study demonstrates how women's participation in the uprising has influenced their personal biographies in the absence of opportunities and resources. I focus on two examples from women's biographies: women's decision to remove the hijab and to leave their family homes and the decision by some protestors to change their careers and work in the area of women's rights. Drawing from the literature on gender and the consequences of social movements, I apply an analytical framework consisting of two key mechanisms: women's experiences during contention and their exposure to new critical networks. Building on 20 interviews with former protestors and activists, I show how women's encounters with gender‐based violence in protests and exposures to new social and political networks influenced their personal and professional lives. The article contributes to the growing literature that has sought to explain the transformative impacts of social movements beyond the overtly "political" sphere of policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intermediary spaces between health social movements and biomedicine have proliferated since the 1970s and have typically been analyzed through the lenses of co‐optation or hybridization. In this article, we present data from two separate empirical projects (teaching and learning the pelvic exam in medical schools and feminist anti‐violence counseling programs) in order to theorize what we call "counter‐clinical spaces." Counter‐clinical spaces are medicalized sites of knowledge production and practice that are produced through social movements' contestations with biomedicine. Other examples include sexual assault nurse examiner programs, LGBT health centers, and sexual health clinics. Counter‐clinical spaces are "counter" and "clinical" in several ways. First, these spaces are distinctly clinical in that they intervene in the health of the body. Second, these spaces are counter‐clinical in that they are organized in critique of dominant medical practices. Crucially, counter‐clinical spaces engage the clinical encounter as a site of transformation: social movement actors target clinicians' deployment of medical power, especially in their interactions with marginalized persons. We thus attend to the scale upon which social movements make a change in and against medicine, and we highlight how social movement logics can and do change practices even when they are unable to shift structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intermediary spaces between health social movements and biomedicine have proliferated since the 1970s and have typically been analyzed through the lenses of co‐optation or hybridization. In this article, we present data from two separate empirical projects (teaching and learning the pelvic exam in medical schools and feminist anti‐violence counseling programs) in order to theorize what we call "counter‐clinical spaces." Counter‐clinical spaces are medicalized sites of knowledge production and practice that are produced through social movements' contestations with biomedicine. Other examples include sexual assault nurse examiner programs, LGBT health centers, and sexual health clinics. Counter‐clinical spaces are "counter" and "clinical" in several ways. First, these spaces are distinctly clinical in that they intervene in the health of the body. Second, these spaces are counter‐clinical in that they are organized in critique of dominant medical practices. Crucially, counter‐clinical spaces engage the clinical encounter as a site of transformation: social movement actors target clinicians' deployment of medical power, especially in their interactions with marginalized persons. We thus attend to the scale upon which social movements make a change in and against medicine, and we highlight how social movement logics can and do change practices even when they are unable to shift structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the debate about academic activism in organization studies through an exploration of my engagement with recent international policy‐making relating to gender, business, and human rights. It brings social movement theory to the debate to elucidate how our work as academic activists can be conceived of in terms of social movement strategies with respect to political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and strategic framing processes. The aim is to further elucidate what we do as academic activists, and how such actions might advance feminist social movement agendas through a process that is both critical AND engaged in neoliberal contexts. I conclude with a discussion of the implications for Gender, Work & Organization (GWO) scholars and the GWO journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the role of community learning within social movements and the fight for social justice and human rights. To understand contemporary social movements and their role in community learning and advocacy for social change, it is essential to contextualize them within the long history of Black women's activist labor and accomplishments. The #BLM movement is presented as a continuation of Black women's longstanding inclusive activism, punctuated by the Abolition, Suffrage, Civil Rights, and modern feminist movements. It highlights the efforts of specific Black women community leaders in creating counterpublics that make claims to power and work to change the status quo. Black women, through their inclusive, community‐based activist endeavors, continue to carve out fugitive spaces and counterpublics where counternarratives are actively generated to