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Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American anarchist‐feminist Voltairine de Cleyre created a radical vision of liberation informed by her experiences of chronic illness, depression, poverty and misogyny. This article traces the connections between de Cleyre's embodied experiences and her theorisations of anarchism. Drawing on feminist and disability theories, it argues that de Cleyre's suffering led her to an empathetic vision of anarchism which prioritised freedom from suffering, highlighting the role of embodiment in social movements and political theory. Anarchism provided de Cleyre both a means to understand her own pain as well as its remedy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great Recession, a group of identitarian nativist associations emerged in Spain, which, over time, gave shape to a new social movement: the Cultural Associations of National Aid (Asociaciones Culturales de Ayuda Nacional). Based on a digital ethnography and critical discursive analysis, this paper aims to examine their worldview and 'repertoire of contention', focusing on the latest events that have shaken the world and, more particularly, Spanish society. This research highlights two contributions to the nationalism and far‐right social movements study: 'national priority' as a radicalization of the 'national preference', and 'national aid' as a new discriminatory non‐state aid, which we will refer to as 'ultranationalist charity'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legacies of Chile's democratic crisis pose challenges for workplace gender equity. This paper brings together scholarly debates on gender regimes and factory regimes to examine the gendered labor practices in a high‐tech, transnational agricultural sector. Specifically, I ask how gender regimes and regulatory practices entrenched in Chile's authoritarian past shape labor dynamics in this industry today. I argue that we must look to the past to understand how firms benefit from unequal social relations embedded in institutions and for identifying mechanisms of change. I document how the neoliberal and authoritarian policies of the democratic crisis in Chile (1973–90) became the baseline conditions in democracy, leaving stark gender and labor inequalities that persist today. The resulting neoliberal pact continues to privilege elites and marginalize the working poor, especially women, contributing to the slow‐brewing inequality crisis that came to a head in 2019. Based on ethnographic observation and semi‐structured interviews in Arica, Chile, a major hub for corn seed development, I show how these legacies enable firms to benefit from Chile's unequal gender relations to develop high‐value products without paying the price associated with the skill needed to produce them. I find that conservative gender norms together with labor relations inherent in Chile's neoliberal model, rooted in a 17‐year dictatorship, create obstacles to efforts to address gender inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing research on state‐organized mobilizations (SOMs) has yet to establish a clear connection between cultural backlash movements in authoritarian regimes and a broad range of state‐led contentions, especially SOMs. The case of SOMs in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IR), exemplified by cultural backlash from 1995 until 2010, considerably enriches our understanding of various forms of state‐led contentions. Pro‐regime cultural contentions in Iran also give insights into how states upgrade their actions and rhetorical repertoires in response to a wide variety of perceived and real threats. Drawing on a unique longitudinal newspaper data set and analysing street rallies, policies and rhetoric of pro‐regime actors and factions, I show how culturally motivated social justice contentions by revolutionary rightist (RR) groups in Iran evolved into a long cultural movement, giving rise to a new type of SOMs – theorized as proactive performative ideological mobilizations – in the context of the IR. Further, this long cultural movement paved the way for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ascent to power in 2005, resulting in salient policy outcomes. Moreover, my findings suggest that pro‐regime RR actors exercise their agency by not only countering anti‐regime contentions but also by challenging the IR's various governing bodies. Finally, I propose that SOMs should be understood as enduring cultural movements in order to better make sense of their emergence and material consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although mutual aid organizing is a social movement practice long sustained by queer/trans people, immigrants, people of color, and disability communities, among other communities pushed to the margins of society, with the emergence of the COVID‐19 pandemic, and subsequent government failures in addressing unmet needs, mutual aid proliferated into new (and more socially privileged) communities in the United States and across the world. Amidst this landscape of extraordinary and unique crises, our study sought to understand the benefits experienced by those engaged in mutual aid in the early months of the COVID‐19 pandemic in the state of Colorado, United States. Our team conducted semistructured individual interviews with 25 individuals participating in mutual aid through groups organized on social media or through intentional communities. We found that participants, who engaged in mutual aid in the early months of the COVID‐19 pandemic, built empathy, a sense of nonjudgement, and critical consciousness as they created common ground as humans. Participants also found mutual aid engagement to provide nourishing support, to hold pain among more people, and, simply to "feel good." We discuss the potential implications of these benefits for sustaining mutual aid movements through the ongoing COVID‐19 pandemic in the United States and beyond. Key Points/Highlights: Mutual aid organizers during COVID‐19 experienced benefits to individual and collective well‐being.Mutual aid built a sense of empathy, nonjudgement, and critical consciousness among participants.Mutual aid provided nourishing support, an ability to hold pain among more people, and "felt good."Horizontal interdependent care models have