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In February 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio‐Cortez and Senator Ed Markey introduced into the US Congress a non‐binding resolution for a Green New Deal, with the aim to catalyze policies and programs to rapidly decarbonize the US economy while achieving wider progressive economic, social and environmental goals. This motion sparked widespread interest, in and beyond the US, in the potential for more ambitious and solidaristic climate policy under the banner of a Green New Deal (GND). This Overview, after introducing the history of the GND concept and exploring its dimensions in theory, provides a snapshot of GNDs proposed (or adopted/enacted) by politicians, candidates for political office, political parties and governments around the world in the period 2019–2022. Drawing on theories of comparative politics and comparative political economy, the Overview illuminates key patterns in the prevalence and content of this set of GND proposals, as well as their ideological underpinnings and implicit "theories of change." Specifically, it ventures that: GND policies are more commonly proposed in high‐income, industrialized democracies; variation in GNDs' prevalence and content are associated with varieties of capitalism and electoral institutions; GND policies are more commonly proposed by left‐of‐center parties and candidates; and GNDs are being proposed at all levels of government, but their content is shaped by constraints on government powers. On the basis of this analysis, the concluding section proposes a detailed research agenda on GNDs, with an emphasis on comparative research. This article is categorized under:The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Benefits of MitigationPolicy and Governance > National Climate Change PolicyPolicy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ocean and coasts are largely absent from the 'Green New Deal' proposal. In response to the limited attention paid to the sustainability and equitable governance approaches of the blue economy, a US 'Blue New Deal' has been proposed aiming to protect the health of the ocean and support coastal communities' adaptation to climate change. The Blue New Deal emerged as a central policy proposal from 2020 Democratic presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren to enhance the role of the blue economy while simultaneously addressing the climate crisis. Through a just transitions analysis, this article evaluates the proposal for a US Blue New Deal — as designed by Senator Elizabeth Warren — that would be applied towards enhancing socioeconomic resiliency, environmental justice, and addressing social inequities. As part of a critical policy analysis evaluating the areas of focus Warren's Blue New Deal presents, environmental justice and sustainability are central to the success of managing, and enhancing the role of, the blue economy. The challenges facing the Blue New Deal reflect a 'one size fits all' federal approach that has implications for addressing multifaceted obstacles in key sectors of the blue economy, its governance, and tackling interconnected crises that exacerbate socioeconomic inequities and vulnerabilities of marginalised coastal communities. This article proposes a blue justice framework for the Blue New Deal that seeks to address the tensions and contradictions that exist in its current form and indicates how a comprehensive policy framework can enhance the sustainability and equitable involvement of the blue economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REFERENCES 1 Utopianism for a Dying Planet: Life After Consumerism, by Gregory Claeys. Claeys's rich and absorbing reflections rightly remind us that the articulation of something different is itself a necessary condition for its realisation and that utopianism's "futurological function" is vital for extending "the boundaries of the possible". "Our survival", Claeys writes, 'depends on wedding a much stronger sense of community to an ethos of sufficiency, and substituting an atheism of sustainability for a religion of consumerism'. [Extracted from the article]

Despite the many disappointments of the UN COP26 conference, both public awareness of global warming and the profile of the environmental movements seeking to halt it have gained political momentum. Climate denialists are in retreat. After four decades in absentia, government intervention is back. The need to tackle climate change is increasingly recognised across the political, business and civic spectrum. This article assesses these developments and argues that such is the scale and urgency of the climate emergency that the time is ripe for cross‐ideological 'green new deal' coalitions to emerge. The article proposes a policy framework that can bring together a range of political and social forces in a common endeavour over a protracted period of time. The new German coalition agreement, with its strategic focus on an ecological, social market economy, offers a signpost to the way ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I Making Light Work i is an engaging and extremely valuable contribution to the burgeoning literature on job quality. Spencer charts a middle course between these rival traditions, arguing against the first that good work can contribute to human flourishing while arguing against the latter that much contemporary work fails dismally to contribute to this end. William Morris's ideas on how work might be rehumanized in a post-capitalist future, meanwhile, is the source for Spencer's advocacy for "light work" that occupies less time and is intrinsically more rewarding. [Extracted from the article]