fight for a more equitable and inclusive democracy that serves all. This article conceptualizes the role of adult education in social movements and transformative change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the relationship between offline and online contexts in social movement discourse. We test whether local place character—the cultural reputations, values, and ideals associated with a particular location—predict support for feminism expressed on Twitter. Applying topic modeling to a unique corpus describing cities' cultural reputations, we identify five cultural attributes of U.S. cities that constitute their place character. Then, we use these measures to predict the percentage of tweets that are positive toward feminism in each location. The results indicate that while social media may connect people from geographically distant areas, online discourse is still heavily influenced by the local spaces where users reside. Cities with a place character of Revitalization have more positive Twitter sentiment toward feminism, while areas known as Local Hubs for shopping and leisure are more negative. These findings contribute to social movement scholarship by highlighting one way that offline and online contexts are connected. Far from transcending local geographies, social movement discourse taking place online remains shaped by the cultural environment where it originates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, social media has been widely used as a tool for feminist social movements, addressing social problems such as sexual assault traumatization. This research aims at understanding how social media users utilized Twitter to describe traumatic sexual assault experiences and reasons victims chose not to disclose their experiences (Study 1), and how users became a part of the digital activism (i.e., social media movement against sexual assault) to increase social actions (Study 2). Tweets using the hashtag #WhyIDidntReport and #MeToo were extracted. Thematic analyses were used to analyze tweets across the two studies. Results from Study 1 revealed that social media victims who self‐disclosed their victimization stories often reported having serious psychological impacts, a sense of helplessness, and issues with the police. Study 2 further uncovered that social media users engaged in hashtag activism through discussing views on relevant political and social issues, sharing resources to help sexual assault victims, and promoting social actions (e.g., protests, voting). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, rural and indigenous women have mobilised in defence of their territories and built strategic alliances with urban and mestiza feminist movements. This paper focuses on how these processes have played out in Peru, tracing the development of the discourse on 'body as territory', which articulates sexual and reproductive rights with territorial autonomy. It discusses the 'cosmopolitics' of translating the distinct concerns and worldviews of the women involved, arguing that this discourse has enabled partial recognition and strategic equivalencing but that it has failed to fundamentally transform the underlying asymmetric relations of power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

She also contextualizes LGBTQ participation by detailing how the Sandinista revolution rejected "sexual disorder" (47) as a product of I Somocismo i (support for the Somoza era/dictatorship). I Politics in Nicaragua: Revolution, Dictatorship and Social Movements i is a new addition to LGBTQ Movement studies as an important ethnographic and historical text that not only documents the Nicaraguan LGBTQ movement, but also the social and political history of Nicaragua as mediated by the experiences and participation of LGBTQ individuals and collectives. Kampwirth provides us with an overview of how Sandinista policies shaped LGBTQ sociality, political and economic participation and movement through public space. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the Kurdish women's movement in Turkey by bridging two forms of resistance: those of guerrilla women fighters and of activist women. Based on my extensive ethnographic and archival research, I ask how women under conditions of war engage in different modes of resistance. In what ways does the "heroic resistance" of guerrilla women resonate with and/or contradict the everyday, "ordinary" struggles of activist women? The potent image of the Kurdish guerrilla woman that emerged in the early 1990s is constitutive of many other modes of political subjectivities, even among women who do not or cannot become guerrillas. One of those subjectivities is that of the activist woman. My analysis suggests that women's activism opens up a middle ground of action between "heroic" and "ordinary" resistance by reconciling revolutionary politics with everyday activism around gender‐based violence, democracy, and human rights. Although both revolutionary movement participants and scholars of revolutionary resistance often contrast the "ordinary" with the realm of armed resistance, this article challenges this dichotomy. I take the two realms of resistance—the ordinary and the heroic—as the core constituents of revolutionary resistance, and I reconsider the gendered interplay between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a white feminist activist, Alison Phipps reflects on the various forms of exclusion and domination that the (white) feminist movement created and continues to create in its struggles to achieve gender justice. In Chapter 6, Phipps exposes the alliances between far-right conservative groups and reactionary feminist campaigns that support I trans i -exclusionary politics and oppose the sex industry. With several examples, and referencing the work of feminists of color, she shows how white subjectivities - and white feminism - are shaped by the position of white supremacy within social relations. [Extracted from the article]

