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The article provides the description of Algeria as its government not recognise the Indigenous status of the Amazigh and refuses to publish statistics on their population. It mentions recognition of the Amazigh language as a "national and official language" in Algeria's Constitution; also focuses on Algeria's political instability throughout 2019 due to a power struggle.

The article discusses various issues involving the indigenous peoples in Algeria, and it mentions the Algerian government's failure to recognise the indigenous status of the Amazigh people. Algeria's Tamazight speaking population is addressed, along with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, repression in Algeria, and violations of fundamental rights. A periodic report to the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) is assessed.

The "oil curse thesis" links a country's oil largesse inter alia to the durability of its authoritarian regime. And it contends that abundant oil revenues enable autocrats to stymie democratic transition by obviating taxation from citizens, buying off their political acquiescence, bolstering the repressive apparatus and thwarting the formation of civil society. This paper revisits the relevant literature by qualitatively testing its predictions on an in-depth case study of the Algerian regime in the face of the political crisis and riots of 2011. Going beyond the deterministic argument on "oil wealth-authoritarianism", it carefully examines the strategic interaction between country-specific factors and oil wealth and studies how the confluence of these factors has shaped the survival of the authoritarian regime in Algeria since 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a January 8-10, 2014 conference in Florence, Italy organized by the Imperial History Working Group historical society on the historical ideologies of imperialism. Topics of presentations delivered included international cooperation in the founding of the Institute Colonial International imperialism society in Brussels, Belgium, humanitarianism in 20th-century Chinese charitable organizations, and colonial conflict in French Algeria following World War I.

The article discusses the relationship between fertility policy and population change in Algeria. According to the authors, government policies surrounding fertility were not aligned with actual demographic developments and had minimal influence on reproductive behavior. It is suggested that family planning programs do not serve to lower fertility where it is perceived to be too high, but rather provide additional support for independent changes in attitude and behavior. Other topics include access to contraception and economic development.

This article explores the constraints of contemporary history writing about Algeria. It analyzes the historiographical blocks and blind spots to show the centrality of the question of unity/plurality within Algerianness. Borrowing from anthropologist Franççoise Hééritier, it uses the notion of entre-soi to elaborate a new chronological framework, a continual sequence of war between 1945 and 2002. It also examines the impact of the rapid succession of these episodes of political violence on individual memories, and how moments of paroxysmal violence are reactivated during interviews, and considers the emotional cost for historians when they become the last recipient of narratives of forms of violence intended to terrorize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the scholarly debate over Islam and democracy has centered on what has been referred to as the "inclusion-moderation hypothesis," and whether democratic institutions are capable of incorporating hostile religious actors. To build on this debate, the concept of inclusion and the expectations about its political effects should be broadened to include the interaction between religion-state relationships and democratization processes in predominantly Muslim societies. Inviting ambivalently democratic religious actors into the public democratic space produces dynamics of both political moderation and religious change. The mechanisms of this theoretical model can be evaluated by tracing the evolution of two Islamist political parties in Algeria, the MSP-Hamas and Ennahda-Islah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism of the book "La part du mort," by Yasmina Khadra is presented. The author examines how the book challenges the official Algerian narrative of the struggle for independence by determining the problematic period of Algeria's history. She also asserts that the book scrutinizes the very foundation of the nation and the stereotypical representation of its community that undermines the policy of silence.

Almost 20 years on from the civil war in Algeria, the Islamist leaders of the illegalised Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) are still struggling to be integrated into the political scenario. The amnesty and harmony laws introduced by President Abdelaziz Buteflika have not achieved the desired national reconciliation. A large part of the social elite are unable to exert their political rights, but they dream of creating, once again, a true party with a religious vocation. At the bottom of the issue lies the very construction of the state, a process that is still unfinished since the National Liberation Front (FLN) and its military wing appropriated power after independence, ignoring and excluding society. The use of violence is still present and the old unresolved conflicts represent a danger for the fragile balance maintained by the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the "Plan de Constantine," the French colonial administrative plan for Algeria during the 1950s instated by President Charles De Gaulle to develop the African nation. Discussion is offered outlining the vision and initiatives of the plan. Further details are addressed regarding the historical context of the government program, noting its existence as a late-Imperial action in the post-war era.