The government has a huge opportunity here to tackle the climate crisis and the care crisis in one very popular move - by investing in care jobs. We now need the government to recognise the overwhelming public support for investment in care and its employment returns, and begin to incorporate investment in care jobs alongside investment in green-tech jobs. Yet, without explicitly addressing and mitigating against current inequalities, a decarbonised UK society will be just as unequal and unjust as it currently is - with unequal access to housing, social care, transport, jobs and education. [Extracted from the article]

As a major driver to achieve feasible long‐term goals of the Korean Green New Deal policy, a renewable system application in a building, such as the building‐integrated photovoltaics (BIPV) system, has been expedited by raising a BIPV installation subsidy to 70%. Among the technology of BIPV modules, the CuInGaSe2 (CIGS) type module has been drawing attention and considered as one of the effective alternatives because of its benefits, including its flexibility, lightweights, and relative ease to use as a building material. However, the lack of information understanding of its real application to buildings has still existed under various outdoor experimental conditions. In response to this gap, this study analyzed the power generation performance of flexible CIGS modules under outdoor exposure conditions to evaluate their applicability to BIPV buildings. To conduct the test, the CIGS module was installed on an inclined plane (30°) and vertical plane (90°) using a mock‐up installed facing the south. In particular, this study assessed performance ratio (PR) values to analyze the power generation performance behaviors under direct/diffuse irradiance conditions along with diverse cloud cover conditions. Results from this experimental case study indicated that the power generation performance of the vertical CIGS module decreased compared with that of the inclined CIGS module during all analysis periods, except for the February period. This phenomenon became more distinct as the solar altitude angle increased, and the power generation performance of the vertical module became similar to that of the inclined module as the altitude angle decreased. By experimenting with the diffuse irradiance condition depending on the change in cloud cover, the PR decreased by approximately 12%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article report that Article 25 is a humanitarian architecture charity and this drawing was created for the ‘silent auction' 10x10 Drawing the City. Topics include drawing celebrates the arrival of communities from the West Indies into Brixton, London; and grey postwar Brixton enlivened by the rich cultural influences introduced by residents.

