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In the Global South, non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) face criticism; staff employ strategies to mitigate it. What happens when NGO staff express different levels of awareness about such criticism? How are these differences shaped by whether staff identify themselves as 'community' members the NGO serves or 'non‐community' members whose work serves the community? How do these identities impact NGOs? Through an 18‐month ethnographic study at a large NGO in Bangalore, India, I show that NGO staff members' identification as 'community' or 'non‐community' members shapes their perceptions of the NGO, their work and the NGO's work. I trace these differing perceptions to mission creep. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Indian Administered Kashmir's (IAK) 'summer of unrest' of 2010, greater attention towards the contemporary Kashmir azadi, or freedom, movement has led to more active transnational organising by Kashmiris studying abroad as well as other young people who sympathise with this movement. Indian political elites have predominately framed the azadi movement as a separatist movement. However, this perception had not been shared by many Kashmiris who argue the territory has never legally been a part of India. The perception of being a separatist movement from outside of Kashmir has also shifted with a growing body of literature documenting human rights abuses alongside raising awareness to an international community of activists, which has led to an evolution of the azadi movement into a movement for social justice and human rights. This has been facilitated by social media spaces and heterogeneous activist groups framing their movement as aligned with other social justice movements and anti‐discrimination campaigns. Framing the Kashmir self‐determination movement as a human rights issue appeals to a wider spectrum of non‐Kashmiri activists, especially those already involved in campaigns against the marginalisation of certain groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right‐wing Hindu nationalist "Hindutva" movement in India has political control of the world's most populous democracy. To gain insight into the tools of the movement, this paper examines Hindutva framing rhetoric. Social movement framing entails the crafting of movement messages to motivate collective identity and collective action. This paper takes a new approach to studying social movement framing by using the social psychological principle of metacontrast as an organizing theoretical framework. Metacontrast involves minimizing differences within the group (intragroup homogenization) and maximizing differences between groups (intergroup polarization). We argue dual homogenizing‐polarizing frames work in concert to construct a unified collective identity and mobilize concerted collective action. Using qualitative content analysis of two Hindutva organization websites, we find Hindutva framing rhetoric simultaneously homogenizes and polarizes through two framing strategies: a threat‐counter threat frame that portrays an antagonistic outgroup that must be countered with a unified ingroup, and a striking positive‐negative intergroup contrast that paints the ingroup as a moral protector and the outgroup as a vilified adversary. Notably, key to these efforts is the minimization of deeply entrenched, rigid caste differences. Our findings have implications for the study of social movements, nationalism, collective identity, collective action, and intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite nearly three decades of ostensibly pro‐employer economic reforms in India, trade union membership and density in India appear to have risen. Although similar trends have been reported and investigated in other emerging economies such as China and South Africa, the union revival thesis in India is yet to be fully explored. Using large‐scale official survey data from 1993–1994 to 2011–2012 and primary data collected through 56 interviews with key stakeholders, this paper investigates the patterns of union membership growth in India. Findings indicate varying degrees of growth in union membership across all industrial sectors and employment types. We draw upon theoretical insights from economic theories of union growth, comparative politics and social movement unionism to explain union membership growth in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donor‐funded development NGOs are sometimes portrayed as co‐opting, privatizing or depoliticizing citizen action or social movements. This much is implied by the term 'NGOization'. Alternatively, NGOs can be seen as bearers of rights‐based work increasingly threatened by tighter regulation or substitution by corporate social responsibility models of development. This article engages critically with both perspectives. It traces the role of NGOs and their funders in agenda setting, specifically in bringing the previously excluded issue of caste discrimination into development policy discourse in the form of a Dalit‐rights approach in Tamil Nadu, south India. The authors explore the institutional processes of policy making and NGO networking involved, the alliances, entanglements of NGOs and social movements, and the performativity of NGO Dalit rights. But at the same time, the article illustrates how NGO institutional systems have constrained or failed to sustain such identity‐based claims to entitlement. In Nancy Fraser's terms, the article explores success and failure in addressing 'first‐order' issues of justice, that is rights to resources (in this case, land), and in tackling 'second‐order' injustices concerning the framing of who counts (who can make a claim as a rights holder) and how (by what procedures are claims and contests staged and resolved). This draws attention to the important but fragile achievements of NGOs' discursive framings that give Dalits the 'right to have rights'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the