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Rules are often stated in a negated manner ("no trespassing") rather than in an affirmative manner ("stay in your lane"). Here, we build on classic research on negation processing and, using a finger‐tracking design on a touchscreen, we show that following negated rather than affirmative rules is harder as indicated by multiple performance measures. Moreover, our results indicate that practice has a surprisingly limited effect on negated rules, which are implemented more quickly with training, but this effect comes at the expense of reduced efficiency. Only affirmative rules are thus put into action efficiently, highlighting the importance of tailoring how rules are communicated to the peculiarities of the human mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I shall argue, first, that potential kidney donors may be subject to harmful pressure to donate. This pressure may take almost any form; people have diverse interests, and anything that could set them back may qualify as pressure. Given features of the context—the high stakes, the involvement of family, and the social meaning of donation—such pressure may be especially harmful. This problem is less tractable than the more familiar worry that pressure may compromise consent. Screening may ensure donors validly consent, but it provides no protection against harmful pressure. I shall argue, second, that the use of such pressure is the predictable consequence of the prohibition on kidney sales. Potential donors have something—a transplantable kidney—that is both valuable and scarce. Many of them, informed about donation, decide against it. Those in need of a transplant may seek to persuade the unwilling. Given the prohibition, the donation cannot be made more attractive in absolute terms by, say, the addition of money. However, it can be made more attractive in relative terms. If declining the option is made worse, then, by comparison, accepting it is made better. The application of harmful pressure has the desired effect. With so much at stake, and no good alternatives, its use is predictable. I conclude that potential donors' interests should figure more prominently in the discussion of transplant policy. Those who defend the prohibition have made virtually no attempt to account for its impact on that group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illicit drugs policy debates are often informed by philosophical contests between harm reduction and prohibition advocates. One particular harm reduction initiative has been the introduction of Supervised Injecting Facilities (SIFs) in many jurisdictions including two in Australia, one in New South Wales (2001) and one more recently in Victoria (2018). There is significant evidence that SIFs save lives and can also help to reduce broader social harm to communities. This paper examines the consistent opposition to SIFs by the conservative Victorian Liberal‐National Party Coalition over two decades with particular reference to the parliamentary debates of 2000 and 2018. It is concluded that the Coalition's rejection of SIFs has been based overwhelmingly on prohibitionist philosophy and associated populism which frames drug use per se as a problem to be eradicated, rather than evidence on the effectiveness of SIFs in reducing harm to drug users and the wider community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crime of corruption ranges from politicians involved in high‐profile scandals to low‐level bureaucrats granting contracts and police officers demanding bribes. Corruption occurs when state actors criminally leverage their positions of power for financial gain. Our study examines how corruption varies by political power position and within criminal contexts by measuring the embeddedness of corruption within Chicago historical organized crime. We analyze Chicago's organized crime network before and during Prohibition (1900–1919 and 1920–1933) to compare differences across embedded network positions between political, law enforcement, and nonstate actors. Our findings show that more police were in organized crime than politicians before Prohibition, but the small group of politicians had higher embeddedness in organized crime. During Prohibition, when organized crime grew and centralized, law enforcement decreased in proportion and became less embedded in organized crime. Politicians, however, maintained their proportion and high level of embeddedness. We argue that everyday corruption is more frequent but less embedded when criminal contexts are moderately profitable. As criminal contexts increase in profitability, however, corruption moves up the political ladder to include fewer people who are more highly embedded. This work has theoretical implications for the symbiotic relationship between corruption and criminal organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s identities have re‐emerged as a powerful factor shaping support for specific public policies, often doing so at the expense of prioritising the interests of future generations. Outside the United States a major causal factor has been the declining ability of many political parties to mobilise support for themselves and their policies. Consequently, considerations derived from the past can be at the expense of future citizens. This article analyses two major policies separated by a century—Prohibition in the US and Brexit. With both, the enacted policies featured limited previous public discussion about their likely consequences. Moreover, in both cases it was a 'hard' version that would be enacted, even though some supporters had favoured more moderate policy options. While not all policies driven by support from particular identities harm future generations, some do. This results from politicians in public utterances previously being insufficiently focussed in detail on the policy's consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses a study by W. Hall and colleagues about bans on high-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) content cannabis products. Topics include the researchers' observation that many who supported legalization failed to anticipate the trend towards higher-THC products, the complex issue of taxing cannabis, and comments on the viability of banning specific products within a broader class.

