Search

Norwegian drug policy has been disputed for more than 50 years and rose to the top of the political agenda when the government proposed a reform in 2021. To make a sound evaluation of the current policy regime, it is a requirement that the upsides can be balanced with the downsides. The term "control damage" captures some of the downsides, which have received political attention in recent years. This debate piece expands the concept of control damages, and it presents an outline of knowledge about unhealth and living conditions in drug scenes, and supplements it with the voices of "users". The recurring theme is nevertheless the absence of knowledge. There is a lack of knowledge about both health and general conditions in drug scenes. There is also a lack of understanding the illicit drug culture. What is the meaning of the brutality that takes place in them? These cultures are simultaneously over-controlled and unpoliced societies. Would the drug policy debate play out differently if health and life conditions were the starting point? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the land reclamation of the Philippi Marshes in eastern Greek Macedonia during the interwar period, in order to demonstrate the political implications of hydraulic engineering projects. It is argued that the land reclamation was not simply a technical project, but a tool for the Greek state to extend its grip across its northern frontiers and impose land management policies that aligned with its political goals. The article is divided into three parts. The first reconstructs the ecosystem and the interaction between the adjacent communities and the marshland. The second gives the historical context for the reclamation, and the third speculates on the course of the state's land-management policies, hypothesising that these were an attempt to appease the radicalised communist and socialist threat in the area. The article adds to recent historiography exploring the dimensions involved in grand technical works and the role of technocrats in serving political agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Spanish Journal of Comparative Education / Revista Española de Educación Comparada is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The body of AI regulations and country strategies has been steadily growing in the past few years. The EU recently adopted the world's first comprehensive AI regulation, the AI Act. The US has published several high-level guidance documents, such as the 2023 Executive Order on AI, and has begun to introduce AI-specific laws and amendments to existing laws at the state and substate levels. China has also adopted several laws in the AI space. Many other countries have at least developed and published AI strategies. New Zealand (NZ) is a latecomer to AI regulation. As of yet, there is no overarching AI strategy, AI-specific legislation, much less a comprehensive AI regulatory framework in place. This paper surveys key domestic actors and regulatory initiatives that will form the basis of the country's future AI regulatory landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper emphasizes the importance of orienting health system reforms to address underlying system-level performance problems. Too often in practice, the objective-orientation that is stressed in health system frameworks gets lost in relation to policies or schemes that are promoted without plausible linkages to the actual objectives of the reforms. The objective-orientation can also get subsumed by political agendas that are disconnected, or can even detract from, people's health needs. There are three core attributes to objective-oriented health system reform: (i) problem-oriented; (ii) consistent (extent to which reforms are connected to the problems they are meant to address and reflect lessons from global and national experience); and (iii) continuously evaluated. Country experiences reviewed in the paper, and presented in this special issue, illustrate how taking an objective-orientation led reformers to alter the details of implementation. Continuous learning also informed adaptations needed to strategically sequence and link reforms with objectives. An objective-oriented approach enables reformers to: (i) seize windows of opportunity; (ii) find room to maneuver under the label of the reform; (iii) integrate applied research into reform implementation; and (iv) skillfully interpret political statements to align with technical best practices. The approach and attributes laid out in this paper put forward considerations for policy makers as they design, implement, evaluate, and adapt policies to feasibly improve health system performance. They also, importantly, help guard against a rush toward policies or schemes that may sound good in speeches or declarations but do not have a plausible link to objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The availability of an adequate network of services of general interest (SGI) is a major issue for the vitality of rural areas, which is very much on the political agendas of different governmental levels. This is also true for the narrow field of food retailing, which is the subject of this paper. Here we focus on the provision of commercial services in the province of Sondrio, a small stretch of land in the Alps on the border between Italy and Switzerland. This paper investigates the rearrangement of the provincial distribution system between 2010 and 2022, focusing on the dynamics of food retail density in terms of shops and available floor area with respect to the