CSR movement in India from the perspective of institutional theory and social movement theory. The paper draws important theoretical framework in the field of CSR in emerging economies. The study takes entirely new theoretical perspective of social movement theory and combines it with institutionalization to give important insights to the adoption of CSR as a law in India. Propositions are developed by drawing on the role of organizational actors and their interactions with institutional forces; and also on the interaction among the different forces. First, these interactions are examined in dyadic form and then the overall effects of these interactions are proposed. It is examined how different actors interact differently with the institutional forces, and how the dominant or competing forces interact with each other to in turn influence the actors. Another set of propositions examine how the organizational strategies shaped the CSR movement in India and how they have been or are likely to be shaped by the CSR movement in India. Implications for public affairs and policy making are drawn for CSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last 15 years, "rights of nature" as a concept and legal apparatus has spread across various sites and scales of environmental governance throughout the world. This paper examines the rights of nature phenomenon, focusing on a recent decision by the High Court of Uttarakhand, India to grant legal personhood to the Ganga (Ganges) and Yamuna rivers and associated natural entities. Arguing against "diffusionist" and "global" approaches to understanding the rights of nature phenomenon, and drawing on the concept of translocal assemblages, I emphasise the place‐based specificities of these decisions in addition to their translocal connections. Through a close reading of the Uttarakhand case, I demonstrate the need to situate translocal social movements in place by attending to the manner in which "rights of nature" becomes articulated through specific practices, cultural meanings, material networks, human–environment relations, legal regimes, governance structures, and political projects in culturally and geographically specific ways with often counterintuitive outcomes. Rather than seeing "rights of nature" as a global movement or network manifesting at various scales, I consider it as a boundary object connecting translocal assemblages of environmental governance through acts of translation. In doing so, I push assemblage geographies to engage theoretical problems of difference, boundaries, and translation that have yet to be addressed in this emerging paradigm. In the last 15 years, "rights of nature" as a concept and legal apparatus has spread across various sites and scales of environmental governance throughout the world. This paper examines the rights of nature phenomenon, focusing on a recent decision by the High Court of Uttarakhand, India to grant legal personhood to the Ganga (Ganges) and Yamuna rivers. Arguing against "diffusionist" and "global" approaches to understanding the rights of nature phenomenon, I consider it as a boundary object connecting translocal assemblages of environmental governance through acts of translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main subject is a classical one, and the overarching goal of the book is to conceive a new theory of workers' strikes as a contribution to class theory. For some time, studies in industrial relations have recognized the need to challenge established frameworks and loci of research to deal with the diversity of labour experiences worldwide, but in-depth research on the ground is not always available. Ultimately, we are told that the strikes presented in the empirical core of the book achieved limited gains, remained relatively isolated, and were followed by conservative reactions in India and Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

Civil Society spaces provide citizens opportunities to frame their collective identities and interests through the formation of voluntary interest groups and organisations set to specific purposes. In the west, historically these interest groups have contributed to the development of political thought that assisted to forge the economic interests of emerging bourgeoisie. This paper situated in the context of India begins with a thematic perspective and reviews the challenges that emerge as a result of the demands that emerge within the civil society space. The paper considered three broad range organizations for this review such as the Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the river Narmada Campaign); National Alliance for People's Movement (NAPM); and the Self‐Employed Women's Association (SEWA). The authors see civil society as a conciliating place—where individual interests appear to mingle with societal requirements while providing adequate representation to the marginalized groups and expression of concerns around economic and environmental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Since the outbreak of the global economic crisis of 2008, many countries have witnessed labour unrest and industrial action. In the recent wave of mass strikes in emerging economies, one salient feature has been the forging of new forms of cooperation between workers' struggles and other social movements. Yet research on protest movements after 2008 has largely failed to consider these mass strikes or the organizational forms that erupted in their wake. This article aims to address that gap, using case studies of mass strikes in India and Brazil to explore whether these new alliances can be described within the framework of social movement unionism. It seeks to identify the features that distinguish new forms of mobilization from old ones, and to explore what re-conceptualizations of social movement studies and industrial relations research are necessary to capture the challenges facing these new alliances. In doing so, it also raises