Increasingly it is argued that feminism has been co‐opted by neoliberal agendas: becoming more individualistic and losing touch with its wider social change objectives. The neoliberalization of feminism is driven in part by increased corporate power, including the growing role of corporations in governance arenas, and corporate social responsibility agendas. However, we turn to social movement theory to elucidate strategies that social movements, including feminist social movements, are adopting in such spaces. In so doing, we find that feminist activists are engaging with new political opportunities, mobilizing structures and strategic framing processes that emerge in the context of increasingly neoliberal and privatized governance systems. We suggest that despite the significant challenges to their agendas, far from being co‐opted by neoliberalism, feminist social movements remain robust, existing alongside and developing new strategies to contest the neoliberalization of feminism in a variety of innovative ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there has been a significant shift toward decentralized forms of social movement organizations (SMOs), the federated form is still quite active and deserves further study. In particular, the role of the local chapter in relation to its national office can be explored from new angles for additional insights into federated SMOs. I address the specific issue of isolation that is problematic for some chapters of federated SMOs. I consider these chapters to be "outposts"; isolated from national headquarters geographically, socially, culturally, politically or due to communication barriers. This outpost status creates specific difficulties over control, autonomy, coordination, and resources. "SMO Outposts" are often not able or willing to carry out national goals, strategy or tactics in the prescribed manner expected from headquarters. However, SMO Outposts may also experience unexpected opportunities. My typology of SMO Outposts clarifies their characteristics and presents the challenges and opportunities they encounter under various modes of isolation. This provides for a fuller assessment of the success, organizing capability and adaptation of federated SMOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender equality work in local government carried out during the 1980s presents a valuable site to explore the interaction between professional and feminist working. In the history of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) and feminist organizing more broadly in the UK, professional working has often been positioned as antithetical to feminist working, and relatively little scholarship has examined the interface between the two. This article argues that the individuals involved should be considered 'professional feminists' as opposed to 'femocrats', drawing from across feminist, social movement and organizational theory, and interviews carried out in 2011 and archival texts from three UK councils. It also suggests their work (undertaken between the beginning of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s) serves to blur the boundaries usually marked between social movement and state. This contributes to the existing literature by exploring the specific understandings and practices put to work by those working on gender equality professionally, but not in an elected capacity, within local government, and how their work can be positioned in relation to feminist organizing more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine efforts of feminist institutional activists in the 1960s and 1970s as they worked to gain U.S. federal policy to combat workplace pregnancy discrimination. The success of these activists in winning policy change provides a case that allows us to develop a theoretical understanding of how feminist institutional activists can succeed in winning policy change. We find that when institutional activists strategically shifted governmental arenas and adapted their mobilization and discursive strategies to these arenas, they were able to dismantle policy‐specific barriers that impeded their goals. In taking these steps, feminist institutional activists were successful in opening up both contingent and structural opportunities, which ultimately allowed them to gain the policy change they sought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy studies suggest that scientists should adopt two strategies to close the 'evidence‐policy gap'. First, engage in political debates to help define policy problems and solutions rather than expect the evidence to speak for itself. Second, learn where the action is, form long‐term coalitions, and exploit the 'rules of the game' to maximise your influence in complex policy‐making systems. Both lessons can prompt major dilemmas, for many actors, about going beyond your expertise and comfort zone when engaging politically and pragmatically. Scientists should learn from feminist social policy actors who routinely (a) combine evidence with engagement to pursue social change, and (b) face tough choices about framing their aims in terms of the dominant political discourse. We use Scottish social policy as a case study, examining how