benefits as we face complex crises of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia has recently witnessed the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts leading to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans–non‐humans and their territories, territorialities and their rights. These geographies enter dialogue with other disciplinary trajectories and Indigenous and Afro‐descendant perspectives. These new perspectives also interact with critical, feminist and decolonial geographies. These encounters have led to the arrival of new approaches, which I call destabilising geographies. The proposals positioned from these new perspectives look to decolonise the founding binary categories of geography. They are perspectives and proposals that destabilise institutionalised visions of geography because they emerge with and from social processes and movements that require political spaces and the recognition of territorial and environmental rights. These geographies propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human–non‐human territories, the political and the collective. They also reveal the racial territorial processes of extractive dynamics and armed conflict. In this text, I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialised extractivism, Black geographies and Indigenous relational spatialities. These reflections are based on my experience of over 16 years of teaching in the geography programme at Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Colombian has recently witnessed of the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts that lead to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans‐non‐humans and their territories, territorialities, and their rights. I call these geographies, destabilising geographies because propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human‐non‐human territories, the political, and the collective. I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialized extractivism, black geographies, and indigenous relational spacialities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rise of "climate projects," which are purposeful responses to climate change undertaken by individuals, groups, or institutions. These projects range from individual actions to national policies and can involve concrete changes or future plans. Sociologists are well-suited to study climate projects and can examine issues such as social inequalities, democratic politics, culture, and knowledge and expertise. The study of climate projects can provide insights into how people respond to climate change and inform public deliberations on climate action. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the rise of identity studies and the potential limitations and consequences of focusing on cultural differences. It introduces the term "IDology" to describe the study of identities and argues that it can align with neoliberalism and consumerism. The article also discusses the complexities of identity formation and the relationship between individuals and their social context. It suggests that ethno-cultural and religious resurgences among minorities may be a response to the limitations imposed by neoliberal governance. Additionally, the article explores the emergence of ultra-politics and the securitization of migration, which contribute to civilizational polarization and the erosion of democratic deliberation. The text introduces the concept of "sub-politics," referring to non-conventional forms of politics individuals use to navigate polarizing aspects of ultra-politics. It argues that social scientists should focus on examining socio-economic, political, psychological, and spatial factors that give rise to the formation of new communities, rather than solely emphasizing cultural and religious differences. The author suggests a post-IDology thinking that magnifies similarities among individuals facing similar challenges, rather than amplifying differences. [Extracted from the article]

The present research examined the psychological processes underlying engagement in non‐normative forms of resistance and the role of repression. We conducted two studies in the contexts of two distinct social movements, both characterized by high levels of repression— the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in Hong Kong and the "Chilean Spring" protests of 2019–2020. First, we tested whether non‐normative resistance was motivated by (1) moralization of non‐normative actions (moralization hypothesis), (2) perceived low efficacy of normative actions and lack of hope (nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis), or (3) perceived efficacy of non‐normative actions in achieving movement goals (strategic choice hypothesis). Our results provided converging evidence for the moralization and strategic choice hypotheses, but not the nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis. Furthermore, we proposed and provided evidence for a model of movement escalation, whereby experiences of police violence predicted stronger willingness to engage in future non‐normative actions via heightened motivations for non‐normative resistance and increased risk perceptions. Taken together, these findings illuminate that repression in the form of coercive police violence may be ineffective in quelling social unrest. Rather, it can contribute to the radicalization of protesters. Potential boundary conditions and cross‐contextual generalizability of the current results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines the quality of coverage received by social movement organizations when they appear extensively in the news? Research on the news coverage of social movement organizations is dominated by case studies supporting the “protest paradigm,” which argues that journalists portray movement activists trivially and negatively when covering protest. However, movement organizations often make long‐running news for many different reasons, mainly not protest. We argue that some of this extensive news will lead to worse coverage—in terms of substance and sentiment—notably when the main action covered involves violence. Extensive coverage centered on other actions, however, notably politically assertive action, will tend to produce “good news” in these dimensions. We analyze the news of the twentieth century's 100 