The article focuses on the the terrorist group Al Qaeda in the Lands of the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the collective factors that allowed AQIM to succeed. It highlights the foundation of the concept of terrorism to further a political agenda during Algeria's war of independence with the French. It then explores the factors that influence the lack of trust between the nomadic Tuaregs and foreign forces. Moreover, it also discusses the civil war in Algeria and the emergence of modern terrorist groups. Lastly, the impact of the post-9/11 attack in the evolution of terrorism as a reaction to actual or implied American hegemonic ambitions is discussed.

Purpose - The paper seeks to examine the evolution of, and assesses current trajectories of change in, the Algerian employee relations system. Design/methodology/approach The paper reviews a range of literature on employee relations in Algeria and draws on the authors' research over the years in the field, including recent interviews with unions' representatives. Findings The paper provides evidence to suggest that the Algerian system of employee relations is a product of interactions and intersections between historical circumstances and different institutional arrangements and configurations to enable the state to hold together its power and control over unions. The paper shows how the preferential treatment of the UGTA by the government created an uneven playing field favouring the UGTA over independent unions. Research limitations/implications A major limitation of the paper is lack of strong empirical evidence. Practical implications The paper suggests that the single most important factor deterraining unions' ability to manoeuvre is the continuing support they obtain from the government and its institutions. The analysis provides practical suggestions for independent unions. Originality/value- To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first paper on recent developments in employee relations in Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the democracy concept of the Fundamentalist Parties in Algeria and Tunisia. The democratic elements in early sources and in the programs of the Algerian Front Islamique du Salut and ANNAHDA in Tunisia are discussed. The study of the political system of the fundamentalist leader Rached al-Ghannouchi reveals that the system he proposes may be designed as an Islamic democracy, since it takes into account the separation of powers and pluralism of political parties.

The article reports on the opposition of six associations, working for the victims of Algeria's brutal civil war, to a new charter for peace and national reconciliation approved by the government. The charter was decreed on August 15, 2006 by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Opposition to the charter was fierce among rights activists.

Political violence in Algeria has often been accounted for only by recourse to caricatures of a society supposedly 'intensely violent' by nature, or else rationalised as the product of a peculiar political culture and national historical experience. Departing from both approaches, this article suggests that different occurrences of both state and non-state violence must be understood as particular, distinct moments in both the recomposition and breakdown of inherently conflictual social relations. While Algerian history (including colonial history) provides many examples of the non-violent negotiation of social and political tensions, the social production and experience of violence have been written into dominant historiographies and public culture in complex ways. These complexities of the successive ways in which different moments of violence have been encoded belie both theories of the inescapable reproduction of cyclical violence as a pattern of political behaviour, and less sophisticated, but enduring, clichés of 'Algerian savagery'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Algeria's third plural presidential election caught the imagination of the Algerian electorate like no one has done before. Previously, the results were known in advance and elections served only to confer legitimacy on decisions made elsewhere, invariably by the military. This 2004 election seems to be more open. At least in theory, for the first time in Algeria's history, the winner of this election is not going to be the explicit choice of the military. In addition to the neutrality of the army, the autonomy of the former ruling party, the FLN and the unprecedented criticism of the President, the ingredients for an open and exciting election were in place. While most candidates engaged in negative campaigning, sometimes even at the expense of their political manifestos, the incumbent president stressed his achievements, particularly on the security front. 'National reconciliation', the way towards the establishment of further peace, dominated his political campaign and turned the election to a referendum on stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the role of Islamism in the evolution of Algeria as a state. Evolution of political Islam in the country; Role of violence in fostering social change; Rise and fall of the Islamic Salvation Front; Emergence of the Armed Islamic Group; Forecast on the state of Islamism in the country.