concerns about the limitations of the 'networks of labour' approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that periodic waves of crowding-in to 'hot' issue fields are a recurring feature of how globally networked civil society organizations operate, especially in countries of the Global South. We elaborate on this argument through a study of Indian civil society mobilization around climate change. Five key mechanisms contribute to crowding-in processes: (1) the expansion of discursive opportunities; (2) the event effects of global climate change conferences; (3) the network effects created by expanding global civil society networks; (4) the adoption and innovation of action repertoires; and (5) global pressure effects creating new opportunities for civil society. Our findings contribute to the world society literature, with an account of the social mechanisms through which global institutions and political events affect national civil societies, and to the social movements literature by showing that developments in world society are essential contributors to national mobilization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Civil society groups today are honored and relied on by governments, as well as tightly regulated and scrutinized for challenging state policies and agencies. In contemporary India, political dynamics of collaboration and confrontation between state and nonstate actors increasingly unfold in legal-social fields, taking 'technomoral' forms. Mixing technocratic languages of law and policy with moral pronouncements, these actors assert themselves as virtuous agents, marking their political legitimacy as keepers of the public interest. Using ethnographic research with Indian NGOs, social movements, and a political party, we show that as civil society groups interact with state bodies, they redefine institutional boundaries and claim moral authority over public stewardship. Technomoral strategies are neither depoliticized nor antipolitical, but constitute a righteous and rightful form of politics. [ NGOs, state, India, morality, activist politics, neoliberalism, law] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen Las tasas femeninas de actividad y empleo caen desde mediados del decenio de 2000 en toda la India, y en particular en Kerala, que era históricamente el estado con mejores resultados. Se analiza la evolución de estas tasas en Kerala entre 2004 y 2012, según ingresos de los hogares, edad, nivel de instrucción y categoría ocupacional. Las jóvenes más calificadas abandonan la vida activa, lo que hace pensar en un desaliento exacerbado por el aumento de la brecha salarial de género en las ocupaciones de más alto nivel. Estos cambios están eliminando algunos de los logros que hasta ahora distinguían al mercado de trabajo de Kerala. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This article examines contemporary Dalit assertion in India through an ethnographic case study of a legal tool being mobilized by Tamil Nadu's lowest-ranking Arunthathiyars in their struggle against caste-based offences. The Arunthathiyars of western Tamil Nadu are increasingly taking recourse to the 1989 Prevention of Atrocities Act (PoA Act) in an attempt to bring members of higher castes to justice. The article explores how Arunthathiyars are employing the law and how their litigation is reshaping the politics of caste in this region. The authors document how a process of litigation by Arunthathiyars is countered by a politicization of caste by the dominant Gounders of the region, who recently entered electoral politics with a new caste-based party. Even though the litigation route further antagonizes caste relations, it is argued that the PoA Act has provided Dalits with an invaluable tool to seek justice, democratize public space, and challenge the power of the dominant caste in the region. Dalit social movements, it is concluded, are more likely to be successful if they are backed by a legal weapon and accompanied by Dalits' growing economic independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social consequences of global value chains - including their effects on economic development - are shaped, in part, by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and social movement organizations (SMOs). While scholars have extensively explored the causes and effects of downstream corporate social responsibility, we know little about the influence of upstream NGOs and SMOs in shaping value chains. To address this lacuna, I draw on a case study of rural development organizations in the Indian state of Uttarakhand. I find that these groups build marginal producers' organizational and technical capacity, assist producers in meeting certification standards, and work to cultivate alternative value chain segments, both local and global. Results suggest that NGOs and SMOs help marginal producers to engage more profitably with corporate value chains, even as they simultaneously pursue strategies that are more contentious and that aim to create deeper structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This 'Introduction' to a special issue on Rabindranath Tagore affirms his position as an Indian Renaissance man and assesses his stature as a leading world writer, philosopher, educationist, environmentalist, rural reconstructionist, activist and pragmatist who embodies India's 'modern consciousness' (Nandy, ). Tagore's international impact was phenomenal in his lifetime and his global vision continues to have universal resonance today. This project seeks to move beyond the initial response to Tagore as an 'Eastern Sage' on the world stage to Tagore as the knowledgeable intellectual (Bhattacharya, ) who challenges the binarism of the East and the West and seeks to facilitate a dialogue between disparate nations and peoples. Tagore's implicit belief in humankind's creative principle is a confirmation of his vision of the 'universal man' prevailing in spite of the conflict of his times. A state-of-the field account is offered as the continuing interest amongst scholars, researchers and translators of Tagore is documented and the compilation of articles illustrates an impetus to Tagore Studies that is bound to endure beyond 'a hundred years from now' (). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years cities around the world have undergone mass slum clearances for redevelopment. This study of Mumbai offers an alternative interpretation of urban capital accumulation by investigating the differentiated political subjectivities of displaced slum residents. I argue that Mumbai's redevelopment entails not uniform class-based dispossessions but a process of accumulation by differentiated displacement whereby uneven displacement politics are central to the social production of land markets. Two ethnographic cases reveal that groups negotiate redevelopment in contradictory ways, supporting or contesting projects in varying moments. Redevelopmental subjectivities are influenced at key conjunctures by market-oriented resettlement, ideologies of belonging, desires for improved housing, and participation in non-governmental groups. This articulated assemblage of power-laden practices reflects and reworks class, gender, and ethno-religious relations, profoundly shaping evictees' experience and political engagement. The paper concludes that focusing on differentiated subjectivities may usefully guide both analysis and social justice practice aimed at countering dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The High Court of Delhi recently declared that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, a colonial anti-sodomy law that effectively criminalised homosexuality, violates rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India. This has been the first juridical recognition of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender folk as citizens and also the first time that the juridical subject has been ascribed a 'sexuality'. 'Sexuality', in other words, has been identified as an aspect of personhood, the 'self' that the subject refers to. And yet, same-sex desire in India is not contained within discrete bodies, much less so within bodies presumed in bio-medical or juridical discourses as 'sexuality types'. This recognition lies at the centre of the Queer movement which made the ascription of sexuality to the juridical subject in the first place. Based on ethnographic fieldwork related to the litigation, this paper argues that the juridical register requires demands for rights to articulate in terms of subjectivity and personhood, and examines the ways in which this disjuncture came to be managed by the movement. The paper examines theoretical approaches to subjectivity and argues for a conceptual distinction between the idea of the 'subject' and the 'self'. Subjectivity, it is argued, is better understood in terms of forms of (legal) legibility, bringing our focus onto the political-economic, historical and cultural conditions under which these forms come to be performed as embodiments-in-the-world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memorandum of understanding between Enron and the Maharashtra State Electricity Board, signed on 20 June 1992, set in motion the Dabhol Power Project, the largest corporate-led venture in Indian history. But even while the project was gaining official clearance, it attracted considerable local opposition on environmental and livelihood related grounds. Additionally, the fact that Enron was awarded the contract by the Congress Party led state government of Maharashtra, in the absence of procedural transparency and open bidding, entangled the project in deep controversy. This paper, based on fieldwork, examines opposition to the Dabhol Power Project. I particularly focus on the relevance of militant particularism, and the importance of counter-hegemony of the working class and/or the subaltern counter-public in the context of multi-scaled manifestations of neoliberal power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents the emergence of the Denotified Rights Action Group (DNG-RAG), a national social movement orchestrated to assert the citizenship rights of adivasi (indigenous) populations in India. It assesses the movement's efforts to engage the central Indian government in meaningful dialogue to accommodate the inclusion of marginalized adivasis in the democratic politics of the nation. In doing so, the DNT-RAG reasserts the primacy of the Indian state as the principal engine driving the project of nation building, and as such, the site that activists target to further an agenda of equitable development and democratic rights for those known as India's Denotified Tribes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores two thinkers and one movement involved with religious environmentalism. Thomas Berry drew from the world's religious traditions and a depth study of science to develop what he refers to as 'The New Story,' a narrative that encourages the cultivation of intimacy with nature, leading to an appropriate ethical response. The Bishnoi movement, which originated in fifteenth-century India, sets forth a pre-modern paradigm, still widely observed in northern India, for dealing with threats to local eco-systems. Satish Kumar, a former monk and post-Gandhian activist, invokes the ideas and practices of Jainism in developing an environmental action plan. These examples demonstrate the interdisciplinary and cross-cultural aspects of religious environmentalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the protest repertoire of an Indian labor movement between 1990 and 2006. Chhattisgarh Liberation Front led a seventeen year struggle against the industrialists and state in central India for the recognition of contract workers' entitlements. During this long contentious history, the movement deployed disruptive repertoire, ranging from relatively legitimate “wild-cat strikes” (illegal stoppage of work) to extreme physical