resident population. What emerges is a progressive commercial rarefaction that plays a role in reshaping the relationship between the populations of builtup areas at different altitudes and leads to a sharp increase in instances of under-provision and commercial desertification in the strict sense. The way these critical situations affect the different municipalities depends on their individual position within their settlement networks, with residential municipalities being the most affected, even though they are not necessarily isolated or in remote locations. Retail dynamics in disadvantaged rural mountain areas must not be underestimated, as it also contributes to territorial cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to uncover diverse perspectives regarding what sustainable consumption is and should be in the future. We draw upon and combine critical futures studies with recognitional justice. Futures studies enables inclusive approaches and divergence from current narratives of the future that are perceived as dominant. Recognitional justice allows for reflection upon who is usually not in the room when consumption futures are discussed. The article analyzes sustainable consumption-futures workshops held with four groups in Sweden. The first was with partners in a research program focusing on sustainable consumption. The second workshop enlisted elderly rural retirees, the third newly-arrived women from Syria and Eritrea, and the fourth high-income earners. A variety of traits in the discussions were noticeably influenced by the local context and backgrounds of the participants. Several issues brought up in the discussions dealt with issues that are on the political agenda in Sweden, such as circulating materials and more information and knowledge. There were also matters not on the political agenda such as eating a vegetarian diet, reducing consumption, and spending less time working. In addition, the newly-arrived women and, to some extent, the retirees, framed peace and ending the use of weapons as a vital element in sustainable consumption. This diversity and divergence highlights that, if it is to become relevant and inclusive, both research and policy need to recognize a multitude of perspectives and incorporate the distribution of power and critical futures perspectives to navigate a pathway toward consumption that is just and sustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines the intricate relationship between religion and politics in South Kalimantan, highlighting its impact on public policy and social stability. In a province where the majority of the population is Muslim, religious influence heavily sways political preferences and decision-making. Religious leaders, organizations, and the broader Muslim community often dictate the political agenda, resulting in policies that are deeply infused with Islamic values. These policies can marginalize minority groups such as Christians, Catholics, Hindus, and Buddhists, thereby posing a significant challenge to the region's social cohesion. The research investigates this dynamic through the analysis of open policy documents, case studies of religion-based policy implementations, and in-depth interviews with religious leaders, prominent community figures, and local politicians. The gathered data provide a comprehensive understanding of how the interplay between religion and politics shapes social and political life in South Kalimantan. The findings reveal that while religious influence can help maintain political legitimacy, it simultaneously raises serious concerns about social justice and religious freedom. To address these challenges, the study recommends inclusive policies, active interfaith dialogue, and enhanced community participation in decision-making processes to ensure a harmonious and just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Punto Género is the property of Revista Punto Genero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the first half of the twentieth century, miscegenation was widely discussed internationally, particularly as to the possibility of being biologically harmful. In Portugal, the scientific debate on miscegenation was complex, being generally in tune with different positions that aligned with political agendas of the dictatorial regime. In the 1930s and 1940s, the Portuguese scientific debate regarding miscegenation, which in general favoured its rejection, was nuanced, reflecting different perspectives on inheritance, eugenics, and evolution. This article aims at elucidating how different racial and inheritance conceptions contributed to the nuanced scientific discourse on miscegenation in Portugal. While considering eugenics, it will focus on publications within the field of Anthropobiology, particularly related to inheritance, physiology and human biochemistry, from the Anthropology schools of Porto and Coimbra. The article opens a window into a rarely studied topic: the way Portuguese scholars regarded miscegenation during the first decades of the Estado Novo, in connection with their ideological and scientific concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study applies John Stott’s concept of ‘holy-worldliness’ to God’s call upon Christians from the world, and his sending them out to be immersed in the affairs of the world as Christ’s ambassadors, by localising Christ’s political curriculum to Africa. Accordingly, the study engages examples generated from Nigeria. Two research questions guided this study. Question 1: what are the basic elements of John Stott’s concept of holy-worldliness, in the context of the political curriculum of Christianity in Africa? Question 2: how can deliberating on the deficiencies in the political curriculum of Christianity in Africa, as currently formulated, be facilitated by an understanding of John’s Stott’s concept of holy-worldliness, towards reformulating the curriculum in question, using examples from Nigeria? The study concludes by calling on Christians in Africa to start thinking of crafting a ‘Christian Political Agenda for Africa’, as the Christian political version of the African Union’s Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (2013). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion can often be very influential in the political system and political actors frequently take advantage of the leverage that it provides. In the Zambian case, Christianity in particular plays a crucial role in politics and policymaking, dating from the pre- to post-colonial era. Around 1880, Zambia, then Northern Rhodesia, became a British colony and, at the same time, Christianity was introduced within the context of the European culture. Later, 27 years after independence, Zambia was declared a Christian nation, and all Zambian political leaders have embraced Christianity as the nation's identity. Thus, Christianity plays a critical function in Zambia's political sphere. The main aim of this paper is to critically examine how Christianity seeks to direct the political agenda in Zambia's national politics. It demonstrates the interplay between church and state relations linked to how the state seeks to govern the nation in a Godly manner and the implications on public policymaking in Zambia. This paper explores a multifaceted analysis of the existing literature and the ideas around the politics of the state and religion. It argues that (i) Christianity in Zambia is often used as a political weapon to gain political mileage and (ii) Christianity as a religion has been traditionalised in Zambia. It serves as a "national moral campus", which compromises the nation's position as a so-called "democratic" state and suppresses individual freedoms. Thus, it corrupts the very nature of fundamental practices of the religion itself, as it has simply blossomed into more of a norm than a religion. Understanding these dynamics is very crucial, especially in the context of how religion is perceived, experienced and exercised in the political arena to circumvent limited policy options for broader problem solving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The European Academy of Neurology (EAN) is a member of the European Brain Council (EBC), a coalition of neurologists, psychiatrists, neurosurgeons, neuroscientists, patient organizations and industry with an interest in the brain and its diseases. It was founded by the present author. Here, its formation, early history and the results of its advocacy are described. Method: Eyewitness report and relevant literature were considered. Results: After a long and difficult inception, the European Brain Council (EBC) brought all major players with an interest in the brain and its diseases to work closely together. Important data on the cost of brain diseases, lack of funding and fantastic research possibilities were generated and effectively used in advocacy. During the early years of the collaborative effort, the funding of brain research increased from €85 million in framework program (FP) 5 to €260 million in FP6 and to more than €2000 million in FP7. Conclusion: The EBC has been extremely successful. It is essential that advocacy in the European Union continues to be united so that those involved in brain research are able to speak with one voice to policy makers. An even bigger task, still insufficiently pursued, is for national brain councils to achieve prioritization of brain research in their national political agenda to bring about improved provision of care to those living with a brain disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal personhood has been recognized for several ecosystems worldwide, garnering significant attention from the scholarly community. This attention translated with the mobilization of approaches anchored into legal, institutional, or ethnographic perspectives. On-going calls for the recognition of Rhone River's legal personhood provides us the opportunity to analyze on-going processes in a transboundary river located in the middle of Europe. This paper focuses on how such a concept gets promoted and intends to make its way on the political agenda. Specifically, we examine two current promoters of the legal personhood of the Rhone River: the International Commission for the Protection of Lake Geneva (CIPEL) and ID-Eau. We identify five key lessons: (1) the request for recognition of legal personhood derives from actors' willingness to change current governance practices and to shift the productivist paradigm towards more decentralized and inclusive governance system; (2) legal personhood is presented as a solution to problems that have not yet been clearly framed nor identified, opening up thinking on how such concept may be instrumentalized; (3) the discussion remains limited to a small number of experts; (4) the legitimacy of this debate requires scrutiny; (5) the legal personhood concept should be reinterpreted to fit within Western ontologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research predicts that politicians are responsive to citizens with whom they share demographics or policy preferences. I argue that protests are particularly susceptible to politicians' di!erential