Abstract: A major impediment to any nation abandoning the policy of drug prohibition has been the fact that international drug treaties to which the majority of United Nations (UN) member states are signatory prohibit the non‐medical use of amphetamines, cannabis, cocaine and heroin. The future of these treaties is now uncertain because of decisions by Uruguay, eight US states and Canada to legalize cannabis use. This paper: (1) provides a brief account of the international drug control treaties; (2) outlines the major criticisms of the treaties; (3) analyses critically proposals for treaty reform; and (4) provides a personal view on policies that nation states could adopt to minimize the harms from the use of cannabis, party drugs and hallucinogens, opioids, stimulants and new psychoactive substances. It is argued that: a major risk of cannabis legalization in the United States is promotion of heavy use and increased harm by a weakly regulated industry; some cautious national experiments with the regulation of party drugs and hallucinogens would be informative; a strong case remains for prohibiting the nonmedical use of opioids while mitigating the adverse effects that this policy has on opioid‐dependent people; stimulant legalization will probably increase problem use but prohibition is difficult to enforce, highlighting the urgency of finding better ways to reduce demand for these drugs and respond to problem users; and that it is unclear what the best approach is to reducing possible harms that may arise from the use of new psychoactive substances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Aim: To examine briefly the (i) rationales for two policy proposals in the United States to make it mandatory for cigarettes to contain very low levels of nicotine and to legalize cannabis for recreational use by adults; and (ii) possible lessons that participants in each policy debate may learn from each other. Method: We briefly describe the diverging policies towards cannabis and tobacco in the United States, explain and critically analyse their rationales and discuss possible policy lessons. Results: Advocates of cannabis legalization have argued that prohibition has been an ineffective and expensive policy that penalizes ethnic minority users unjustly of a drug that is far less harmful than alcohol. The prohibition of traditional tobacco cigarettes has been advocated as a way to eliminate cigarette smoking. These proposals embody very different attitudes towards the harms of recreational adult drug use. Advocates of nicotine prohibition demand that alternative methods of nicotine delivery must be shown to be completely safe before adults are allowed to use them. Advocates of tobacco prohibition ignore evidence that smokers may not use these products and the likelihood of expanding the illicit tobacco market. Advocates of legalizing and regulating recreational cannabis ignore the need to tax and regulate sales in order to minimize the harms of heavy use. Conclusions: It is not clear that the prohibition of adult use has a useful role to play in the regulation of either cannabis or tobacco. If both products remain legal, the goals of regulating tobacco and cannabis products should be to restrict youth access, promote the use of the least harmful products, provide users with evidence‐based information on both absolute and differential product risks of use and use differential taxes and marketing controls to promote ways of using these products that cause the least harm to their users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Aims Many policies have been introduced to reduce alcohol harm in different countries. However, Muslim majority countries (MMCs), where the major religion (Islam) prohibits alcohol consumption, have less well-developed civil alcohol policies. Overall, MMCs have low prevalence of alcohol consumption, although recently most MMCs have been undergoing transition, which has sometimes increased pressure for alcohol availability and impacted on social practices, alcohol policies and broader public health. Globalization, the influence of the global alcohol industry, recent governmental transition or political instability and the presence of immigrants from non-Muslim countries can all affect civil alcohol policy. In this context, consumption overall has increased compared with two decades ago. This paper presents an overview of current civil alcohol policy, with regard to the presence or absence of alcohol prohibition, and provides an insight into the legal availability of alcohol in MMCs and the challenges facing policymakers. Methods English, Arabic and Persian language sources were examined, using PubMed, government websites for each country and the World Health Organization (WHO). Some of the challenges MMCs may face in developing alcohol policies are explored, including the need to interact with the global economy and the potential influence of the alcohol industry. Conclusion Muslim majority countries have adopted a range of civil alcohol policies in recent decades. There is a pressing need for better data and to support Muslim majority countries in alcohol policy development. Lessons from Muslim majority countries can