most‐covered U.S. movement organizations in their biggest news year in four national newspapers. Topic models indicate that these organizations were mainly covered for actions other than nonviolent protest, including politically assertive action, strikes, civic action, investigations, trials, and violence. Natural language processing analyses and hand‐coding show that their news also varied widely in sentiment and substance. Employing qualitative comparative analyses, we find that the main action behind news strongly influences its quality, and there may be several news paradigms for movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right ‘nationalists’ generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's ‘strength of weak ties’ for far‐right diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the multiple and shifting meanings of children's activism and addresses some of the potential benefits and disadvantages of framing a given set of practices as children's activism. After recognizing the potential dangers of overuse of the term, we offer our own conceptual understanding of children's activism, focusing on collectivity, challenging expectations and transforming power. Further, in questioning what is new and old in theory and practice on children's activism, we illustrate how scholars and practitioners supporting children's participation can benefit from established literature, strategies and tools from youth activism and broader work on social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the 2016 elections, several feminist groups emerged in the U.S. in response to the election of President Trump. This manuscript focuses on a feminist assembly located in marginal and conservative Appalachia. Grounded in reflexivity, we employ affective solidarity to better understand feminist organizing in a post‐Trump rural Appalachian town. Based on a collaborative ethnography, including the National Organization of Women's local chapter members, conducted between 2016 and 2022, we analyze how political engagement has been initiated by an affective response—vulnerability, misery, rage, passion, and hope. By organizing open houses, marches, and voter guides, this group's outreach strives to inform and engage community members in dialogs around women's rights to improve gender equality in West Virginia, a state historically characterized by a conservative, heteronormative, patriarchal, and anti‐abortion mentality. We show how the dissonance between Trump's glorification of these ideologies and our affective responses served as a mechanism for feminist solidarity. This paper uses Butlerian principles to explore how vulnerability and resistance shape a feminist social movement held together by affective solidarity. We argue that responses to threats prompted by the Trump Presidency have been critical to the resurgence of our feminist agency and political engagement where conservative and masculine ideologies impose control over vulnerable populations. This paper advances the knowledge of vulnerability and agency and contributes to the literature on assemblies for political resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and political anti‐government movements have been major headlines across the globe in recent years, with a noticeable participation of women. In the MENA region, such movements spanned Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Lebanon among others. Through an ethnographic inquiry into the Algerian pro‐democracy movement Hirak (2019–2021), we delve into women's experiences of the Hirak to show how women remain marginalized politically, economically, and socially despite their heavy and praised participation. Using a recognition theory lens, we unveil dialectics of unity and division in the struggle for recognition among women in Algeria, a post‐colonial context charged with conflicting ideological stances. We detect two structural dimensions of the struggle, a spatial/physical dimension and a historical/temporal dimension that help surface different gender positionalities and their dynamics as they vie for recognition. We stress the importance of not homogenizing women's political struggles, especially in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on feminist geographies of space, proposing a feminist critical spatial practice approach to study social movement organizing. Inspired by the work of Jane Rendell, a feminist theorist and architectural historian, we propose embodiment, materiality, affectivity, and alterity as co‐constitutive of feminist organizing. Specifically, we prioritize the intertwining of space and body in resisting extractivism to analyze visual artifacts produced by artists/activists who have joined the anti‐extractivist struggle against mining in Northern Greece, Chalkidiki area. In particular, we focus on how bodies transgress and reconstitute space by affecting its materiality during artistic performances. We argue that the protesting (moving and ensounded) body enacts affective solidarities and invites collective action against exploitative neoliberal regimes. Finally, the article brings together body‐land territory and territorial‐community feminism literature to enrich our understanding of spatial practices of resistance against neoliberal extractivist regimes while highlighting the role of emotions and affect as a means of mobilizing for action and maintaining momentum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Social movement theory argues that activist movements emerge when the political opportunity structure is favorable. This article contributes to the literature on social movements and minority activism by showing that individual‐level activism happens even without a favorable opportunity structure. Methods: The legal journal Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht (Case Law on Reparations Legislation), published from 1949 to 1981, reported on West German courts' decisions about reparations claims appeals. All issues were examined for decisions on reparations claims appeals that Romani Germans submitted regarding West Germany's 1953 federal reparations law, despite the unfavorable political opportunity structure. The number of these appeals is reported, and select cases are discussed. Results: Every time a Romani claimant appealed a denied reparations claim, they were, according to feminist