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Civil-military relations have become increasingly institutionalized in the context of UN peacekeeping operations. Nevertheless, attempts to strengthen the interface between military and humanitarian communities have been permeated by many conceptual and operational dilemmas. Analysts have raised a series of issues not only about the operational viability of promoting coherent civil-military relations, but also regarding the very proposition to forge any kind of identity between the two communities. Critics argue that the extensive militarization of humanitarian affairs and the integration of military and humanitarians are corrupting humanitarian principles and subordinating humanitarians to military logic/structures. The main argument is that civil-military relations reinforce hegemonic statecentric approaches over more solidarist, emancipatory and non-statist ones. This paper does not follow this position neither aims to retake the pluralism-solidarist debate. Instead, it proposes to articulate the engagement of peacekeepers in civilian protection from a normative and institutional perspective which gives room to problematize the state-centric logic guiding UN soldiers in peace missions. By framing peacekeepers as polis-keepers, the paper tries to understand civil-military relations in less clashing terms so as to respond to growing demands for a more open dialogue between military and humanitarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore foreign and defense policy-making in the Baltic Sea regional context. Exploring the utility of prevailing international relations theories, I take an empirical, policy-making perspective to analyse the interactions among four issue areas and their implications for policy-making. The goal of the paper is to explain how Sweden, Finland and the three Baltic States have coped with strategic (in a regional context) uncertainty, made decisions to exercise control over their security environment, and incorporated domestic and external feedback into decision-making processes. The four issue areas serving as organizational guide to policymaking include (1) membership in the European Union and Nato; (2) building sustainable domestic coalitions and constituencies; (3) managing/resolving external and domestic obstacles; (4) independent versus regional bilateral/multilateral policy focus. This analytical framework provides the context for a theoretical evaluation of the evolution, stability, and sustainability of security policies within the region. Specifically, it offers a unique perspective on the interaction and reconciliation of region-external and region-internal policy constraints/opportunities at the policymaking levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the preferences of major political factions are likely to influence policy choice on security issues, the origins of these preferences remains unclear compared to those on foreign economic policy. This paper examines efforts to explain preferences on security issues using data on congressional roll call voting. A large body of quantitative research in this area concludes that ideology drives these preferences, and that constituency economic interests have little or no effect. Unfortunately, this literature conceives of economic interests in an unrealistically narrow way, and does not consider the possibility that these interests may shape the ideology of members of congress. Using data on Senate voting on foreign policy from 1947 through 2000, this paper presents evidence that Senators’ home states’ stake in the international economic order, as well as their stake in military spending, played an important role in shaping foreign and defense policy. Although liberal-conservative "ideology" also matters, its effects are more consistent with an interest-based vote trading arrangement than with a coherent set of ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most previous studies using the poliheuristic theory of decision have focused on national security issues wherein decision makers tend to pursue noncompensatory strategies en route to a foreign policy choice. The theory argues that decision makers avoid tradeoffs primarily with respect to the political consequences of their decisions. However, some scholars have questioned whether the same noncompensatory process would work in scenarios where the stakes are not so high, i.e., in non-loss of life situations. Perhaps decision makers would be more willing to engage in compensatory decision making in economic or diplomatic realms. This paper will use two different scenarios, a national security use of force versus an economic scenario to determine the conditions under which decision makers would be more likely to use noncompensatory instead of compensatory decision strategies en route to choice. I will also examine if the two different scenarios lead to other changes in information processing. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to historical records, in August 1939 Albert Einstein warned President Franklin D. Roosevelt that work being conducted by German and Austrian scientists on nuclear chain reactions could lead to the development of a new and powerful weapon ? an atomic bomb. The same records suggest that Roosevelt responded to this news by creating what is commonly referred to as the ?Manhattan Project? to further the United States? research efforts in response to this potential shift in the balance of power. Traditional studies often advance the theory that foreign and associated national policies are initiated by those in the executive branches. Closer scrutiny of recently declassified primary documents from this era challenges this, as well as the other established decision-making models. Using archival materials (contracts, memorandum, formal and informal correspondence, and oral histories) from 1933 through 1942, this paper explores the entrepreneurial origins driving the decision making process to build the atomic