help to inform other parts of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Summary To reduce individual and social harms, most nations prohibit certain psychoactive drugs. Yet, prior scholarship has suggested that prohibition reduces illicit drug sellers' access to law and thereby increases predation against and retaliation by them. No prior study, however, has directly tested that theory by comparing drug sellers of different legal statuses operating in a single place and time. This study analyzes rates of victimization, legal mobilization, and violent retaliation in three retail drug markets in Amsterdam, the Netherlands: the legally regulated alcohol trade of cafés, the decriminalized cannabis market of 'coffeeshops,' and the illegal street drug market. Results from interviews conducted with 50 sellers in each market indicate, as expected, that illicit drug dealers have the highest rates of victimization and violent retaliation and the lowest rates of legal mobilization. Contrary to expectations, we find coffeeshops experience less victimization than cafés and have similar rates of violent retaliation and legal mobilization. Policy Implications Our findings suggest that state regulation of drug markets affects victimization and conflict management of sellers, but the relationship does not seem to be linear. Prohibition undercuts the state's regulatory capacity by producing zones of virtual statelessness in which formal means of dispute resolution are unavailable, and thus, victimization and retaliation are more common. At the other extreme is laissez faire regulation, which may make sellers more likely to address problems only after they occur (instead of preventing their occurrence). The Dutch government originally instituted coffeeshops as a harm-reduction method meant to separate the market for cannabis from that of hard drugs. The policy also seems to work well when it comes to reducing victimization, perhaps by encouraging the use of preventive measures by coffeeshop owners and employees. The Dutch experience offers lessons for drug policy reforms elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. Prohibition experience shows a remarkable policy reversal. In only 14 years, a drastic shift in public opinion required two constitutional amendments. I develop and estimate a model of endogenous law enforcement, determined by beliefs about the Prohibition-crime nexus and alcohol-related moral views. In turn, the policy outcomes shape subsequent learning about Prohibition enforcement costs. I estimate the model through maximum likelihood on Prohibition Era city-level data on police enforcement, crime, and alcohol-related legislation. The model can account for the variation in public opinion changes, and the heterogeneous responses of law enforcement and violence across cities. Results show that a 15% increase in the homicide rate can be attributed to Prohibition enforcement. The subsequent learning-driven adjustment of local law enforcement allowed for the alcohol market to rebound to 60% of its pre-Prohibition size. I conclude with counterfactual exercises exploring the welfare implications of policy learning, prior beliefs, preference polarization, and alternative political environments. Results illustrate the importance of incorporating the endogenous nature of law enforcement into our understanding of policy failure and policy success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The touchstone event in the history of alcohol control policy-both in the United States and globally-has unquestionably been the American experiment with alcohol prohibition. Yet in our haste to dismiss this failed policy as the product of misguided temperance zealotry, we risk overlooking a vast historical literature of objective liquor-control studies that are surprisingly similar to more modern studies of policy effectiveness. This article explores this largely undiscovered liquor-control literature, and places it into the context of the long history of alcohol-control studies. The article concludes that not only is this early liquor-control literature an important part of the heritage of the policy-studies discipline, but also a potentially valuable resource for future historical and longitudinal studies into alcohol and alcohol-control issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction and Aims. Catha Edulis Forsk (khat) is a plant-reported to have a stimulant effect similar to that of amphetamines-grown and used by eastern African communities worldwide. Khat can be legally consumed in many parts of the world, including Victoria, Australia. Recent concerns have been raised about the social and economic impacts of khat consumption among Victoria's East African community members. This study explores khat use and the social impact it has on East African families and communities in Melbourne, Australia. Design and Methods. Focus groups and individual interviews were conducted in 2009 with 29 members of Melbourne's East African community recruited via community leaders and snowball sampling. Fifty-five per cent of the sample reported khat use and the remainder reported only having experience of other people's use of the drug. Results. Participants who did not report chewing khat were mainly concerned with the negative social impacts of its use, such as the extended time men spent away from their families while consuming the drug. These participants (mainly women) expressed their hope that khat would be prohibited in Victoria. Participants who reported the use of khat (mainly men) reported that any social problems existed independently of khat consumption. Discussion and Conclusions. This study found only limited evidence that khat use has been impacting directly on people's health and well-being. Any moves to prohibit khat use may further marginalise already vulnerable groups of people.