Kai Heron, a lecturer in politics at the University of Manchester, and farmer Alex Heffron, based in the hills of southwest Wales, are critical of the contradictions between the Green New Deal's aspirations and its material effects, especially in the Global South. Here they outline their commitment to collective agrarian movements and agroecological farming to imagine a land‐sharing approach defined by intricate matrices of urban and rural land‐uses where human and nonhumans can flourish together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theorists of Half‐Earth Socialism Troy Vettese, Drew Pendergrass and Filip Mesko explain their global societal vision and explore how eco‐socialist planning can create a just and sustainable society. They argue that the problem of land scarcity is an opportunity to erode the separation of city and country, while vast swathes of the world could be rewilded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Director of Research at the School of Architecture and Cities at London's University of Westminster and former Principal Investigator of the Monsoon Assemblages research project, Lindsay Bremner investigates the historic, colonial, financial and contemporary dynamic between the Global North and the Global South, particularly in relation to the monsoon and climate justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liam Mouritz, of global multidisciplinary architecture, landscape and urban design practice Hassell, and landscape architect Alex Breedon look at the Australian context of the Green New Deal, arguing that a decolonial cultural shift is occurring and is much needed if methods to mitigate the climate crisis can be equitably sustained. In short, caring for Country is also caring for our collective selves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guest‐Editor of this AD and Director of the Architectural Association (AA) Ground Lab in London, José Alfredo Ramírez recognises that the Green New Deal is predicated on the success of previous, historical economic stimulus packages in the Global North. Here he calls for the inclusion of Global South perspectives, using Mexico as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mae Bowley directs Re:Purpose Savannah, a women‐run organisation that trains and employs women in the practice of deconstruction. Like many such outfits, they work to divert materials from landfill as a way to combat wasteful economic and political systems that devalue people, forests and cultural heritage. Jane Mah Hutton and Alison Creba engage in a conversation with her about her work and its aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an architect and urban designer, and a co‐director of think tank Autonomy UK, Julian Siravo asks some fundamental questions about our everyday life. What, for example, is 'green' work, what is a 'green' commute, what is a 'green' office, and is care work 'green'? Do we need a radical shift in the way we conduct our lives and manage the economies that sustain us? Here he speculates on such a future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Godofredo Enes Pereira, Christina Leigh Geros and Jon Goodbun have been analysing governmental Green New Deal policy globally, viewing it through the microcosmic eye of their own research and that of their students on the MA Environmental Architecture course at the Royal College of Art in London. This includes their Lithium Triangle project that concentrates on the environmental damage caused by the extraction of lithium from the Chilean landscape, and the Orang‐orang and the Hutan project in Indonesia that contests Western dominance and the effects of centuries of colonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of a recent MArch Landscape Urbanism thesis project at the Architectural Association (AA) in London, Daniel Kiss and Swadheet Chaturvedi investigated the food chains that impinge on Antarctica, which are deeply intertwined with the health of our planet. The authors zero in, for example, on the fishing of krill, illustrating its domains and positing dynamic protections for sustainable modes of harvesting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elena Luciano Suastegui, Rafael Martinez Caldera and Yasmina Yehia introduce the Just Transition student project they developed as part of the Landscape Urbanism course at the Architectural Association (AA) in London. The scheme focuses on the coalfields of the South Wales Valleys – areas that were mostly abandoned in the 1980s due to the demise of the UK coal industry, proposing new relationships between community, leisure, work and production to sustainably regenerate these locales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It can be argued that landscape gardening and painting have, for centuries, been complicit in the displacement of Indigenous communities, deforestation and creating a changing relationship between humanity and nature that has contributed to the current climate crisis. Clara Olóriz Sanjuán, a co‐director of the Architectural Association (AA) Ground Lab in London, shows us how landscape practices can be reimagined to address these historical injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is clear that we are facing a tipping point in global politics, climate change and social justice. Much has been trumpeted under the banner of the 'Green New Deal'. Billy Fleming, the Wilks Family Director of the Ian L McHarg Center at the Weitzman School of Design, University of Pennsylvania, describes the history and various approaches encompassed within this ubiquitous epithet and how designers can get involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Miriam Brett, Director of Research and Advocacy at London‐based think tank Common Wealth, believes the Covid‐19 pandemic has exposed numerous inequalities in our societies. Common Wealth engages in projects that seek to replace these inequalities with sustainable, equitable and remodelled economic frameworks on which our cities and landscapes can be rebuilt. Here she describes a recent scheme where Green New Deal policies are implemented in Glasgow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It was by the end of 2019 that the incoming European Commission with its new President Ursula von der Leyen had formulated its policy agenda for the years to come. The Hungarian and Polish vetoes to the EU budget and recovery fund - which put at risk the funding scheme of the EGD, although motivated by proposed EU measures against democratic backsliding - were overcome by an accommodating deal in the European Council in late December 2020. If the EGD proves successful in this regard, we could see both a I de facto i and I de jure i effect, as described by Bradford: companies operating internationally could choose to adhere to the standards beyond the EU's remit; other jurisdictions could adopt rules similar to those introduced by the EU. In May 2020, the European Commission formulated additional proposals to implement the EGD, such as the EU Biodiversity Strategy and the Farm to Fork Strategy, which had been slightly delayed due to Covid-19 (Sánchez Nicolás, 2020). [Extracted from the article]