definitions of everyday activism, committing an act of activism. Such appeals appear repeatedly in the Rechtsprechung zum Wiedergutmachungsrecht, demonstrating that if scholars look for activism at an individual level, not a group level, evidence shows that members of marginalized minority groups engage in activism regardless of the political opportunity structure. Conclusions: These findings show that, if individual‐level activism is included in scholarly analyses, it becomes apparent that minority activism occurs even when the political opportunity structure is unfavorable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since labour geography first started demonstrating workers' ability to shape geographies, geographers have problematised the agency of labour. This article responds to a recent intervention by Strauss (2020a; Progress in Human Geography 44 [1]:150-159), challenging the sub-discipline to reflect on who counts as a worker and what counts as work. By combining theories of roles and intersectionality, the article poses a related question: as whom do workers act? Theoretically, a critical realist approach to labour agency forms the basis for an intersectional reading of the active subject. To illustrate our argument, we juxtapose the accounts of three people who speak for groups of workers or are asked to justify the actions of collective actors like unions or social movements. By showing how these actors improvise their own role incumbency while actively negotiating social identities, the article problematises the epistemology of constrained labour agency while responding to Strauss' call for a rethinking of the ontologies of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decolonial ecological imaginations entail a critical interrogation of mainstream environmentalism to unmask and unsettle it. These reflections expose how mainstream environmentalism legitimizes and perpetuates the colonization of the Earth and subaltern and Indigenous communities. Mainstream environmentalism is a colonial project to perpetuate the interests of settler colonialism and racial capitalism. This calls for a new search for decolonial and alternative ecological reimagination, informed by the epistemologies and eco‐politics of the Indigenous and subaltern communities and other grassroots social movements. Decolonial ecological imaginations involve the task of contesting and unsettling settler colonialism, extractive/exploitative capitalism, white supremacy, and all ideologies and practices of domination and exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical concepts of scale, space and place have informed and refined the theory of "framing" in the social movement literature. Going beyond the conventional approach of understanding social movements, this article aims to bring discussions on relational ontology into conversation with the geographical literature on scale and spatial strategies in social movements, proposing a theoretical framework that goes beyond established approaches in the literature on collective action framing. This article proposes for a holistic cross‐disciplinary dialog among political and development geographers and with activists and scholars from other cognate disciplines of social science to understand the complexities of framing in social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the influence of civil society participation on income inequality, a topic that has received limited scholarly attention. Civil society participation refers to the activities of citizens who organize into various groups, known as civil society organizations, to pursue common interests and goals. These organizations span a wide range, including interest groups, labor unions, spiritual bodies engaging in civic or political activities, social movements, professional associations, charities, and other nongovernmental entities. Our research utilizes an extensive panel dataset, encompassing a global sample of countries from 1975 to 2019. We aim to comprehensively analyze the direct effects of civil society participation on income inequality. Our findings reveal that higher levels of civil society participation are effective in reducing inequality over the short, medium, and long term. These results have significant implications for policymakers. They suggest that encouraging and facilitating civil society participation could be a viable strategy for addressing income inequality. By understanding the dynamics of how civil society engagement influences economic disparities, policymakers can better design and implement measures that promote more equitable economic outcomes. This research contributes to the broader discourse on economic inequality and the potential role of civil society in mitigating it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The twenty‐first century has been one of democratic backsliding. This has stimulated wide‐ranging scholarship on the causes of democratic erosion. Yet an overarching framework that identifies actors, behaviors, and decision processes has not been developed. I offer such a structure that includes elites (e.g., elected officials, the judiciary), societal actors (e.g., social movements, interest groups, media), and citizens. I discuss erosive threats stemming from each actor and the concomitant role of psychological mechanisms. The framework highlights the challenge of arriving at a holistic explanation of erosion within a given country during a finite period. It also accentuates why scholars should regularly consider the implications of their specific findings for democratic stability. I conclude by discussing various lessons and suggestions for how to study democratic backsliding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following recent events involving racism and violence in policing, the current study sought to understand factors associated with support for related social movements and worries about personal, family, and peer safety. Data were from 78 currently incarcerated young people (M = 16.5 years; 31% Black) and 20 juvenile prison staff (M = 40.3 years; 72% Black) via online surveys. A comparable proportion of young people (47.3%) and staff (47.4%) reported participating in the Black Lives Matter movement. Among young people, prior experiences with police were significantly associated with support for social