[Feigin A, Higgs P, Hellard M, Dietze P. The impact of khat use on East African communities in Melbourne: A preliminary investigation. Drug Alcohol Rev 2012;31:288-293] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of noncompetition agreements in the mental health profession has created unfortunate consequences for patients and families seeking and receiving care within their respective communities. In addition to exacerbating issues in access and the availability of care in the mental health delivery system, noncompetition agreements (1) undermine the goals of therapy and injure the public's welfare; (2) potentially conflict with professional ethics and standards of practice guiding the mental health profession; and (3) conflict with promising proposals to reform mental health care delivery. This Note advocates that states adopt a statute prohibiting mental health practitioners from entering into noncompetition agreements with their employers as against public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the ways in which the Toronto Police Service has constructed the problem of gun violence in the city. This violence is commonly associated in the media with young black males. The data for the study derived from semi-structured interviews with police officers and secondary sources, including police public statements, press releases, and official documents. The most prominent police frame attributed the problem of gun violence in Toronto to the proliferation of gangs, illegal gun smuggling and illicit drug trafficking. Other frames, to a lesser degree, blamed structural factors such as poverty and unemployment, disintegrated neighbourhoods and families, and a faulty legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accessible summary • This paper talks about what a group of people with intellectual disabilities in Ireland had to say about their experiences of relationships and sexuality, and the type of support they might like in this area of their lives. • Many people did not get enough information about sexuality. There were lots of things they did not understand properly and they wanted more information. • Many people wanted to have boyfriend and girlfriend relationships, but relationships were not allowed in their service. Some people had to have relationships in secret. • In Ireland it is against the law to have a sexual relationship with a person who cannot live without support, or protect themselves from abuse, unless you are married. • The law needs to be changed because some people with intellectual disabilities who need support in their lives are still capable of having sexual relationships and protecting themselves from abuse. • People with intellectual disabilities need better sexual information and need support to have their voices heard by government. How to translate the right of people with intellectual disabilities to a full sexual and intimate life into proactive support remains a challenge for disabilities services in Ireland. Little formal research has been undertaken in this country into what people with intellectual disabilities think about these issues and what they would like to see happen in this area of their lives. This paper presents a preliminary analysis of the first author’s PhD research into the views and experiences of a small group of Irish people with intellectual disabilities in the area of sexuality and relationships. Initial findings suggest that people with intellectual disabilities are getting insufficient sex education and that changes are needed at a disabilities service level to ensure that people with intellectual disabilities can express their sexuality in an open and supportive climate. At a government level, changes will need to be made to Irish legislation concerning the sexuality of vulnerable adults so that this country is meeting its obligations under the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2006). The authors argue that people with intellectual disabilities’ views must come first in all debates concerning their sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, alcohol has been used for different purposes including as a part of religious observances, as a food, at times as a medicine and its well-known use as a beverage. Until relatively recently these purposes have not changed and have at times been at odds with one another, resulting in collisions among policies and practices in science, medicine, public policy and the law. One area in which this has been particularly true is that of fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASD) where the adverse consequences of consumed alcohol on children in the womb and after birth may have been observed since antiquity, but the actions taken based on such observations have been influenced as much by the socio/cultural/political context of the times in which they were made as by evidence of harm. This article provides an overview of the inherent confusion when new scientific findings confront prevailing medical practice, the history involved in this confusion with respect to FASD, including public policy and legal issues that have arisen around alcohol and pregnancy, and the research and clinical challenges still being faced. Published 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc. Dev Disabil Res Rev 2009;15:170–175. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines the major policy challenges in reducing cannabis-related harm in Australia. The first is uncertainty about the health effects of cannabis, especially in young people. The second is uncertainty about the extent and severity of harms attributed to cannabis prohibition by its critics. The paper summarises and briefly states the extent of these putative harms to the degree that the data allow. The third challenge is a consequence of the first two, and the very different weightings that proponents of more liberal or restrictive policies give to harms arising from cannabis use and those arising from prohibition, namely, strong disagreements within the community about how we should respond to cannabis use by young people. In the face of such disagreement the formulation of cannabis policy necessitates a political compromise. The compromise that has emerged is a continued prohibition of cannabis production, sale and use, combined with either civil penalties for use in some states and reduced penalties or diversion in others. It concludes with suggestions about what needs to be learned about the health effects of cannabis use and the costs and benefits of cannabis prohibition if we are to develop policies that are more effective in reducing harms caused by cannabis use.[Hall WD. Challenges in reducing cannabis-related harm in Australia. Drug Alcohol Rev 2009;28:110–116] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim The aim of the current paper is to examine the impact of the enactment of constitutional prohibition in the United States in 1920 on total homicides, alcohol-related homicides and non-alcohol-related homicides in Chicago. Design Data are drawn from the Chicago Historical Homicide Project, a data set chronicling 11 018 homicides in Chicago between 1870 and 1930. Interrupted time–series and autoregression integrated moving average (ARIMA) models are employed to examine the impact of prohibition on three separate population-adjusted homicide series. All models control for potential confounding from World War I demobilization and from trend data drawn from Wesley Skogan's Time–Series Data from Chicago. Findings Total and non-alcohol-related homicide rates increased during prohibition by 21% and 11%, respectively, while alcohol-related homicides remained unchanged. For other covariates, alcohol-related homicides were related negatively to the size of the Chicago police force and positively to police expenditures and to the proportion of the Chicago population aged 21 years and younger. Non-alcohol-related homicides were related positively to police expenditures and negatively to the size of the Chicago police force. Conclusions While total and non-alcohol-related homicides in the United States continued to rise during prohibition, a finding consistent with other studies, the rate of alcohol-related homicides remained unchanged. The divergent impact of prohibition on alcohol- and non-alcohol-related homicides is discussed in relation to previous studies of homicide in this era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical explanations for the American “noble experiment” with alcohol prohibition based on individual conspiracies, cultural changes, social movements, or self-interested bureaucracies are partial and unsatisfying. Recent advances in punctuated equilibrium theory shine new light on this historical enigma, providing a more persuasive account of the dramatic episodes associated with both constitutional prohibition and its repeal. Through longitudinal analysis of a unique data set reflective of early twentieth century public alcohol control sentiments, this article suggests that, as but one of a range of potential alcohol policy options, national alcohol prohibition was hardly a foregone conclusion. The ultimate adoption of prohibition over competing alcohol control alternatives, as well as its eventual repeal, can best be understood with reference to particular feedback processes inherent in the institutional structure of American policymaking, which readily account for both the mad dash for prohibition and the widespread clamor for repeal, which have traditionally eluded historical explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims To consider the effects of alcohol prohibition and police presence upon serious injury in isolated Alaska Native villages. Design We compared rates of injury