Presents the text of a speech given by Jacques Derrida, 2001 Adorni prize awardee, at the public reunion held at the International Committee for the Support of Algerian Intellectuals and the League of the Rights of Man on February 7, 1994, which deals with the economic and political situation in Algeria.

Provides information on a study concerning the cycle of economic crises, financial reforms and relation of the state and labor force in developing countries. Effect of economy on the prevalence of labor movement and social unrest; Microstructural analysis in the concept of moral economy; Sample analysis on the political history of Algeria; Discussion on the formation of labor unions.

Examines the effects of oil on the foreign economic relations of Algeria and Nigeria. Implications of the military regimes on the democratic transitions of the country; Use of sovereignty claims; Centrality of oil to the political economy.

Discusses the role of religious institutions in the processes of democratization involving religious parties in Algeria and Belgium. Overview of the political conditions of Algeria and Belgium; Analysis of the outcomes in the countries' politics; Implications and conclusion.

Presents the transcript of the Sadat Forum held at Brookings Institution on September 10,1998 about Algeria's democratization. Transitions in Algeria from 1970 to 1995; Predominance and control of military institution over the Algerian state; Actions taken by the United States to help the country; Contributions of a free-press to the country's bid for democracy.

This article examines the consequences for political organisation of Algeria's sustained and bloody conflict. Women's right to public action has been fundamentally challenged in this virtual civil war, and they have been at the forefront of resistance to violence, in different forms of political action and at different levels of society. Religious fundamentalism raises important questions about the nature of the political and how it occupies public space, and behaviour in the household (particularly that of women) has become a matter of public struggle. Resistance to or organising against fundamentalism and violence in turn enters a debate about political rights. For these reasons, Algerian women's organisations probably present the most diverse aspects of Algerian associational life. Their experience has wide relevance because it is shared by women in other situations where religious fundamentalism combines with a patriarchal system to oppress them (Helie-Lucas, 1993). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the Islamic political movements in Algeria and Egypt. Explanation of how the movements originated; Differences of the movements; Description of the movements' impact on the countries' political environment.

Discusses the relationship between Jacques Derrida and his homeland, Algeria. Culture that stresses dialogue and disputation in monologic texts; Politics of denial; Dispossession of Algeria from a chapter of its history.

Faced with a political stalemate which paralysed Algeria's political life when the military intervened to cancel the results of the December 1991 election, the authorities have been searching for a way to return to the democratic process. General Zeroual, appointed President in January 1994, and his collaborators have introduced a series of political reforms aimed at establishing a working democratic system. Algeria and its rulers seem to have learned from the failure of the first democratic transition (1989-92). The creation of a second chamber in the parliament, changing the electoral law and the imposition of restraints on political parties were intended to avoid the mistakes made previously and have the potential of moving the country away from the political crisis it has experienced since January 1992. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on nonviolent political Islam in Algeria. Politically moderate movements; History of nonviolent Islamic reformism and revivalism in Arab North America; Moderate winds in Algeria; Radicalism of some political parties; Future of nonviolent Islamism.

Examines the current situation in Algeria. Power of military in the governing of Algeria; The National Liberation Front (FLN); The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and the annulling of the elections of December 26, 1991; Emergence of Islamist current in Algerian politics; The FIS and the Gulf War; Factors involved in the FIS victory; Choice of Mohamed Boudiaf as head of the new High State Council; Power of Islam and failure of secular regimes to deliver social justice; More.

Examines the nature of continuing conflict within Algeria. Definition of the French officials on the present situation in Algeria; Configuration of the political chessboard in Algeria; Liamine Zeroual's attempt to broach the issue of the readmission of Front Islamique de Salut (FIS) to the constitutional process; Achievement of the Rome platform under the auspices of the Catholic Sant' Egidio Community.