movements and worries about safety concerning racism and violence in policing. Among staff, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and racial and ethnic identity were significantly associated with social movement support and worries about safety. Civic education and interventions to promote racial and ethnic identity may promote support for systemic change and buffer against worries about racism and violence in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2017 Catalan Independence Referendum prompted a historic resurgence of Spanish ‘centre’ nationalism. Such resurgence is indicative of a change in Spanish national identity as overt nationalism and is connotationally related to the Franco regime. This research focuses on the power and dissemination of newspaper narratives in the promotion and descriptions of such nationalism. Newspapers are discursively analysed to understand the decreasing reticence towards ‘centre’ nationalism in Spain, as evidenced by nationalist rhetoric and symbolism, and the significance of this change for the Spanish transition to democracy. It is found that the Catalan referendum inspired a strong counter‐reaction of dissociating centre‐periphery relations suggestive of pre‐democratic transition sentiments in the maintenance of the ‘centre’ as dominant and relegating the ‘periphery’ to its Franco‐era ‘threat’ status. Newspapers facilitated this shift in the nationalist narrative through their descriptions of the independence movement and the use of references and allusions to Spain's history and ‘near past.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper conceptualizes the phenomenon of historizing the present, defined as emphasizing the historical significance of present events and treating the present from the perspective of history. The authors identify four modes of historizing the present (emphasizing that: (1) the present will shape history; (2) the present is a unique moment in history; (3) the present will be remembered in history; (4) the present echoes history) and demonstrate how historizing can be employed by marketers of for‐profit and nonprofit organizations in a variety of contexts. The paper examines the psychological implications of appreciating the historical significance of the present and outlines a research agenda for studying the downstream behavioral consequences of historizing the present across diverse substantive consumer domains. It concludes with an examination of the broader societal implications of historizing the present as well as its implications for consumer well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on Hayden White's understanding of the subject and explores how best to move forward discussions in theory of history after his arguments about narrativity. To do so, I reconsider his arguments in light of more recent feminist and queer theorizations. Through a reconstruction of the current international new wave of feminism and LGBTQ+ activism as a rich and complex social movement that involves a narration of its own (practical) past, I will recontextualize and revaluate White's insight from the perspective of Judith Butler's theory of subject formation. The argument will unfold in four parts. First, I will recall White's ironic and existential stance on language and narrativity in the representation of reality and in relation to social beliefs. Second, I will again raise the question of the value of narrativity, as framed by White, in the context of the publication of a recent feminist manifesto. It is here that another issue will emerge as crucial: the relationship between the limits of linguistic self‐consciousness and the question of the subject. In the third part, my argument will take a partial turn "against White" and toward Butler's subject formation theory. My claim will be that there is a residue of the belief in the sovereign individual in White's insistence on self‐consciousness. However, I will also show that his suspicion regarding the psychological impulse toward narrative closure can be re‐elaborated as the challenge Butler is facing with their theory of subject formation: that of critically resisting the belief in our being coherent and self‐sufficient individuals. In the fourth part, I will present Butler's refiguration of the thesis of the subject's opacity in terms of the primary relationality that binds human beings to one another, and I will offer a new understanding of the individual, norms, agency, infancy, and ethics. Finally, I will conclude that we are bodies in history and that theory of history can find a promising line of research through this conception of the subject, a conception that reframes how we understand the intimate links between political consciousness, historicity, and embodiment. I also claim that this line of research constitutes an ethics for our historical undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explored Black and Latinx youth organizers' experiences of racism within national gun violence prevention organizing spaces. Interview data were analyzed from 17 Black and/or Latinx youth (Mage = 20.17, 47% women) across the United States who organized against gun violence. The findings identified three forms of racism that Black and Latinx organizers experienced in national organizations: (1) being tokenized for their racial identities and experiences without having real decision making power; (2) feeling a burden to educate their white peers about the structural causes of gun violence and how to improve organizing spaces for other youth of color; and (3) being silenced in their racially conscious organizing efforts to address the structural causes of gun violence in their communities. This research highlights how Black and Latinx youth gun violence prevention organizers contend both with structural racism in their everyday lives and racism in organizing spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which explores the opposition of White conservative evangelicals to environmental protection efforts in the U.S. Topics discussed include the way the late evangelical leader Jerry Falwell portrayed environmentalists as competitors, the possible reasons behind the anti-environmental stance of the Religious Right movement, and the views of the White conservative evangelical community on climate change and other environmental issues.