bomb. This temporal domain was chosen because it represents the early stages of significant United States nuclear policy formulation and will provide the framework of an alternative explanation. It is the hope of the author this case study will not only shed new light on the long-standing historical account of the decision making origins of the atomic bomb, but provide the foundations against which to test this alternative model in national and cross-national defense development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does NATO membership imply membership in the western security community? What is the precise 'status' of NATO in the security community? The aim of this paper is to offer rejoinders to these questions by examining the different conceptions of a security community and the evolution of the 'status' of NATO in the security community. This paper will demonstrate how ambiguity as to precise security community membership is the result of different conceptions of the security community. Further, the concept of "concentric security communities" will be introduced which will contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between NATO expansion and membership in the security community. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a theoretical and empirical analysis of false beliefs related to Iraq, defined as an individual’s response to a survey question, which is contrary to all available evidence. This paper contends previous research has failed to distinguish the uninformed from the misinformed and have not fully integrated the combination of institutional and individual factors that contribute to misperception formation and maintenance. This paper proposes a synthesized theory that explains how institutional factors, such as information provided by executive branch and the media interact with individual factors, such as individuals’ tendency to engage in politically motivated reasoning, news consumption habits, level of political sophistication, and strength of party identification influence false beliefs related to Iraq. Previous research by Kull, Ramsey, and Lewis (2003) has suggested Iraq related misperceptions would wane as new information became available and as time passed from the war. I use March 2006 PIPA/KN survey data to examine whether false beliefs related to Iraq have decreased at the aggregate level and use logistic analysis and chi-square statistics to examine individual level factors that influence false beliefs. In doing so, I demonstrate whether increased attention to news about Iraq decreases false beliefs and to whom increased attention matters. Finally, I demonstrate the importance of false beliefs by revealing their strong relationship with support for the Iraq War. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I try to explain that the reason why China's participating behavior in international regime has been changed is due to the self-interested and rational consideration, not international socialization. In a nutshell, the research achievements of this essay can be concluded as three points: firstly, the assumption of China's security and military policy has been changed from the Hobbesian Culture in 1980s to the Lockean Culture after 1991, and so far, its security and military policy is still implied a sense of non-security. Secondly, before China's attitude or policy toward disarmament or arms control has been change, China's self-identification in international system has been changed, so the pivotal variable which may influence its participating behavior is its self- orientation in international system, not its orientation in international society. Finally, although China is not a strong case, however this case also implies that the assumption of international socialization may be not enough. The reason why state's attitude and behavior toward regime or state has been changed is not only caused by the change of its self- orientation in international society or those value implied by regimes but caused by the rational consideration under the condition of new information or situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When people trust the government, they are more likely to support its policies, especially those that require sacrifice (Hetherington 2005). However, "the government" is a complex and amorphous set of institutions. Depending upon what parts of the government become salient, the public's understanding of the nature and functions of it changes. Following the New Deal and the Great Society, people most often thought of government in terms of its ability to deal with race and welfare policy policies. We find, however, that the September 11 terrorist attacks and the Bush administration's response ushered in a new era in which people began to think about the government in terms of defense and foreign policy. As a consequence, we witness a change in how trust matters. Political trust ceased to affect attitudes about redistribution and race-targeted programs and started to affect foreign policy preferences. Our analysis of the 2000-2004 ANES Panel Study and the 2004 ANES Time Series Study shows this change transformed political trust from a reservoir of support for programs that serves the least well off to a factor leading people to favor interventionist and hawkish foreign policy. These results contribute to a somewhat new understanding of political trust. Specifically, the policy domains that become salient determine which policy preferences political trust affects. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the implications of the Defense Transformation experience of Great Britain as well as its potential consequences for the region and its allies. It cites that the Strategic Defence Review (SDR) undertaken in 1998 characterized the first major change in approach to defense and security policy and it has been widely perceived as a template for reform by several states. The biggest challenge for experience is to have understanding of what to transform to.