responsiveness. First, protesters' demographics are relatively easy to identify, potentially increasing politicians' felt responsibility to respond to protesters they descriptively represent. Second, protests are often perceived as less legitimate than other forms of participation, justifying politicians' responsiveness to those they substantively represent. In a pre-registered experiment, I tested how 1124 Swedish local politicians respond to protests that vary in who is protesting and what policy demands they raise. Uncertainty is large around the e!ect of shared demographics. In contrast, shared policy preferences increase responsiveness asymmetrically: Left-wing politicians are more responsive but show greater di!erentiation, favoring co-partisan protesters over others. Exploratory analyses reveal that politicians' priors on protest legitimacy explain why right-wing politicians di!erentiate less and are less responsive to protests, even right-wing protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs semi-structured interviews with 42 Chinese women to examine discursive strategies adopted in their participation in the online protest against patronymy, and investigate possible approaches to a feminist political agenda within contemporary Chinese contexts. Three main strategies are discovered and discussed to shed light on the unequal gender power structure that is manifest in the discursive resistant activism: linking patronymy to women's loss of rights in private and public spheres; defining patronymy as a symptom of effort-reward imbalance rather than a mere gender issue; and framing activism against patronymy as a gender war between women and men. This paper aims to identify the value of these strategies and probe the potential social and political implications of digital Chinese feminism by politicizing what was once seemingly only a personal issue. It also explores the potential advantages and setbacks of these online discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the Kurdish question that has occupied the political and social agenda of Türkiye for a long time. It also closely examines the Republican People's Party's (CHP) approach to the issue. This study analyzes and compares the approaches of two former chairmen of the CHP, the late Deniz Baykal and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, to the Kurdish question. The study focuses on the approaches of the two leaders to nationalism, ethnic identity, and identity politics while it tries to capture the continuity and change in the CHP's attitude toward the Kurdish question. The study uses comparison and discourse analysis methods and concentrates on party programs, election manifestos, and the leader's speeches. The concern of protecting the regime seemed to determine the CHP's approach to the Kurdish question during the Baykal period, but the socio-economic problems of the Kurds defined the party's approach as it partially moved away from nationalist policies in the Kılıçdaroğlu period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The most sophisticated monetary and banking policy advice available in the decades after 1776 was found in Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Smith recommended free competition among nationwide banks of issue with minimal legal restrictions and no legal privileges. Yet neither Alexander Hamilton nor Thomas Jefferson accepted Smith's recommendation, despite their familiarity with his arguments, and despite Scotland's positive experience while following it. We spell out Hamilton's and Jefferson's theoretical disagreements, and explain how Smith's advice did not serve either founder's political agenda. For Hamilton, competitive banking without a single privileged national bank would not do enough to strengthen the federal government. For Jefferson, any federal chartering of banks would strengthen the federal government too much at the expense of the states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising inequality has brought redistribution back on the political agenda. In theory, inequality aversion drives people's support for redistribution. People can dislike both advantageous inequality (comparison relative to those worse off) and disadvantageous inequality (comparison relative to those better off). Existing experimental evidence reveals substantial variation across people in these preferences. However, evidence is scarce on the broader role of these two distinct forms of inequality aversion for redistribution in society. We provide evidence by exploiting a unique combination of data. We use an incentivized experiment to measure inequality aversion in a large population sample (~9,000 among 20-to 64-y-old Danes). We link the elicited inequality aversion to survey information on individuals' support for public redistribution (policies that reduce income differences) and administrative records revealing their private redistribution (real-life donations to charity). In addition, the link to administrative data enables us to include a large battery of controls in the empirical analysis. Theory predicts that support for public redistribution increases with both types of inequality aversion, while private redistribution should increase with advantageous inequality aversion, but decrease with disadvantageous inequality aversion. A strong dislike for disadvantageous inequality makes people willing to sacrifice own income to reduce the income of people who are better off, thereby reducing the distance to people with more income than themselves. Public redistribution schemes