Marc (pseudonym), one of her interlocateurs and a radical climate activist, found himself on the fringes of institutional climate change activities because of his critical stances on climate change policy and practice. This review essay examines two recent books that provide important anthropological insights into issues of environmental sustainability, climate change, and the future of humanity. On climate change issues, as Knox reports, there is a wide divide between radical climate activists and the mainstream climate change policy shapers. [Extracted from the article]

From this perspective, the TDR 2019 draws inspiration for a GGND from the experience of the US's post-war New Deal policies that 'facilitated the emergence of a virtuous circle of job creation, expansion of productive investment, faster productivity growth and rising wages' (TDR 2019, p. 34; see also Sundaram, 2013). Drawing upon a critical finance framing, the TDR suggests that the SDGs remain the development framework that can re-assert the role of the public sector through a GGND that tackles 'an unstable financial world geared to short-term trading in existing assets, prone to boom and bust cycles, with baleful distributional outcomes and large debt overhangs that act as a persistent drag on the real economy' (TDR 2019, p. IV). The authors of TDR 2019 predicate the achievement of a GGND on a "new multilateralism" (Gallagher and Kozul-Wright, 2019) whereby governments coordinate and challenge the power of finance in order to reclaim national policy space, boost aggregate demand and reduce greenhouse gas emissions (TDR 2019, p. 46). For the authors of TDR 2019, a GGND can serve to de-financialize the global economy through a major public investment push along with "a wide range of policy instruments", including 'fiscal policies, industrial policies, credit policies, financial regulation and welfare policies, as well as international trade and investment policies' (TDR 2019, p. 46). [Extracted from the article]

This article consists of a critical review of the conceptual scholarship on the governance of climate finance and includes an overview of the institutional arrangements and governance logics that provide climate finance. New decentralized, polycentric structures allow for climate finance to more effectively reach the sub‐ and non‐state actors most directly implementing climate change governance. However, the expansion of climate finance into market‐inflected forms of blended finance, as well as debt‐based financing, express a neoliberal logic that shifts power to market actors. This may challenge the efficacy of climate finance. We suggest that further research is needed on polycentric systems in climate finance, since an apparent expansion in the diversity of providers is also accompanied by a counter‐intuitive concentration of decision‐making power with financial fund managers. We join others in suggesting that the weight of scholarship advocates for a strong return to public authored finance and governance, under the auspices of Green New Deal programs and more widely. This article is categorized under:Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal pairs climate policy with other progressive goals, which may enhance political feasibility (or not), but to the extent that it does help, it might also help with respect to carbon pricing's feasibility. Konisky and Carley (2021) provide a compelling argument around the importance of equity and social justice in climate policy. However, the real question is to what extent de-emphasizing or abandoning carbon pricing in the policy package will help, when a central goal is decarbonization. [Extracted from the article]

Market-based instruments have played an important role in addressing environmental externalities (Aldy, 2020; Stavins, 1998), and there is no question that a national carbon tax or cap-and-trade program could reduce carbon emissions. In addition, such policy adjustments over time require future policymakers to have a long-term appetite for carbon pricing policies and be responsible for making them more stringent, since political feasibility is not just an issue at policy adoption but also runs through the full policy cycle of implementation and amendment (Rabe, 2018). Carbon pricing policies are best as part of a broader package of policy efforts, including, but not limited to, policies targeting existing and growing sociodemographic disparities. [Extracted from the article]

Climate change and the set of policies that are motivated by it have become one of the most salient issues in American society and politics. An ideal policy mix would supplement carbon pricing with policies that correct for market barriers and missing incentives for innovation and adoption of clean technologies, including support for R&D and de-risking investments. While the historical performance of carbon pricing to date has been modest (as has the performance of regulatory standards), that is because most pricing schemes have been designed inadequately (e.g., with prices that are much too low). While carbon pricing does not have a strong record of creating large emissions reductions or breakthrough technologies, the primary reason for this is not the use of pricing itself, but the fact that carbon pricing schemes have been limited in scope and used prices that were beneath what would be required to achieve more aggressive reductions. [Extracted from the article]