attributed to assault, self-harm, motor vehicle collisions and ‘other causes’ between villages with or without local prohibition and between villages with or without local police. Negative binomial regression was used to assess the relative effects of prohibition and police presence upon serious injury rates net of potential confounders. Participants A total of 132 isolated Alaska Native villages between the years 1991 through 2000. Measurements Serious injury was measured using Alaska Trauma Registry and Alaska Bureau of Vital Statistics death certificate records. Local option election records were used to classify cases as occurring in wet or dry villages and police deployment records were used to classify cases as occurring in villages with or without local police. Village-level statistics from the 1990 and 2000 US censuses were used in the negative binomial regression analyses. Findings Villages that prohibited alcohol had lower age-adjusted rates of serious injury resulting from assault, motor vehicle collisions and ‘other causes’. Dry villages with a local police presence had a lower age-adjusted rate of serious injury caused by assault. Controlling for the relative effects of village isolation, access to alcohol markets and local demographic structures, local prohibition was associated with lower rates of assault injuries and ‘other causes’ injuries while local police presence was associated with lower rates of assault injuries. Conclusions Residents of isolated Alaska Native villages are safer when they prohibit alcohol. A local police presence in dry villages provides further reduction of the incidence of assault. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western Australia (WA) became the fourth Australian jurisdiction to adopt a ‘prohibition with civil penalties scheme’ for minor cannabis offences when its Cannabis Infringement Notice (CIN) scheme became law on 22 March 2004. This study examined the attitudes and practices of policy makers, members of the law enforcement and magistracy and other judicial sectors involved in enforcing the new scheme, and their views as to its likely impact on the drug market. As part of the pre – post evaluation of the legislative reforms a sample of 30 police, other criminal justice personnel and policy makers have been qualitatively interviewed. Data were collected both at the pre-implementation stage (March and June 2003) and shortly after the Act became operational (mid-June 2004). The Western Australia Police Service's implementation of the CIN scheme has been extremely professional. However, these early results suggest that while the CIN scheme has been designed to take into account problems with similar schemes elsewhere in Australia, possible problems include: some operational police being unsure about the operation of the scheme; expected savings in police resources will probably be reduced by procedures which require offenders to be taken back to the station rather than issue notices on the spot as intended by the scheme's architects; probable net widening; problems with exercise of police discretion to issue a CIN; and public misunderstanding of the scheme. In the early months of the scheme understanding of the new laws among both police and members of the public was far from perfect. For the system to achieve the outcomes intended by legislators, it is essential that levels of understanding improve. Media and other campaigns to inform the public that cannabis cultivation and use remain illegal, and to warn about risks associated with cannabis use, should be extended. As it will be at least 18 months before the scheme is operationally settled in, the media and others should be cautious about reading too much into police data on numbers of notices issued and on rates of compliance. [Sutton A, Hawks D. The Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia: A review of policy, police and judicial perspectives . Drug Alcohol Rev 2005;24:331 – 336] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western Australia (WA) became the fourth Australian jurisdiction to adopt a prohibition with civil penalties scheme for minor cannabis offences when its Cannabis Infringement Notice (CIN) scheme became law on 22 March 2004. Previous criminological research has demonstrated the importance of public attitudes towards the law in determining the effectiveness of legislation. This survey represents the first phase of a pre–post study that attempted to gauge public attitudes towards the legal status of cannabis, the proposed legislative reforms surrounding the drug and their likely effects. A random telephone survey of 809 members of the WA population was conducted prior to the implementation of the new laws with a view to exploring contemporary views of the existing legal status of cannabis, attitudes to the proposed legislative model and respondent perceptions of its likely effects. Despite cannabis being viewed negatively by large numbers of the sample, criminal penalties for minor cannabis offences were viewed as inappropriate and ineffective. Once explained, the proposed civil penalty scheme was viewed as ‘a good idea’ by 79% of the sample, despite significant differences due to personal