achieve this but private donations to charity do not. Our empirical results provide strong support for these predictions and with quantitatively large effects compared to other predictors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been seven decades since the six founding member states of what would become the European Union (EU) sought to integrate their armies into a common defence force through the European Defence Community. Today, while ever more European decision makers allude to the need to create such a force, it remains a distant prospect. What is it that is really hampering progress towards a common European defence model based on a shared army? What is the position of the main EU actors - society, political parties and institutions - on the subject? Using a variety of methodological approaches, this paper seeks to provide empirical evidence of the social, political party and institutional complexities hindering its realisation. Although the EU is not currently working on the creation of a common, single army, events such as the invasion of Ukraine could put it on the political agenda, and neither society, nor the elites, nor the major parties would be opposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, we have observed how images participate in the dispute over feminist agendas, no longer as a representation of groups of women or a historical record of their actions, but as constituent resources of the political agenda itself. Photographs and videos gain even more prominence as they are associated with the media emergence of everyday facts and episodes that circulate in journalistic coverage and profiles on social networks engendering a particular form of consuming images. This text proposes a theoretical and critical exercise on two recent audiovisual reports about the demonstrations for legal and safe abortion in Brazil on Instagram. In both, we observe how images guide the discursive and affective formations that link visuality and consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a qualitative approach, this paper aims to analyse the articulation and communication policies of the provincial educational administration of Cambiemos (2015-2019) with the actors of the educational community of Buenos Aires. Specifically, we intend to investigate the place occupied by families as actors of the educational community in the political agenda of Cambiemos, in a scenario of dispute with trade unions on the forms of regulation of education. The Buenos Aires education government of Cambiemos found in families, as actors of the educational community, a potential ally to reorient the educational administration from the supply of the State towards the demand of the beneficiaries of the policies. At the same time, families were presented as a strategic management actor for the construction of new territorial alliances that could displace and weaken the historical weight of other organised actors in the community, such as teachers' unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study adds to the existing literature on the history of the Ghanaian press from pre-colonial times to 1992, focusing on language: its choice and ideological, socio-cultural, and political ramifications. While the history of the press has received massive scholarly attention, the same cannot be said of language and its use in historical accounts. Thus, from a historical research perspective, employing an analytical and interpretive study of secondary data sources, and underpinned by cultural theories such as linguistic imperialism and hegemony, this study analyses how language was featured in the press during the research period and the implications thereof. This analysis shows that various institutions and individuals exploited language to foster narrow socio-cultural, ideological, and political agendas in the Gold Coast, later Ghana. This study also revealed that language use and its ideological forces during the pre- and immediate post-independence periods contributed immensely to Ghanaian media's current state and Ghanaians' general language attitudes. This study's significance lies in the realisation that language, as a cultural artifact, and its choice, use, and consumption could have far-reaching consequences for the self-realisation, actualisation, and general progress of a society. Thus, African societies should be mindful of the ideological implications of language choices not just in the press but also in other societal contexts. This study, therefore, invites further studies on language and its use in the media, especially from 1992, for a more comprehensive appreciation of the issues raised in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the critical role of leadership in driving transformation within South African municipalities, particularly in the face of challenges posed by political dynamics, administrative burdens, and resource constraints. While existing literature emphasizes the importance of effective leadership for municipal governance and service delivery, gaps remain in understanding how leaders can successfully implement transformative policies amidst these challenges. The research adopts a qualitative approach, utilizing in-depth interviews with municipal leaders, mentors, and key stakeholders, along with documentary analysis of relevant reports and policies. The study focuses on identifying actionable strategies that leaders can employ to balance their administrative duties with the pursuit of long-term transformational goals. Findings reveal that while municipal leaders recognize