feminist actors exploited the opportunity, afforded by constitutional and political reforms since 1999, to create a collaborative 'velvet triangle' between the government, academia, and interest groups. Their experience suggests that limited and slow policy change requires major engagement and compromise. Policy studies suggest that scientists should adopt two strategies to close the 'evidence‐policy gap'. First, engage in political debates to help define policy problems and solutions. Second, learn where the action is, form long‐term coalitions, and exploit the 'rules of the game' to maximise your influence in complex policymaking systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author investigated the relation between young people's new literacies practices and identity development on Twitter and found that participants used three new literacies practices (live‐tweeting, hashtagging, and information sharing) in unique ways to develop feminist identities in this social media space. Participants mobilized popular culture to initiate dialogue about feminist issues, such as the wage gap, to participate in social activism (e.g., advocating for women's reproductive care), and to provide informal counsel to peers. Twitter can be a vital space for young people to become feminists, providing opportunities to learn, develop, and participate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Feminist scholars have documented with reference to multiple empirical contexts that feminist claims within nationalist movements are often side‐lined, constructed as ‘inauthentic’ and frequently discredited for imitating supposedly western notions of gender‐based equality. Despite these historical precedents, some feminist scholars have pointed to the positive aspects of nationalist movements, which frequently open up spaces for gender‐based claims. Our research is based on the recognition that we cannot discuss and evaluate the fraught relationship in the abstract but that we need to look at the specific historical and empirical contexts and articulations of nationalism and feminism. The specific case study we draw from is the relationship between the Kurdish women's movement and the wider Kurdish political movement in Turkey. We are exploring the ways that the Kurdish movement in Turkey has politicised Kurdish women's rights activists and examine how Kurdish women activists have reacted to patriarchal tendencies within the Kurdish movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is sometimes a sameness and predictability about edited collections: the usual suspects on topic X are rounded up, and arguments and theses that have already been well-rehearsed elsewhere are given another airing. The editors' introduction provides an impressively comprehensive survey of social movement historiography, the literature on history and memory, and the potential intersections between the two. [Extracted from the article]

In this commentary, I call for a regenerative approach to critique, a 'good judgment' through which academics might nurture the capacity to name and undermine racist, patriarchal, colonising, and homophobic practices, while working relationally to create new worlds. Drawing from Eva Sedgwick's critique of 'paranoid theory' and taking inspiration from post-colonial, feminist, and anti-racist social movements and research collectives, I consider what it might mean to be an academic who 'mucks in', who is not afraid of putting her hands in the dung, and who moves reflexively towards, rather than away from, difficult questions and risky engagements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a close analysis of rhetorical strategies, specifically the parodistic arrangement of satire, in Christa Wolf's 'Neue Lebensansichten eines Katers,' this article posits discursive authority as the primary object of the story's criticism. The story's composition and its careful avoidance of authorial intrusion encourage readers to challenge the exaggerated scientific discourse that the main figures in the story not only parrot but also take advantage of in order to advance their own agendas. By allowing readers to come to their own conclusions, Wolf's text avoids actualizing the authority that compromises the science-in-making on display. This authority assumes patriarchal underpinnings and, therefore, opens itself to feminist critiques of science, which, though normally reserved for Wolf's other short story about scientific experiments, 'Selbstversuch,' are equally applicable to 'Neue Lebensansichten eines Katers.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores various philosophical approaches to cognitive disability within feminist philosophy. In doing so, it addresses three broad questions: What positive contributions can feminist philosophy make to the philosophy of cognitive disability? How have feminist philosophers critiqued the presence and absence of cognitive disability in philosophy? And what challenges does cognitive disability pose to feminist philosophy itself? The essay begins with definitions and models of disability and then turns to feminist work on cognitive disability in moral and political philosophy, bioethics, and epistemology. It concludes with some methodological considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the field of political sociology in French-speaking province of Quebec, focusing on the social and political mobilization of its citizens beginning with the 1995 Quebec referendum, and including other events such as the feminist march of 2000, the pacifist rally of 2003, and the student strike of 2012.