experience of cannabis use, political affiliation, religiosity and age of offspring. Most believed that the legislative change would not result in changes to levels of cannabis use (70%) or ease of obtaining cannabis (59%). These data suggest that prior to its implementation the new legislation was highly acceptable to the majority of the community. These baseline data will be compared with data to be collected at the post-change phase of the study to allow empirical observations of attitudinal and behavioural changes occurring in the community. [Fetherston J, Lenton S. Community attitudes towards cannabis law and the proposed Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia . Drug Alcohol Rev 2005;24:301–309] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western Australia (WA) became the fourth Australian jurisdiction to adopt a prohibition with civil penalties scheme for minor cannabis offences when its Cannabis Infringement Notice (CIN) scheme came into effect on 22 March 2004. This study, part of the pre–post evaluation of the legislative reforms, aimed to measure the impact of the changes on attitudes and drug use of school children. A self-completion survey was conducted of 2638 students in years 9 and 12 from a selection of 11 government secondary schools in Perth. The students knew more about the risks and harms associated with cannabis than they did about prevalence of use and cannabis law. Half the year 12s and 28% of the year 9s had used the drug. Only 32% of students understood the term ‘prohibition with civil penalties’. Once explained, 70% of those who had never used the drug said they would not try it if such a scheme were introduced, 5% said they would try it and 24% did not know. Significantly more (11%) said that they would try the drug if it were legalized. Although the CIN scheme applies only to adults there was a concern that such a change would indirectly affect cannabis use by children. This pre-change study suggests this is unlikely, but this will be monitored in the post-change phase of the research. [Lenton S, Farringdon F. Expected impacts of the Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia on attitudes and drug use of school children . Drug Alcohol Rev 2005;24:337–345] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect on the cannabis market is one area of interest in the evaluation of the new ‘prohibition with civil penalties’ scheme for minor cannabis offences in WA. One goal of the scheme is to reduce the proportion of cannabis consumed that is supplied by large-scale suppliers that may also supply other drugs. As part of the pre-change phase of the evaluation, 100 regular (at least weekly) cannabis users were given a qualitative and quantitative interview covering knowledge and attitudes towards cannabis law, personal cannabis use, market factors, experience with the justice system and impact of legislative change. Some 85% of those who commented identified the changes as having little impact on their cannabis use. Some 89% of the 70 who intended to cultivate cannabis once the CIN scheme was introduced suggested they would grow cannabis within the two non-hydroponic plant-limit eligible for an infringement notice under the new law. Only 15% believed an increase in self-supply would undermine the large scale suppliers of cannabis in the market and allow some cannabis users to distance themselves from its unsavoury aspects. Only 11% said they would enter, or re-enter, the cannabis market as sellers as a result of the scheme introduction. Most respondents who commented believed that the impact of the legislative changes on the cannabis market would be negligible. The extent to which this happens will be addressed in the post-change phase of this research. Part of the challenge in assessing the impact of the CIN scheme on the cannabis market is that it is distinctly heterogeneous. [Chanteloup F, Lenton S, Fetherston J, Barratt MJ. Expected impacts of the Cannabis Infringement Notice scheme in Western Australia on regular users and their involvement in the cannabis market . Drug Alcohol Rev 2005;24:311 – 319] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goldberg T. Will Swedish and Dutch drug policy converge? The role of theoryInt J Soc Welfare: 2005: 14: 44–54© Blackwell Publishing, 2005.Sweden and The Netherlands are often referred to as the archetypes of prohibition and harm reduction, respectively. Both nations have, however, recently adopted political measures that fit well in the other country's model. But they have also taken steps that reflect traditional thinking. Are we witnessing the initial stages of convergence or are recent developments better interpreted as adjustments? This article addresses these questions by comparing Swedish and Dutch theoretical understandings of‘the drug problem’. Goals and practices are illuminated in the context of underlying theory, raising the question: Can substantial convergence be achieved without significant prior changes in theoretical perceptions? It is found that the theoretical understandings of the two paradigms do not mix easily, complicating attempts at convergence. Moreover, both countries have invested a great deal of political prestige