the importance of setting the tone for change and establishing clear rules of engagement, their ability to drive transformation is often hampered by the day-to-day demands of service delivery and the complex interplay between national and local political agendas. Participants highlighted the need for continuous training, effective monitoring, and the use of technology to enhance leadership effectiveness, particularly in overseeing transformative initiatives. However, challenges such as frequent staff deployments, limited technological support, and shifting political winds were identified as significant obstacles to achieving sustained transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The student movement as we know it today was born after the 1930s, with the creation of national student organisations. As a result of mobilisations around political agendas, the student movement stands out in Brazilian social life. In 2007, the Municipal Union of Secondary School Students (UMES) was founded in São José dos Pinhais, a municipality in the Curitiba metropolitan region, with the aim of representing the student community before the local government. Based on bibliographical, documentary and field research, supported by oral history, this article discusses the ways of acting and thinking practiced by students within the UMES from 2007 to 2015. It is noteworthy that the interviews were conducted with former participants of the entity, young students, mostly from public schools. This study uses the notions of Bourdieu's political field, Certeau's tactics and Foucault's power in order to understand the students' practices, carried out within the framework of this organisation, where they tried to achieve, from the field of politics, their flags. It seems, therefore, that most of the students introduced to UMES saw their organisation as an instrument of struggle for their rights, although it was also a place of reflection on the quality of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political dimensions of printing privileges in the seventeenth- century Dutch Republic, analysing their impact on the dissemination of information, the development of the printing industry, and the nature of published works. While Dutch printing privileges are often seen as legal tools primarily important for the local market, this essay shows that the 'local' cannot be isolated from intra- and pan-European connections. By selectively granting privileges, the authorities sought not only to control the flow of information, but also to actively shape it. Privileges thus served as instruments of power and as a means of transmitting cultural values and setting the political agenda. Analysing Dutch privileges from this perspective provides a more nuanced understanding of their application and purpose, illustrating their role as mechanisms of soft power that reinforced existing power structures and facilitated cultural hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this communication is to identify, to describe the process of building a public policy agenda that involves men in the construction of equality with women, and to recognize the perception of those who participated in it. It conceived the process as an organization with its own dynamics. A descriptive research about ethnographic approach involved recovery of documentary information of the process, interviews with participants in the construction of the agenda and a workshop. Results are presented in a timeline involved papers to prepare work meetings; profiles of potential participants were identified, the work to be developed was outlined and the respective call for in-person and virtual meetings was issued. Participants in the work meetings discussed contents of the agenda and political impact, the requirements to continue the process and the formation of specialized working groups. Elements such as uncertainty, the breaking of agreements and their fixed, the (mis)knowledge of what public policy among others, intervened in the process. As a conclusion, the lessons that emerge from this process are noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Geography and War, Geographers and Peace: Expanding Political and Research Agendas" published in the journal Territorios in 2024 analyzes the relationship between geography and military violence, as well as the lack of attention to peace in geographical research. It highlights the importance of studying the geographies of war and peace, with a focus on changes in war and peace in the 21st century. Key advances in war and peace are mentioned, as well as the role of geographers in addressing these issues from different perspectives, including feminist and critical approaches. [Extracted from the article]