An essay is presented which explores the possible reform of American evangelicalism with regard to the #ChurchToo movement which aims to address clergy sexual abuse. Topics discussed include the connection between #ChurchToo and the #MeToo campaign against sexual abuse, the sexual abuse experienced by writer Emily Joy Allison as a teenager which led to the launch of the said movement, and the signs of spiritual abuse such as manipulation, enforced accountability, and coercion to conform.

This article uses a process‐tracing approach to understand changes in Singapore's health sector from the start of self‐rule in 1959 to the end of the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2022. Singapore is a developmental state recognized for its effective management of healthcare costs and its lack of political freedom. In both respects, the 'Singapore model' is of interest to other cities and nations. The standard narrative is one of technocratic proficiency in a context in which civic freedoms are heavily constrained, but this article identifies the surprisingly important role of social voices at key moments. It finds episodes in which effective changes to social policies are not the product of a state embedded in an organized society, but rather are influenced by the independent organizational capacity of certain social groups providing inputs to state elites on social grievances and policy needs. Effective policy changes require a responsive state elite that — even if it is technocratically dominated, as is the case in Singapore — can listen to social claims and provide answers that are not repressive. The article conceptualizes these dynamics as 'grievance politics' and shows their role in explaining health reforms. It contributes to understanding global health systems and policy making in developmental states by a fruitful cross‐fertilization with social movement studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over a century, abortion has been politically and socially contested, affecting people's lives through personal experience and/or public discourse. In the United States (US), abortion is sometimes exceptional—treated differently from other procedures, professions, and political issues—and sometimes an exemplar—an accessible example of a commonly occurring social, political, or personal phenomenon. It is, in other words, an excellent sociological case study. Yet the sociological literature on abortion is relatively thin. In this essay, we review research on abortion and opportunities for future sociological work in eight areas: gender; race; the body and embodiment; political economy; organizations, occupations, and work; medical sociology; law and society; and social movements. Sociologists have much to contribute to characterizing and understanding abortion, particularly following the 2022 US Supreme Court decision overturning the constitutional right to abortion. The discipline also has much to learn from studying abortion as a case. With its multifaceted social and political status and intersections with key areas of sociological interest, abortion offers a generative case for advancing sociological concepts, subfields, and constructs. While not exhaustive, our review aims to spark interest and inquiry, showcasing how a topic that spurs strong opinions can also catalyze sociological insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian regimes are known to repress the political activity of their diasporas transnationally by threatening harsh sanctions. But is this their only mode of transnational repression? This article builds on scholarship on social control to explore whether migrants bring internalized forms of political repression from their authoritarian home country to their democratic country of settlement—and if so, how it shapes their transnational political activity. In‐depth life‐history interviews with 29 U.S.‐citizen and permanent‐resident Syrian immigrants living in Los Angeles, California and Louisville, Kentucky reveal that for many U.S.‐based Syrians, demobilizing emotions, interpretive frames, and habits learned in Syria depressed their transnational political activity during the Arab Spring. Four internalized mechanisms of transnational political repression are conceptualized: learned helplessness, chronic fear of politics and the State, political trauma, and disciplined aversion to political expression. Leveraging comparisons between activists, demobilized activists, and non‐activists, this article demonstrates the connections between specific political socialization experiences, internalized political repression, and transnational political (in)activity. This article contributes to the growing literature on constraints and barriers to transnational mobilization, and to the debate over the role of pre‐migration political experience on immigrants' political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why develop leaders? What politics are implicit in our practice? This paper uses the history and practice of Popular Education as a comparative framework to survey the politics of intentional emergence leadership pedagogy, surfacing potential alliances for building social change movements. Using a case analysis, the article elucidates the ways the classroom embodies an opportunity to explore and enact a prefigurative politics of significant social change that upends traditional relationships to authority, hierarchy, and decision‐making. Exploring the opportunities and dangers of connecting the classroom to broader social movements, the article concludes by advocating that such connections could offer a firmer and more explicit stance to the question: why develop leaders? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of communalist self-government and its potential to redefine the roles of citizens and immigrants. It discusses how cities around the world are challenging the authority of the nation-state by organizing initiatives to welcome and integrate immigrants. The article argues that communalism, which focuses on self-governance at the municipal level, offers new possibilities for thinking about identity, belonging, and political participation. It also examines the relationships between municipalities and immigrants, and how communal self-government can secure cosmopolitan norms and redefine citizenship. The article draws on historical examples and political theory to support its arguments. [Extracted from the article]