Over the past 15 years social movements for community food security, food sovereignty, and food justice have organized to address the failures of the multinational, industrial food system to fairly and equitably distribute healthy, affordable, culturally appropriate real food. At the same time, these social movements, and research about them, re-inscribe white, patriarchal systems of power and privilege. We argue that in order to correct this pattern we must relocate our social movement goals and practices within a decolonizing and feminist leadership framework. This framework challenges movement leadership and scholarship by white people who uncritically assume a natural order of leadership based on academic achievement. We analyze critical points in our collaboration over the last four years using these frameworks. Doing so highlights the challenges and possibilities for a more inclusive food justice movement and more just scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen Las tasas femeninas de actividad y empleo caen desde mediados del decenio de 2000 en toda la India, y en particular en Kerala, que era históricamente el estado con mejores resultados. Se analiza la evolución de estas tasas en Kerala entre 2004 y 2012, según ingresos de los hogares, edad, nivel de instrucción y categoría ocupacional. Las jóvenes más calificadas abandonan la vida activa, lo que hace pensar en un desaliento exacerbado por el aumento de la brecha salarial de género en las ocupaciones de más alto nivel. Estos cambios están eliminando algunos de los logros que hasta ahora distinguían al mercado de trabajo de Kerala. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the debates that took place within the Nicaraguan feminist movement during 2006. In the months before the election of Daniel Ortega, a new feminist organisation, the Autonomous Women's Movement (MAM), was created. Its members decided to ally themselves with the Sandinista Renewal Movement (MRS), which shared the priority of avoiding the return to power of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), because they considered it to be the 'worst-case scenario'. This article explains these processes. It studies their consequences for other feminist groupings and the relevance of the revolutionary referent for the strategic divergences within the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we examine the process of incorporating gender equality into a higher education institution as it evolves into a managerial university. The case illustrates the ongoing processes between structure, activism and features of gender equality, and provides insights into how activists adapt to changes in governance and influence managerial responses to equality. Tracing the interaction of employee activism with new managerialism over nearly two decades, four phases of change are identified. These provide a basis for generating two concepts - managerial recalibration and individual activism - while challenging the social abeyance hypothesis of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case study is presented concerning the anti-psychiatry movement in the U.S. between the 1970s and 1990s. The article discusses the works of feminist sociologist Kate Millett, the concept of anti-psychiatry and the metaphor of fascism in late American modernity, and the countercultural humanism and populism of the anti-psychiatry movement. It also discusses the response of Millett and her readers to the concept of anti-psychiatry.

The article offers the author's perspectives about the possibilities of postessentialist feminisms in the songs of Lady Gaga. The author talks about the book "Gaga Feminism: Sex, Gender, and the End of Normal" by J. Jack Halberstam. She also tackles Halberstam's suggestion that Lady Gaga is a symbol for a new kind of feminism.

Energised by highly visible, media-friendly issues of sexualisation and representation, new'fourth-wave'feminism must not dismiss concerns of structural inequality as relics of a previous age, argues Melissa Benn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution reflects on the changes happening as transnational feminist movements engage in the shifting global dynamics and new forms of civil action that are changing the way movements operate post-2010. The focus of the article is on the transformation of an international women's rights network, the Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID). In particular, the author analyses the triennial AWID Forums as spaces in which feminists interrogate current social, economic and political changes. In a self-reflective examination of this particular feminist process, the author argues that AWID is an evolving blend of old and new civic action - on the one hand, keeping continuity with the values and principles of feminism, while at the same time disconnecting in its activities with old forms of organizing and mobilizing. Through this blend of old and new, AWID opens spaces particularly for young women to reconfigure power relations within and outside feminist movements as part of the post-2010 activisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how coalition frames develop and what happens to that frame after the formal coalition ends. To that end, I analyze the frame shift around the 2004 March for Women's Lives (March). The March initially focused on established ideas of reproductive rights around which the four national mainstream co-sponsors previously organized. However, after a newer reproductive justice organization joined the coalition, material and organizing reflected a shift in framing to reproductive justice. How did this change happen? What are the impacts of this event for the women's movement? Through document analysis and interviews, I trace the negotiations that facilitated this framing shift. I argue that this new coalition frame translated into positive lasting changes in organizing for women's reproductive health even as the coalition dissolved and some of the tensions within the larger women's movement remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds new light on Cuba's urban insurrection to oust Fulgencio Batista by focusing on two all-women's anti-Batista groups. It charts the origins and developments of the groups, explores their conceptions about the importance of women's political action and examines the impact that participating in the insurrection had on group members. The article complicates long-standing assumptions about women's low levels of participation in the insurrection and the absence of demands for gender equity among those who did participate by noting that some older women militants had histories with the feminist movement of the 1930s, and that many younger women were forced by the circumstances of the insurrection to confront and challenge contemporary gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comparison of American craft culture in the 1960s and 1970s and in the first decade of the 21st century. It examines the context of each movement, discussing the impact that war, energy issues, youth attitudes towards government, and economic uncertainty played in each period. It explores the literature that accompanied each movement and discusses what issues these movements were responding to. It explores feminism, the reaction to industrialization and changes in the tone of the literature accompanying each movement.