After the National Struggle, one of the most important steps in the establishment of the new Turkey as a secular republic was the abolition of the caliphate. The abolition of the Caliphate dominated the political agenda both in domestic politics and foreign policy. In this period, the process of resolving the "Mosul Question", which caused tensions between Britain and Turkey, and the discussions on the caliphate and secularism developed as events that were related to or affected each other. The abolition of the caliphate and other steps taken by GNAT regarding secularism disturbed Western states, especially Britain. While explaining the Turkish-British relations of the period, it is important to mention Britain's caliphate strategy and the Sheikh Sait rebellion and the Lausanne Conference process in relation to caliphate strategy. The abolition of the caliphate in Turkey was a development that completely contradicted Britain's interests and prevented it from carrying out its policy of domination. Britain's active use of the press to create public opinion against Turkey reveals the fact that Britain was very uneasy about the abolition of the caliphate. It has been observed that the news on the abolition of the caliphate in The Times, The Foreign Affairs, The Spectator, The Fortnightly Review, The Saturday Review, The New Statesman, The English Review and The Economist, which are among the British press, were generally uncomfortable with Turkey's transition to a secular order and took a stance against Turkey. This study focuses on how the issue was handled in the British press in the Turkish foreign policy of the Mustafa Kemal Pasha period, especially during the abolition of the caliphate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amazonian studies in Peru have traditionally focused on anthropological and linguistic issues, often neglecting the question of resilience, particularly in the context of indigenous education and its transmission traditional narratives. This article aims to highlight the role of school in fostering socio-ecological resilience by analyzing the manual Lo que nos pertenece. Patrimonios culturales de los pueblos amazónicos from Formabiap (the Intercultural Bilingual Education Training Center of the Peruvian Amazon), which operates under the interference of the AIDESEP (Inter-ethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Jungle). Drawing on contemporary theory and criticism, I argue that the manual introduces new ways of transmitting narratives and traditional knowledge to younger generations, emphasizing humansnon-humans alliances as a strategy for the self-determination and promoting "Buen vivir" as an alternative to conventional development. Formabiap 's educational vision, as well as the discourses presented in its manuals, promote Amazonian resilience by fostering critical thinking and a shared Amazonian indigenous identity across various peoples. In conclusion, Formabiap implements AIDESEP's political agenda for indigenous self-determination in education, making the study of its manuals central not only to pedagogy but also to understanding contemporary Amazonian resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period of the national government of the Cambiemos alliance (2015-2019) signified a new scenario in Argentina where human rights policies and the hegemony of memories condemning the state terrorism of the seventies and the last dictatorship were challenged. This article investigates the confrontational strategy of the human rights movement for responding to the State through a qualitative methodology and an analytical approach to a corpus of cases on a national and regional scale. It also explores the strategies and collective interventions that various activists performed in public settings. The research shows that, in the face of the renewed challenge, the movement's actions were strengthened and charged with new meanings that obey the attempts to defend, dispute, and preserve a past recognized as a legacy, sustained by the moral duty of its memory, considering it as an inalienable right. Thus, it is hoped to contribute to the study of the behavior of social actors who collectively championed the fight against the advance of the new right wings and battle the uses and interpretations of the recent past that they display with great prominence in their political agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After being widely debated in the Anglophone world, the issue of diversity in the publishing industry has been recently introduced in Italy as well, calling for greater gender, ethnic, sexual, and class equality. As pointed out by Helen Vassallo (2023), the agents involved in the publication of a book -- translators, editors, publishers -- are pivotal in the promotion of inclusivity. In particular, some small publishing houses play a key role in this regard thanks to their overtly activist mission. This paper deals with a selection of small Italian activist publishers and their efforts to counteract mainstream narratives about diversity and promote intersectional feminist and queer culture on a transnational level through translation. The paratexts of five translations whose source text is already part of an activist project are analysed through Kathryn Batchelor's (2018) framework to demonstrate that they are a complementary form of activism in which the publishing industry agents can further their political and activist agendas and comment on the texts and the linguistic choices their translation required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Terra: Revista de Desarrollo Local is the property of Terra: Revista de Desarrollo Local and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Circus: Arts, Life & Sciences is the property of Michigan Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its large-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 have brought the concept of hybrid warfare, hybrid threats (hereinafter, HT), etc., to the political agenda of Lithuania and the West. Nevertheless, academic research and expert knowledge on the topic of HT, their perception, and identification of their forms of realization are scarce. Such research is complicated because the phenomenon of HT does not have a clear definition and is not based on a pre-defined set of characteristics. Thus, it is impossible to solve the HT problems in one universally acceptable