attacks, against the industrialists, and non-disruptive repertoire, ranging from disciplined participation in court-cases to mass martyr day celebrations, against the state. The mixed repertoire points at the two distinct capacities in which the movement was acting, as a radical trade union against the industrialists and a social movement in relation to the state. The finding suggests that the CMM participants perceived the state as holding genuine power, and their relation to it as citizens, and perceived the industrialists, despite their being indigenous capitalists, as adversaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a narrative of city contestations beyond policy and programs. It considers why Indian metro elites, large land developers and international donors paradoxically lobby for comprehensive planning when confronting ‘vote bank politics’ by the poor. Poor groups, claiming public services and safeguarding territorial claims, open up political spaces that appropriate institutions and fuel an economy that builds complex alliances. Such spaces, here termed ‘occupancy urbanism’, are materialized by land shaped into multiple de-facto tenures deeply embedded in lower bureaucracy. While engaging the state, these locality politics remain autonomous of it. Such a narrative views city terrains as being constituted by multiple political spaces inscribed by complex local histories. This politics is substantial and poses multiple crises for global capital. Locally embedded institutions subvert high-end infrastructure and mega projects. ‘Occupancy urbanism’ helps poor groups appropriate real estate surpluses via reconstituted land tenure to fuel small businesses whose commodities jeopardize branded chains. Finally, it poses a political consciousness that refuses to be disciplined by NGOs and well-meaning progressive activists and the rhetoric of ‘participatory planning’. This is also a politics that rejects ‘developmentalism’ where ‘poverty’ is ghettoized via programs for ‘basic needs’ allowing the elite ‘globally competitive economic development’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I put forward a Marxian analysis of the conflict over dam-building on the Narmada River in central and western India, which seeks to bring out how in this specific conflict it is possible to discern the workings of the master change processes that have moulded the Indian trajectory of postcolonial capitalist development. I start by showing how the concrete case of dispossession in the Narmada Valley is expressive of how the development strategies that defined the postcolonial nation-building project have been moulded in such a way as to create a de facto transfer of productive resources to the country's dominant proprietary classes. I then move on to argue that these features of the political economy of India's postcolonial development project can be understood as the sediment of struggles between social movements from above and below in the decades immediately prior to Independence. Arguing that the postcolonial development project has unravelled, I outline the fundamentals of an analysis of the characteristics of social movements from below in the conflictual field of force which is emerging in its wake. Finally, I draw on the trajectory of resistance to dam-building on the Narmada to articulate a series of reflections on the nature of state power in India and the possibilities that might exist for the state to function as an enabling space for the struggles of subaltern social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the national and transnational character of mobilization against GM crops in India, South Africa and Brazil in the ten-year period to 2005. By examining the contexts and practices of mobilization across the three countries, and in particular the complex, often fraught, local and global connections, the paper examines the diverse mobilizations that have occurred. The paper argues that to understand these processes, particular national political and economic contexts must be appreciated, alongside how the GM debates articulate with other foci for activism and the complex and often fragile nature of alliances that make up activist networks. The paper shows how the debate about GM crops has become a much wider one: about the future of agriculture and small-scale farmers, about corporate control and property rights and about the rules of global trade. In sum, a debate not just about the pros and cons of a particular set of technologies, but about politics and values and the future of agrarian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious movements have often been studied in the context of nationstates. With scholarly attention now shifting to globalization and other world system processes, there is a growing move to go beyond the particularity of nation-states and study the general transnational dimensions of religious movements. In this article I describe the processes through which Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), a contemporary Islamist movement in India, developed links with ideologically similar movements, institutions and networks in the Gulf countries, Iran and the West. Taking JIH as a social movement, I argue for a more nuanced conceptualization of transnational social movements, because existing theories are based on the experiences of Western democracies and, as such, are insensitive to collective actions in undemocratic polities such as the Gulf states. While making a case for taking into account the transnational dimensions of understanding JIH, I call into question the alarmist thesis that emphasizes the homogenous radicalization of the entire movement as an inevitable consequence of the transnational connections an Islamic movement develops. On the contrary, I contend that they also lead to conflict within the movement and its moderation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of modernization and women's increasing role in the market economy, the practice