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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Literature on pre-electoral coalitions underlines political hegemony, erosion and electoral cycles as determinants for the creation of anti-hegemonic coalitions. However, in governor elections, the previous conditions appear without the expected results. What is impeding them? It is argued that the lack of local concurrence, few simultaneous elections and electoral nationalization inhibit the formation of this type of coalitions. In order to test the argument, we selected the State of Mexico as an example of a negative case and compared it transversally and longitudinally resorting to a case study approach. This paper aims to reveal the conditions that systematically inhibit the formation of antihegemonic pre-electoral coalitions. Findings include predominance of officialist coalitions, absence of positions for anti-hegemonic negotiation and greater dependence on national resources. It is concluded that the electoral cycle and the state's political dimension increase the nationalization of the election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the first estimate of the effect of door-to-door canvassing on actual electoral outcomes, via a countrywide experiment embedded in François Hollande's campaign in the 2012 French presidential election. While existing experiments randomized door-to-door visits at the individual level, the scale of this campaign (five million doors knocked) enabled randomization by precinct, the level at which vote shares are recorded administratively. Visits did not affect turnout, but increased Hollande's vote share in the first round and accounted for one-fourth of his victory margin in the second. Visits' impact persisted in later elections, suggesting a lasting persuasion effect. (JEL C93, D7, D83) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effect of fake news on electoral outcome. Using post-election surveys, previous studies found associations between exposure to fake news and voting behavior, though these observational studies failed to show that these changes were actually caused by fake news. To examine whether fake news really affects voting behavior, we need to experimentally manipulate voters' exposure to fake news in real elections and see if voters regret their vote choice knowing that the information was false. For this purpose, our study focused on Mexico's 2018 presidential election, which provided an ideal setting. During the campaign, false information about a scandal allegedly involving Ricardo Anaya, a candidate from the National Action Party, was widely disseminated. However, his innocence was officially acknowledged after the election. Using this correction of fake news as a treatment, we tested a sample of 1,561 individuals to assess whether the retraction of fake news caused post-election regret: would Mexican voters have voted differently if they had not been exposed to such false information. Our multivariate analyses found that the retraction of fake news did cause post-election regret among voters with lower internal political efficacy, but voters associated with higher political knowledge and internal political efficacy were not affected by the retraction and were less likely to experience regret. About 20% of the respondents (N = 168) experienced post-election regret, and of those, about 35% would have switched their vote to Anaya. The findings corroborate lasting effects of fake news, which may have non-negligible effects on electoral outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desafíos is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In order to assess the importance of political communication in the Mexican political culture, this paper probes into the behavior of digital communities in Twitter during the 2018 Mexico's presidential election. Research followed a two staged design. First, a large sample of tweets were collected on a daily basis using the package "rtweet" in the R programming environment. Following that, the collected tweets were filtered, cleaned, and a codebook was designed to analyze their contents. The results show that, out of a sample of 4664 publications, candidate Jose Antonio Meade had the largest number of mentions (47%), followed by Andrés Manuel López Obrador (29%) and Ricardo Anaya (24%). "Common citizens" issued 31% of the tweets analyzed, out of which 20% show links to online news outlets, while journalists and media publications accounted for 40% of the sampled tweets. The authors consider that these results characterize the observed digital communication practices as either transformations or extensions of the offline public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nóesis: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Revista Noesis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After several decades with scarce information about the relationship between corruption and electoral participation, recently some literature has emerged on this subject. There are several hypotheses that try to explain this phenomenon; one of them considers corruption as a mobilizing agent and another one as a paralyzing agent in electoral activities. In this paper, we study the role played by corruption over electoral participation in the municipality of Culiacán, with information obtained through a survey on political culture and electoral behavior. The statistical results suggest that the probability of voting is negatively related to higher levels of perceived corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the downfall of the authoritarian regime ruling Mexico for more than seven decades, the relationship between politicians, the mass media and public opinion transformed dramatically. This paper addresses such a transformation of political communication by looking at the 1994, 2000 and 2006 presidential campaigns in a comparative perspective. The analysis observes specific changes in the area, such as the displacement of the traditional centers of power which determined the political relations during the authoritarian regime, as well as the breakdown of the corporatist compliances that characterized the media-government relations. Further traits that illustrate contemporary changes in political communication in Mexico are the establishment of a plural spectrum of powerful media whose barons act as powerful pressure groups; and the instability of Mexican electorate, which in turn fuels the prevalence of both independent and 'soft vote' over the 'hard vote'. Finally, the paper concludes that candidate's media and communication strategies during the 2006 presidential campaigns were the most influential factors of the election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perfiles Latinoamericanos is the property of FLACSO - Mexico (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