Alors que le mouvement nord-américain des femmes est surtout connu pour ses efforts en vue de transformer les relations sociales entre les femmes et les hommes, ses partisanes ont également mis l'accent sur la reformulation des relations entre les femmes. Utilisant une source de données novatrice, les mémoires du mouvement social, l'auteure souligne la profondeur de la déception que les féministes s'infligent les unes aux autres. Les mémorialistes débattent des notions provenant du mouvement et du courant principal voulant que les femmes soient compétentes socialement. Cet article présente le concept d'«idéation relationnelle» pour décrire la façon dont les mémorialistes féministes analysent d'une manière critique la compréhension de la socialité des femmes tenue pour acquise et aiguisent leurs désirs d'une nouvelle éthique sociale entre elles. While the North American women's movement is most known for its efforts to transform social relations between women and men, its adherents have also focused on remaking relations among women. Using an innovative data source, social movement memoir, this paper indicates the depth of disappointment feminists cause one another. Memoirists dispute notions found in the movement and mainstream that women are socially capable. The paper offers the concept “relational ideation” to describe the way feminist memoirists critically examine taken for granted understandings of women's sociality and amplify their desires for a new social ethic among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses feminism in the Dominican Republic, and the rightward shift of the women's movement in the 1930s and 1940s, by examining the historical development of female activism in the Dominican Republic from the 1880s until the first decade of General Rafael Trujillo's regime in the 1940s. The article argues that elite female activists, most of whom were white or light-skinned, allied themselves with the right-wing politics of General Rafael Trujillo's dictatorship because his vision of elite women's activism complemented the class and colour interests of a select group of female reformers. Dominican feminism's rightward shift also resulted from the monopolisation of political power under the Dominican Party; the veneration of elite, bourgeois womanhood in official state iconography; the elaboration of Hispanidad nationalism; and the rejection of feminism's early roots in the political philosophy of Eugenio María de Hostos. As a result, Dominican feminism's origins in left-leaning, potentially radical politics were ignored and erased by leading activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research indicates that most people espouse feminist ideologies, yet very few self-identify as feminists. This article examines the discrepancy between agreement with feminist principles and lack of identification with feminism by analyzing 270 female and male college students’ definitions of feminists. We explored similarities and differences in definitions provided by self-identified feminists and nonfeminists. The results indicate that feminists and nonfeminists are equally likely to define a feminist as one who actively promotes gender equality in society and, less commonly, rejects traditional gender roles and burns bras. Feminists were more likely to define a feminist as one who supports gender equality, is female, and has positive personal characteristics. Nonfeminists were more likely to define a feminist as one who supports female superiority, dislikes men, discriminates based on gender, has negative personal characteristics, and is lesbian or butch. These results are discussed in the broader contexts of feminist identity and movement mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]