Around the world, we witness not only growing levels of economic inequality but also the rise of protests whereby people from different social classes are demanding a more equal society. Our research uses a person‐centered approach to examine subgroups of participants in a social movement against inequality on the basis of their social class, intention to participate in conventional and/or radical collective actions, and social identification with the movement. We used longitudinal data from the Chilean student movement (two time points; total N = 1226) to conduct latent profile and latent transition analysis. We identified four profiles of participants: (1) inactive supporters (mostly from the upper class), (2) low radicals (mostly from the middle class), (3) moderate radicals (mostly from the middle class), and (4) high radicals (mostly from the middle class). The four profiles were generally stable over the one‐year period. We further found that group efficacy and a "nothing to lose" mindset predicted the profile membership of participants. Group efficacy also predicted transitions of participants between different profiles. Our findings highlight the key role that the middle class plays in diverse forms of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text discusses two books, "Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities" by Mahmood Mamdani and "Development, (Dual) Citizenship and its Discontents in Africa: The Political Economy of Belonging to Liberia" by Robtel Neajai Pailey. Mamdani's book explores citizenship and subjectivities in various contexts, while Pailey's book focuses on the political economy of belonging in Liberia. Mamdani examines settler colonialism and race, while Pailey emphasizes development and market forces. Both texts address the issue of citizenship from different perspectives, with Mamdani looking at settler colonialism globally and Pailey examining Liberia's exclusionary black immigrant settler paradigm. The texts highlight the complexities of citizenship and the need to address the legacies of colonialism. [Extracted from the article]

This article seeks to advance scholarship on conflict in feminist organizations. Using the theoretical framework on agonistic conflict of Chantal Mouffe, it analyzes a conflict about racism that arose in a feminist lesbian, bi and trans social movement organization, located in Paris (France). The main contribution lies in offering a framework to analyze the mechanisms that prevented this conflict from constructively fostering the intersectional politics of the feminist organization. The ethnographic findings show that the organization's inability to challenge its racism and whiteness is linked to its post‐political vision of feminism, which translates into attempts to suppress conflict related to multiple and competing identifications. Thus, this article contributes to existing research on conflict in feminist organizing by suggesting that the subduing of conflict associated with such a post‐political vision of feminism prevents feminist organizing from being "anti‐oppressive". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with a leading contemporary criticism of social and economic human rights, namely that because such rights are organised around sufficiency norms, they are ill‐equipped to challenge and overturn forms of material inequality. The sufficiency thesis raises issues around the nature of social rights and their capacity to deliver transformative change, and lays a direct challenge to social movements employing human rights talk and practices in campaigns for social justice. This article breaks new ground by taking the right to housing as a case study for assessing the sufficiency thesis. It is argued that while there is some support for the sufficiency thesis in dominant institutionalised legal forms of the right to housing, the wider claim of the thesis, that social rights are incapable of challenging forms of material inequality, does not hold water. This argument is supported by a broad approach to housing rights that engages with the work of the UN Special Rapporteurs on housing and which takes seriously the way in which contemporary social movements in Spain and Scotland employ housing rights in their struggles for housing justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

University students actively participated in the 2019 Hong Kong protests. In this context, the students expected that their universities would support their political stance. Drawing on data from interviews with student leaders, this article documents and examines students' expectations for their university heads, how they interacted and negotiated with university management and how university leaders variously responded to the students' expectations during the social movement. Noting the difficulties in reconciling conflicts over the positioning of the university amid strong political polarisation and social divisions in the society, this article argues that university leaders can only passively adapt to political unrest, and that such passive adaptation exemplifies university's vulnerability to political crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically employs the case of association football in England, from 1980 to 2023, as a social movement timescape, to examine the political consciousness and long‐term mobilisations of a generation of football supporter activists, and their capacity to influence politics, and respond to new, emerging, critical junctures, through networks of trust and shared