San Juan del Rio is the second municipality of the State of Queretaro, Mexico. It was also the first city ruled by a party different from the PRI. During four trienniums, from 1991 to 2003, the City council was presided over by panistas. That last year, the PRI recovers it. The paper analyzes, to the light of diverse theories of the electoral behavior and the statistical series of the results, the paper of migration, party identification and rational choice, particularly non-voting role in this recovery. The lack of consolidation of a left option like third possibility also stands out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modelling and forecasting real-life human behaviour using online social media is an active endeavour of interest in politics, government, academia, and industry. Since its creation in 2006, Twitter has been proposed as a potential laboratory that could be used to gauge and predict social behaviour. During the last decade, the user base of Twitter has been growing and becoming more representative of the general population. Here we analyse this user base in the context of the 2021 Mexican Legislative Election. To do so, we use a dataset of 15 million election-related tweets in the six months preceding election day. We explore different election models that assign political preference to either the ruling parties or the opposition. We find that models using data with geographical attributes determine the results of the election with better precision and accuracy than conventional polling methods. These results demonstrate that analysis of public online data can outperform conventional polling methods, and that political analysis and general forecasting would likely benefit from incorporating such data in the immediate future. Moreover, the same Twitter dataset with geographical attributes is positively correlated with results from official census data on population and internet usage in Mexico. These findings suggest that we have reached a period in time when online activity, appropriately curated, can provide an accurate representation of offline behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the institutional design of the state of Quintana Roo and its political change during 2016 elections. In this context, it is exposed that beyond the causes that led to democratic change in the state, these are not decisive to consolidate the political change due to the original institutional design, which manifests itself in a bureaucratized society and depending on government agents, which faces a dichotomy: on the one hand, it seeks an improvement in the state government decisions, and on the other hand it resists the institutional equilibrium change on which its socio-political structure was designed. The analysis is carried out with the theoretical contributions of New Institutionalise! and Subnational Democracy, supported by open interviews with key actors of local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can institutions that are designed to improve minority representation also have an effect on electoral competition? We address this question by examining how minority-concentrated districts (MCDs)-designed to empower indigenous populations-affected minority participation and party competition in Mexico. Using an original dataset and a matching design that helps alleviate causal inference problems inherent to observational studies, we find that MCDs had no effect on minority participation but enhanced electoral competition. Field-research reveals that MCDs weakened one-party dominance by assembling minority voting blocs that were amenable to opposition-party appeals. More broadly, our results suggest that the mobilization of minority voting blocs can promote electoral competition in transitional democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the major transformations in the Mexican party system that occurred during the protracted process of democratic transition; it is divided into three parts. The first part is a brief review of the factors that contributed to the process of political-electoral change. In the second part, we carry out an analysis of changes in a number of dimensions of the Mexican party system, based on aggregate electoral data at national and district levels, as well as on data from public opinion surveys. The third part presents an analysis of the ideological structure of political competitiveness based on data from surveys on the left-right ideological stances of Mexican federal legislators. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment, as well as a growing level of competitiveness and fractionalization of the party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing works on the Party of Democratic Revolution usually emphasize charismatic leadership or internal groups. Little has been said about why fraudulent elections occur inside the party. This work unpacked the unit of analysis in four observations (1999, 2002, 2005 and 2008) to perform two synchronous comparisons (1999-2005 and 2002- 2008), achieving depth and explanation. If we consider the charismatic leadership or groups as independent variables, we would not be able to predict fraudulent elections, since the influence of the two is only to only shape the formulas in dispute. The paper concludes by arguing that the explanation lies in the similarity of forces and the reduced cost of violating the rules by the competitors; this will provide empirical evidence to show that in the presence of these conditions there can be fraudulent elections (1999 and 2008), whereas in their absence there can be fair elections (2002 and 2005). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the adaption of the political parties in the context of the State of Mexico between 1993 and 2006. The political parties as organizations respond to complex interests which are also expressed in diverse forms. In the last years, these political organisms have adapted to the market, leaving their ideologies behind and introducing themselves into the electoral competition, this forces their leaders to make decisions in a context of rational election. The typology they now respond to is that of the professional party, catch-all or cartel, leaving behind the answer to social cleavages or the ideology that once identified the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explain the relevance of implementing a System of Indicators for Electoral Law actions in the Electoral Tribunal of the State of Mexico (ETSM), from the perspective and principles of evaluation by results to generate indicators which are measurable, observable, countable and verifiable, and to comply with the principles of certainty, legality, independence, impartiality and objectivity, stated in the mission of ETSM. The related theoretical-methodological referents on management for results are outlined as tools for decision-making and their impact on their implementation in the legalelectoral filed is related illustrating a study case for ETSM, where elections have become an increased demand for attention from the actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is investigated through a careful