Discusses the impact of popular discontent in Algeria on that country's future. Overview of Algerian leadership since the 1950s; Increasing dissatisfaction with President Chadli Bendjedid, in power since 1979; Events leading up to the crisis of October, 1988; Violence of the regime's efforts to restore order after rioting; Bendjedid's new promises for reform; Future prospects.

Focuses on Algeria's development policies in the 1980s. Islamic fundamentalism; Economic modernization; Regional relations; Leadership of President Chadli Benjedid; Policy of reassurance and reform adopted by the government; Dismantling of the statist structures that have proved inefficient.

Examines events since the dismantling in February 1989 of the triple alliance that has governed Algeria's politics which led to the declaration of martial law in June 1991. Introduction of multiparty system; Elections in June 1990; Effect of Gulf crisis; Revision of electoral regions; Martial law and aftermath; Role of the Islamist movement.

Examines the resolution of the Western Sahara conflict from a regional perspective. Examination of how the formation of the Arab Maghreb Union and the internal crisis in Algeria has contributed to Morocco's ability to sidestep its obligations under the Western Sahara peace agreement and United Nations Security Council resolutions; History of Algerian relations with the Polisario Front.

Discusses the political transition from authoritarianism in Algeria. Failure of developmental dictatorship in the Middle East and African nations; Rule as leading to an improverishment of the middle class; Algerian political system; Chdli Bendjedid's ruling era; Democratic reforms and the transition to democracy.

Reports on the political impact of Islamist movements in Angola. Background of the movement in the country; Spectrum of the Islamists' political agenda; Problems in negotiating with the Islamists; Forecasts on future destruction and terrorism from the Islamists in the country.

Discusses political developments in Algeria resulting from its first free elections on June 12, 1990. Electoral defeat for the National Liberation Front ruling party; Withdrawal of Algerian army from politics; Initiatives toward a full market economy.

This article talks about dilemmas of development and democratization in the Arab World. It notes that the accentuation of cultural factors does not take into account the dynamics of nation-state building since independence while this process also places the weakness of civil society in a context. The emergence of a postcolonial state, strengthened by oil-related income, although not the only factor at work, offers the most useful angle for approaching the issues of political and economic liberalization in the Arab World. Before these issues are addressed at a descriptive level, it is necessary to make some remarks about concepts and the level of analysis. Thereafter, it describes processes of political and economic liberalization, with special reference to Egypt and Algeria.

The article focuses on the political crisis in Algeria in 1994 and the government officials' efforts in bringing peace within the country. It is stated that the announcement that efforts to initiate a dialogue between the government and the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) had failed, marking the collapse of a chance to stop the violence the country is experiencing. The negotiations between FIS and government leaders including President Lyamine Zeroual are discussed. A brief overview of the country including her history, geography and public administration is also presented.

The article discusses issues related to Islam and democracy in Algeria. It attempts to offer ways of coping with the challenging questions posed by revivalist Islamic movements in democratic or democratizing societies. The author notes that the question is not whether Islam as a religion can coexist with democracy but whether modern politically activist Islamic revival movements can coexist with democracy. He mentions that any discussion of the compatibility of democracy and Islamic revivalism demands a definition of what democracy is and of how compatible any democratic system is with any religious system which recognizes a law of God separate from the laws of man.

The article discusses the political developments in Algeria and the prospects for democracy in the country. According to the authors, the government of Algeria appeared to have been attempting a different kind of political experiment. It is mentioned that the government of President Chadli Benjedid pursued a path of political reform which came to constitute one of the Afro-Arab world's most daring experiments in political pluralism, liberalism and democratization. The authors state that the greatest gain for democracy in Algeria may lie in the internal divisions between the National Liberation Front, the government and the army.

The article recognizes the contribution of political theorist Alexis de Tocqueville to the study of the relationships between social organization and political institutions in Algeria. It states that de Tocqueville's ideas were oriented to choice and action, rather than to careful definition and systematic consistency. It also mentions that he had conducted research on the condemnation of slavery in the American South.