memories of historical events. This is of crucial importance to sociology because it reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate and illegitimate social practices which characterise contemporary society's moral economy. Focusing on temporal contestations over regulation, policing, governance and cultural rituals, the article deconstructs the role of generations in social movements, and critically synthesises relational‐temporal sociology and classic and contemporary work on the sociology of generations, to show how legacy operates as a multifaceted maturing concept of power and time. In English football's neoliberal timescape, the supporters' movement has reached a critical juncture; the future will require a new generation of activists, to negotiate, resist and contest the new hegemonic politics of social control and supporter engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our research develops a framework that explores how to fuel the climate movement by accelerating grassroots, community‐based climate action. Drawing on insights from consumer psychology, our framework identifies the psychological mechanisms that encourage and motivate people, both individually and collectively, to take climate action, thereby contributing to our understanding of how to advance social action and propel a social movement. Our climate action framework builds on: (1) individuals we describe as climate upstanders who rise up to take climate action with like‐minded others, and (2) communities of climate upstanders who engage in collective action aimed at addressing the climate crisis. Our framework expands the field of consumer psychology by redefining the role of consumers to include the practice of social action and broadening the study of consumers to include collective, community‐based action. We call on consumer psychologists to research individual and collective consumer practices related to social action and contribute to making social good central to the study of consumer psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural wine is produced with organic grapes without the use of additives. As a social phenomenon, it comprises rural winemakers and urban consumers interconnected by a vibrant global community of distributors, bloggers, experts, and associations. Despite its continuous growth since the early 2000s, the movement has sparked global public interest since the French recognition of the vin méthode nature certification in 2020. Here we delineate the evolution of the natural wine phenomenon from its origins to its current situation. It will be argued that rather than a social movement or an alternative food network, natural wine can be better understood as a food phenomenon exhibiting a sustainable alternative mode of production and consumption that unites a loose coalition of diverse actors. In exploring the constant tensions involved in the ongoing redefinition of natural wine by social actors, we will analyze their different understandings of locality, naturalness, and ethical food production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay responds to and reflects on the arguments made by Charles Bosk in the introduction to The Price of Perfection: The Cost of Error, written from the perspective of a former sociology doctoral student of his who now works in academic medicine. The author highlights two innovative and persuasive threads running through Bosk's work critiquing the patient safety social movement: (1) the consequence of the social constructedness of medical error and safety solutions, and (2) the importance of the personal, relational, and social dimensions of occupational rituals in clinical practice. The legacy of Bosk's work and impact beyond sociology is considered. The author demonstrates the enduring value of his insights and the impact they can have on current debates about how to transform clinical practice to reduce patient harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines my environmental health work for nearly four decades with many environmental activists and organizations, as well as scientists and government officials. I discuss how I have merged research and advocacy, while mentoring many students and colleagues on how to do that. I discuss my efforts to conduct transdisciplinary work that crosses social sciences, environmental health science, environmental justice, social movement studies, and science and technology studies, while centering that work on community‐based participatory research. I examine my ability to do the practical work of serving public health and the broader social good, while also developing theoretical and analytical concepts along the way. I discuss the importance of continually being reflective about these many areas of work, both personal reflexivity and reflexive, evaluative discussions with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements must find ways to intensify their efforts to maintain political relevance—and potential influence. But escalation comes with risks in the potential reactions from authorities, supporters, potential supporters, and opponents. I argue that recognizing two elements of escalation can help. First, we need to acknowledge that movements are not unitary actors and that a large movement cannot always stop putative allies from escalating in risky ways. Second, I argue that scholars and activists can do better in making sense of the dynamics of escalation by disaggregating three dimensions of aggression by tactics, claims, and venues, assessing the range of responses to escalation on each of these dimensions. Social movement organizers face continual pressure to find ways to escalate, but responses from authorities and allies can provide a brake on escalation. I illustrate my arguments with reference to contemporary movements of the left and right in the United States and conclude by discussing the importance (and danger) of certain government responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]