The need for wholescale energy transitions across the globe is now clear, but there is still much debate about how best to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. Carbon‐pricing has so far been unable to avert the coming climate catastrophe. Instead supply‐side, managed decline of the fossil fuel sector and proposals for Green New Deals, or Just Transition are gaining steam among academics, policy communities, and movements and even entering mainstream politics. In this article, I review three main approaches to energy transition and highlight their underlying goals and assumptions. I argue that movements for energy transition must center social and economic justice in their struggles if they want to gain broad‐based appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stephanie Kelton, I The Deficit Myth: Modern Monetary Theory and How to Build a Better Economy i . While not yet one of monetary economics' most famed writers, Stephanie Kelton, Professor of Economics and Public Policy at Stony Brook University, New York, has at least achieved name recognition as the foremost proponent of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT). If inflation is rising in an MMT-dominated world, taxes or borrowing are levied on the private sector I in order to control i aggregate spending; in a roundabout way, then, real government spending is paid for by taxes and borrowing even under an MMT framework. As Kelton sees it, MMT is "first and foremost, a description of how a modern fiat currency works" (p. 233). [Extracted from the article]

Indeed, the first version of the Mitchell-Watts jobs guarantee (Mitchell & Watts, 1997) proposal pre-dated MMT and coincided closely with that of Langmore and Quiggin (1994), based on mainstream Keynesianism. This is evident, for example, in the presentation of the macroeconomic demand for labour (p. 212) with a graph in which there is no money wage consistent with full employment (the graph line is cut off just above the zero wage line, still far from full employment). M.E. Sharp, New York, NY. 5 Mitchell, W. and Watts, M. (1997), ' The Path to Full Employment ', Australian Economic Review, 30, 436 - 44. 6 Nwanevu, O. (2019), "Spreading the Gospel of Modern Monetary Theory", New Republic, 3 October. [Extracted from the article]

In early November 2018, Representative‐Elect Alexandria Ocasio‐Cortez, the New York Democrat, supported a protest by the Sunrise Movement, a youth‐driven grassroots effort to hold elected leaders accountable for a warming planet. The group wants to revive a select committee on global warming in the House of Representatives, which could produce draft New Green Deal legislation by 2020. Finally, it wants incoming Democratic lawmakers to sign a pledge that they won't accept fossil‐fuel money. So far, 19 members of Congress have taken the pledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More than simply an introduction to the field, therefore, the book highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic has brought key mobilities issues to the fore and underscored the pertinence of this field to contemporary research. Directing our gaze towards the future, the final chapters argue that the COVID-19 pandemic and resultant global mobility disruptions provide an opportunity for a fundamental reconstruction of mobilities regimes in favour of more equitable and low-carbon systems. The spread of novel coronavirus known as COVID-19 in 2020 was followed by swift and extraordinary changes to global mobility, with almost all forms of movement being (re)characterised, literally and figuratively, "as problematic and pathological" (Cresswell, 2021, p. 59). [Extracted from the article]

The article informs about José Alfredo Ramírez explores the relationship between policymaking and climate change through a series of research and commissioned projects with a variety of institutions and think tanks such as British Council and Common Wealth in the Great Britian. Topics include interested in developing alternative landscape-oriented practices; and spatial understanding of socioecological systems and landscape techniques can advance design strategies to tackle climate breakdown.

They argue that carbon pricing mechanisms alone do not adequately emphasize these values, so climate policies must include a broader set of efforts that more explicitly target sociodemographic disparities. Discussions on climate policy have increased in recent decades, as a growing number of Americans have identified addressing climate change as a top priority requiring governmental action. In this column, we examine the value of carbon pricing as a tool for the federal government to address climate change, recognizing that carbon pricing is not explicitly included in the GND proposal. [Extracted from the article]