quantitative and qualitative monitoring of the news in Veracruz, to figure out the influence of the press in the electoral behaviour through the analysis of the media tendency of 10 local papers, selected from their regional geographical cover, during the Elections to choose Federal Representatives in 2009. The Theory is based on the paradigm of the electoral behaviour in the psychosocial model that matches with the researches of the mass media, political culture, and public opinion, all these framed in social representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to study the Mexican elections of July 4th, 1926, which enabled Plutarco Elías Calles to seek a second presidential term on a fully constitutional basis. Those elections had their own significance, but also provided the framework for the second half of Calles' administration. I focus only on the elections in Mexico City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether elections in Mexico affect the growth of GNP, unemployment, inflation and public expenditure. According to the results of an econometric exercise elections have no effect on all these variables except for public expenditure. It turns out that public expenditure increases just before the presidential elections having no effect on the economic cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In presidential systems such as those of Latin America, the institutionalization of legislatures as autonomous representative bodies able to constrain executives and check abuses of power is an important aspect of democratization. Drawing on the experiences of Mexico's state governments, this paper seeks to explain differences in legislative institutionalization. It argues that pluralism within the legislature, rather than electoral competition in itself, provides the best explanation for institutionalization. A process-tracing analysis of the state legislature of Michoacán supports this argument, and a statistical analysis of Mexico's thirty-one states confirms that pluralism in the electorate does shape legislative pluralism—and so indirectly the extent of pressures for institutionalization—but reveals that differences in state electoral laws also play an important role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the 1850 presidential election in Mexico which was won by General Mariano Arista. Information on political parties and electoral regulations; Candidates for the election; Discussion of the electoral campaign.

How are committee chairs appointed in congresses with null reelection rates and no seniority norms? In this article, I propose an analytical model that draws on informational and distributive theories of legislative organization to explain the logic behind chair appointments during the 21 years of non-majoritarian congresses in the Mexican Chamber of Deputies. Since Mexican legislators are term-limited, and caucus coordinators must select committee chairs among a pool of mostly unknown and inexperienced legislators, this assembly represents an interesting case for challenging the postulates of traditional legislative organization theories. After analyzing chair appointment procedures in the Mexican Chamber through an original database comprising biographical, institutional, partisan and electoral information of 3,470 legislators across seven legislative periods (1997-2018), I have found evidence to sustain that - as long as certain internal and external conditions are met (formal decision-making authority of committees, the absence of a partisan cartel and electoral competitiveness) - merit-based appointments expected by the informative theory, as well as constituent-oriented chair selection proposed by the distributive theory, can be met in congresses lacking reelection incentives and seniority norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the influence of elections on insurgent territories in Zacatlán, Mexico in 1813. Topics discussed include document of priest Francisco García Catarinas on the role of elections, leadership of insurrection, history of elections and military crises in Mexico.

Organized crime-related violence has important electoral consequences. Analyses of aggregate panel data on Mexican elections and an original postelectoral survey conducted in Mexico show that the strategic use of violence by organized crime groups during electoral campaigns demobilizes voters at large. Regions where criminal organizations attempted to influence elections and politics by targeting government officials and party candidates exhibited significantly lower levels of electoral participation. Consistently, at the individual level, results reveal that voters living in regions where organized crime engaged in high-profile violence were more cautious when deciding whether to vote or not. Prior research has focused on the role of crime victimization in nonelectoral participation, but the empirical evidence presented here suggests that the impact of a criminal context on turnout transcends personal victimization experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the objective is to focus on the likelihood that politicians will rely on intergovernmental transfers to pursue political ambition. In what circumstances are incumbents more likely to rely on transfers to win votes, than to reward core supporters? How are constraints (introduced to ensure that politicians rely on predetermined formulae which reduce the incentive to design transfers to win re-election) likely to influence 'distributive politics?' Predictions in this article are tested with reference to intergovernmental transfers to 31 Mexican states between 2004 and 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines alternative forums for democratic self-representation as a response to state corruption, especially the social movement #YoSoy132, which emerged online and on the streets during Mexico's 2012 electoral campaigns, demanding media impartiality and fair elections; and the theatrical work Atlas Electores 2012, Teatro Ojo's biweekly scenic documentary series. Examining these representational spaces (the street protest, social media, and the stage) allows new insights into the performance of political representation. While a vote may be bought, discounted, or prevented, Mexican citizens vote symbolically with their bodies, occupying both physical and digital spaces. The heterotopias examined here are examples of meaning-making sites, where social actors contest state power. These spaces are affectively charged because, while the street and the stage are real locations, they also serve as representational spaces for enacting political desire. This article argues that the heterotopias of the stage, the street, and social media function as more productive sites for political self-representation during and just after the 2012 Mexican presidential elections than the voting booth's anonymity, by fostering community and transparency in the face of a corrupt electoral system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)