Realists have made important predictions and offered policy prescriptions on major foreign policy issues since the end of the Cold War. Kenneth Waltz predicted the demise of NATO ("NATO’s days are not numbered, but its years are") and warned that with the end of the Soviet threat, former friends and foes of the United States would seek to balance against the international predominance of the United States. He also argued that the gradual spread of nuclear weapons might not be a bad thing and that by making states less insecure this would induce caution among even the cruelest leaders. Others have predicted US withdrawal from Europe followed by a return to great power competition among Europe’s leading states, opposed enlargement of NATO and predicted serious trouble with Russia if this were to occur, advocated that the US begin a gradual process of disengagement from Europe, and stipulated that US air power would be of little use in Afghanistan. More recently, a group of mostly well-known structural realists argued that, much like other leaders, Saddam Hussein could be contained within Iraq and deterred from attacking his neighbors or using weapons of mass destruction against the United States and its friends and allies. The realists’ overall record is mixed. Realists, drawing on realist theory, were certainly more prescient than others about the likelihood of continuing conflict in post-Cold War international politics and the limits of "global governance." On the other hand, theory-driven predictions about NATO have not been borne out - at least not yet - and policy recommendations about Iraq may have owed more to personal preferences than to theory. The record of the recent past thus suggests the need for more subtlety in applying realist assumptions to the real world. Ironically, the implication of the NATO and Iraq cases may be that realist authors have not always have been realist enough in doing so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In previous work on two level security, we have analyzed the consequences of the strategies states pursue when faced with multiple threats in light of resource and other constraints. To deal with the problems created by substitutability, we have conceptualized those strategies in a general way as either a [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore potential sources of military and defense policy renewal within the wider context of foreign policy that will emphasize, of necessity, engagement, soft power and multilateralism. For military and defense policy, renewal will derive ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the diffusion of state policy to limit the protests of Fred Phelps at the funerals of fallen soldiers. Despite the appearance that these policies are in direct response to Phelps, they follow a regional diffusion pattern. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the famed fifteenth chapter of The Prince, Machiavelli criticizes the writers of "imagined republics and principalities" for neglecting the effectual truth of politics. He claims that these writers are excessively concerned with how people should act and, as a result, fail to understand how people do act. Such a teaching, Machiavelli believes, ruins those who follow it because it leads to a concern with one's own goodness, rather than how to protect oneself from the many who are not good. Ultimately, Machiavelli's criticism can be boiled down to the simple idea that previous writers have ignored the study of "defense policy" or how to protect one's self or one's nation from hostile outsiders. The aim of this paper is to determine whether or not Machiavelli's criticism accurately applies to the teaching found in Plato's Republic, perhaps the most famous work about an "imagined republic." In order to accomplish this aim, I will examine the role that defense policy plays in the imagined city that Socrates and his young companions construct. Although the vast majority of the discussion in the Republic concerns the domestic policy of the city in speech, I will focus my analysis on two important passages in which Socrates and his interlocutors discuss defense policy. In the first (422a-423b), Socrates recommends a Machiavellian-style defense policy to deal with dangerous neighbors. In the second (469b-471c), Socrates modifies this policy to allow for friendships between naturally alike cities. In light of these passages, I will argue that the teaching of Plato's Republic does not ignore the study of how to protect oneself from hostile outsiders as Machiavelli claims. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructivist readings of the ?culture? of national security have done much to account for national variations in military strategy. However, such accounts tend to focus on the norms themselves, rather than the particular conditions of norm creation, or their actual institutionalisation. Drawing on contemporary approaches to state theory, The paper will examine the development of the US ?national security state? in the post-World War II period as means to looking at these broader concerns. The centralising tendency of improved civil-military coordination may not have amounted to a ?garrison state?, as some have argued, but it certainly did go against prevalent anti-statist tendencies within US political culture. The institutionalisation of the national security state, therefore, was an important moment in postwar state identity formation. The institutionalisation of the national security state, by its very success, also led to the durability of both its formal and informal manifestations within the US government, as a form of reproduction of institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many respects the United kingdom represents a leading transformational power not just in terms of the capabilities that it is seeking to acquire but also in its approaches to transformation.This paper will examine the role political dynamics in defence transformation and how they are impacting on this process. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at whether uses of military force divert media coverage away from adverse economic conditions and toward the use of force situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I propose a two-level model of government policy innovation and demonstrate its plausibility by explaining historical cases of innovation in military doctrine. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The support of members of the military is almost assumed for George W. Bush and his Iraq war policy. Is this assumption warranted? Early research on the Iraq war has dealt with the relationship between casualties and conscription (or, lack of, Vasquez, 2005), but not on the views of those carrying the burden, specifically, members of the military and their families.Using poll data gathered from five southern states in February 2006, we examine relationships between military affiliation and support for the war in Iraq and support for President Bush, finding that these two things are far from one and the same. The five states are Florida, Georgia, North and South Carolina, and Virginia, chosen, in large part for their high concentration of military families. Of the 1264 respondents, 474 were affiliated with the military in some way, providing a rich basis for some useful comparisons. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political elite in China first raised the importance of cultural power in 2002 at the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) 16th National Congress. However it is at the Fourth Plenum of the 16th Congress in 2004 that the push for cultural development as a strategic move gathered momentum. 'Enhancing the advanced socialist cultural capability' is prioritised as one of the central objectives of the CCP. A new campaign of 'deepening cultural institutional reform' to 'liberate and develop cultural productivity' was launched. 'Cultural security' is seen as a new but essential component of national security that needs to be strengthened. Main issues to look at (these elements may overlap): (1) Structures, forms and characteristics of 'national cultural security'; (2) How 'cultural security' situates within wider human/non-traditional security discourse; (3) Contextual background of 'cultural security' (political, cultural, economic, ideological, and global, focusing on revamping of cultural legacies, ideological reorientations; (4) Policies - main policies; (5) Implementations - new moves in research, industry changes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-9/11, women are viewed as disadvantaged in an electoral environment that emphasizes national security. I analyze bill sponsorship of defense policy proposals to test popular assumptions about women's policy expertise. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]