way. In this context, knowledge and perception of HT among young people becomes particularly relevant because of their receptiveness and sensitivity to new information (or disinformation) and their important role in national security. The article presents empirical research on the knowledge and perception of Lithuanian youth about HT. The research aims to reveal the diversity of knowledge and the maturity of the perception of hybrid threats among Lithuanian youth. The definition of hybrid threats used in the article is: Hybrid threats are the malicious actions of external (foreign) actors to undermine citizens’ trust in democratic institutions by military and non-military means. Five focus group discussions (hereinafter, FGDs) were conducted between September 2022 and March 2023 - three with young people (aged 18-26, conscript age in Lithuania) and two with high school students (aged 15-19). The FGDs comprised a total of 41 individuals (22 young men and 19 young females). Conclusions. The concept of a hybrid threat is difficult to understand and rarely heard among Lithuanian youth. The most common primary association of HT is with cyber-attacks and propaganda. The least common associations of HT are with law, public administration, and diplomacy. The sectors of economy, energy, education and science were highlighted during the FGDs. Young people often perceive domestic problems as HT and do not associate them with the intentional malicious activities of external actors. The research did not reveal that the experience of participating in social activities and NGOs strongly influences whether and how much young people know about HT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Palíndromo is the property of Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Letras (Lima) is the property of Letras, Facultad de Letras y Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Nacional Mayor De San Marcos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Inequality among people has several unwanted effects, in humanistic, social and economic contexts. Several studies address distributional preferences among groups, but little is known about when inequality issues are focused and when and why inequality abatement measures are brought on the political agenda. We show that during the period 2004 to 2023, inequality issues were focused during elections to the EU and UK parliament and with greatest strength during the elections to the EU parliament in May 2004 and to the UK parliament in May 2015. Periods with high unemployment and inflation cause the discussion on inequality to be followed by discussions on inequality measures. However, when the discussion of inequality is followed very closely by the discussions of abatement measures, inequality aversion becomes more strongly associated with the macroeconomic variables inflation and GDP (recessions) than with unemployment and more strongly associated with the concerns for fairness than concerns with war and crime. The results were obtained examining Google Trends and scholarly studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En confianza. Mi vida y mi proyecto para España is the autobiography that Mariano Rajoy published in the midst of the election campaign in 2011, shortly before being elected president. The work sets out a political agenda while at the same time composing and promoting a governing identity. In this sense, it describes an "art of government" understood as the way of conducting the behaviour of those whom he aspires to govern and who tells his life story. It is therefore possible to recognise in this discourse certain technologies of governmentality that guide the individual of our time, even more so if one takes into account the fact that neoliberalism is a mode of production of subjectivity. Beyond Rajoy's self-representation as an ideal candidate, this article analyses how the autobiographical self has internalised the political programme he defends. Consequently, it is not so much the model life of the leader that is exposed but the modelled life of the citizen, the supposed self-realisation of a free subject regulated by the neoliberal rationality that it advocates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This self-reflective essay explores the wider implications of the BJP's inauguration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, from the perspective of a scholar of Sanskrit and classical Indian religions. What questions does it raise about our relationship with history, heritage, decolonization and the politics of memory? How can one decolonize oneself and society by reclaiming tradition and heritage, without political agendas and misinterpretations of the past? The article argues for a critical, non-passive, creative, reclamation of tradition for the formation of a truly free decolonized political consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the political and social role of the peasantry in Veracruz during the Mexican post-revolution. The historical importance of the peasant sector in the region and its evolution in terms of agricultural techniques and relationships with governments are highlighted. The book examines the formation of the League of Agrarian Communities in Veracruz and the influence of the press on the perception of peasants during the 1920s. The importance of testimonial literature written by those who participated in the struggle for land is also addressed. Finally, the agrarian movement and the governments that make agrarianism a political agenda are criticized. [Extracted from the article]