in their respective models, further exacerbating the problem. A conceivable way to circumvent these difficulties is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative data is reported from a study of 68 South Australians who had received an infringement notice or 'cannabis expiation notice' (CEN) and 68 West Australians who received a criminal conviction for a minor cannabis offence not more than 10 years ago to compare impact of the infringement notice and the conviction on their lives. The majority of both groups saw themselves as largely law-abiding, had respect for the law in general and had positive views regarding cannabis. However, more of the convicted group, compared to the infringement notice group, reported negative employment consequences (32% vs. 2%), further problems with the law (32% vs. 0%), negative relationship consequences (20% vs. 5%)and accommodation consequences (16%vs. 0%)as a result of their apprehension. While neither conviction nor infringement deterred subsequent cannabis use for the vast majority, the negative social impacts of conviction were far greater than those resulting from an infringement notice. The findings have implications for the legislative options for regulation of cannabis possesssion and use. [Lenton S, Humeniuk R, Heale P,Christie P.Infringement versus conviction: the social impact of a minor cannabis offence in South Australia and Western Australia. Drug Alcohol Rev 2000;19:257-264]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author discusses the important role harm reduction related to illegal drug use plays in the mainstream global drug policy in 2009. Also investigated is the role that illegal drug use plays in the development of HIV and AIDS, and the law enforcement techniques that are necessary to put a drug trafficker out of business.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "The role of religion in alcohol consumption and demand reduction in Muslim majority countries (MMC)," by D. Kalema, W. Vanderplasschen, S. Vindevogel and I. Derluyn, which was presented in a prior issue of the periodical.

The author discusses the article by Peter Reuter and Harold Pollack on the relationship between drug prices and enforcement intensity. He mentions that the empirical evidence speaks just to the failures of the past practice of enforcement, and enforcement has not optimized in producing the maximal effect on prices. He states that law enforcement does not frequently think in terms of maximization of social welfare or efficient production with respect to prices or objective function.

The authors discuss a study regarding the new psychoactive substances (NPS) in New Zealand. Topics include the challenges in the regulations of NPS in the country, the speculations about the absence of market for synthetic cannabinoids and the availability of cannabis, and the move of Peter Dunne, former Minister of Health, to reconsider prohibitions for the Psychoactive Substances Act (PSA).

The author discusses the legalization of commercial production and sale of cannabis in the first two states, namely, Colorado and Washington in the November's 2012 elections. The author mentions that the greatest change that has occurred following the passage of cannabis measures is the ability for individuals over the age of 21 to legally possess and grow cannabis products in those states. The author provides that the consequences of the legalization are yet unclear.

The author focuses on the performance of administrative drug-scheduling processes in dealing with drugs examined by C. Coulson and J. P. Caulkins. The author mentions that four possible Type II errors were discovered by the researchers and found that legislative action is responsible for one probable Type I error. He adds that the single class of benefit from the use of any drug recognized in the conventions and the Controlled Substances Act was noted by the researchers.

In this article the author discusses the study of Willy Pedersen regarding the association of cannabis use with poverty of the Norwegian young people. He states that the longitudinal, prospective data, and careful testing of Pedersen for the possible confounders as well as his findings of a dose-related relationship provide confidence in his correlation. He mentions that Pedersen claimed his study has added to the present harmful social consequences of cannabis use.

The article presentes the author's stand about the study of W. Hall on the National Alcohol Prohibition in the U.S. He highlights the history of prohibition that has started during the time of Sultan Murad IV in the seventeenth-century. Further,he also comments on the difference between the two words, prohibition and partial prohibition that has been a contentious issue in language that served as an advantageous frame for libertarians.

In this article the author discusses the aspects of cause and effects of alcohol use and its addiction in human beings. He discusses the common factors in the addiction of alcohol and other drugs. Also investigated are the use of alcohol as a commodity in the U.S. He states that the prohibition of drug raises the difference between criminalized addicts from non-criminalized addicts.