of the dowry in India is becoming more widespread, and the value of dowries is increasing. There are many well-documented adverse consequences of the dowry system, particularly for women. This is a study of attitudes toward the dowry system among married women in the northern province of Bihar (N= 4,603), in which the dowry has strong roots in tradition. Hypotheses regarding antecedents involving attachment to tradition, exposure to modernizing influences, and self-interest were developed. Each set of factors has some effects, and nearly two thirds of the women in the survey disapprove of the dowry. The practice may be quite resistant to change, however, because its social and economic consequences carry tangible benefits in an increasingly materialistic culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development NGOs have been accused by some of being new instruments of control, domesticated by the neoliberal project. For others, they elaborate and pursue alternative dreams. In this paper, we argue that, although the majority of NGOs have been co-opted to serve hegemonic development agendas, they nevertheless present a fluid, contradictory web of relations, within which a significant minority seeks to make spaces of resistance, and where even the most neoliberal NGOs are used by some clients to create new associational spaces. Drawing on work with NGOs in Ghana, India, Mexico and Europe, we explore various strategies deployed by this minority of“independent thinking NGOs”. We argue that there is an important production of Melucci's submerged networks or latent social movements, however limited their political impact to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on a research investigation into gender and local government in Mumbai in India and London in England. In both these cities female representation at the political level stands at around one third, achieved in London slowly in recent years and in Mumbai more rapidly through the adoption of a quota, or seat reservation system, implemented in 1992. In considering the experience of the women concerned it is argued that their presence and aspirations have been influenced through the networks of their respective women's movements, operating through civil society and the local state. In considering the ways in which they organize and manage the duties of office and their gendered identities, as well as in their focus on the most disadvantaged in their communities and in their dealings with others, the part played by social movements in influencing change is examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this article I conceptualize a conflict over the Narmada damming project in central India by highlighting particular spatial fields and larger trajectories of political interaction. The Narmada project's maintenance and destabilization is evinced in a range of processes, including conflict over afforestation in tribal villages, protest narratives over resettlement in regional centres, and transnational lobbying of donor agencies. The interpenetration of social practices by different scales, and the mobility of discourses are emphasized. Further, I examine how organizational and social decisions such as implementing a rehabilitation programme, accepting state compensation and participating in public protest point to the contingent nature of power, revealing both complicity and disarticulation between involved parties. Descriptive points and commentary focus on the Indian riparian states implementing the project; the Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save the Narmada Movement); and affected adivasi (tribal) communities in the Narmada Valley. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing domestic workers can feel like a mixed blessing to middle and upper class Indian women. Servants' movements into and out of middle and upper class homes in the South Indian city of Madurai create a mixing of outside and inside spaces. Employers feel that this mixing threatens the security of their homes and class standing. Because the presence of servants is a necessary marker of class, employers attempt to contain the threat by buttressing the symbolic boundaries of the household and controlling domestic workers' movements through pace.

Describes a south Indian social movement headed by a Hindu preceptor. Reliance of the movement on elite women members and on feminine religious idioms; Upper-caste contestation for hegemonic power; Indeterminacies attached to upper-caste education of consent.

The AIDS epidemic has had little impact on the gender differences in willingness to engage in casual sex encountered by Clark and Hatfield (1989) 10 years ago. Whereas both men and women were willing to data a stranger, it was only the males who were willing to go to a female's apartment or to bed with her. These results from two experiments are consistent with the sociobiological framework. In addition, the results of Experiment 2 indicated that females were not saying no due to a concern for personal safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is an account of a new venture in labour-management collaboration at the level of the enterprise. The author, who has been in direct charge of the movement since its inception, describes the circumstances in which Emergency Production Committees (E.P.C.s) were first set up in India at the end of 1962, the work of promotion and assistance that has been done to ensure that the movement will flourish, and the results achieved. These latter include improvements in many aspects of industrial performance, such as production, productivity, cost-reduction, maintenance, etc., but perhaps more significant for the continued vigour of the movement is the beneficial effect it appears to have had on labour-management relations in Indian undertakings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the book "Remembering Revolution: Gender, Violence, and Subjectivity in India's Naxalbari Movement" by Srila Roy.