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Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reports that in Paris and other French cities, there are three priestly roles, which can be recognized by the observant sociologist. They are that of the conservative or traditional role in the old-style parish; that of the priest in the new missionary type parish; and that of the priest-worker who is extra parochial, within the limits of some established parish. This paper is an attempt to sketch the broad outlines of these three roles. For practical purposes it will be necessary to draw them up as ideal types. The concept of role will be used throughout. The labels given to the three roles will be found currently in the literature of this subject, as well as in the terminology of the French priests themselves. First of all, it is very large geographically. It spreads, in most cases, over several districts each of which is quite likely to possess its own culture. Within this collection of districts the parish forms a separate sector, as it were, with its base in the parish church. This sector of perhaps 3 to 5 thousand souls is shut up within it and takes means to safeguard and preserve its isolation. The positive values which the priest who functions in this type of parish holds both the elite of his closed, parochial group not only determine his social role, but affect, of necessity, his status and function in the parochial milieu.

The article looks at the efforts to extend the ideas of the French sociologist Émile Durkheim following his death on November 15, 1917. It is noted that some of the latest works of Durkheim were retrieved by his nephew, Marcel Mauss, from a depository of Durkheim's papers held by his daughter, Marie. Marie's second son Étienne Halphen got interested in his grandfather's works, particularly in the circumstances surrounding the life of the sociologist. A booklet titled "Hommages à Émile Durkheim" was published in 1988.

Copyright of Educacao & Sociedade is the property of Centro de Estudos de Educacao e Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annee Sociologique is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay provides information on the translations of books or articles, reviews published by the main French journals about U.S. work in sociology, as well as quotations from and references to U.S. texts which are all indications of U.S. influence on French sociology. The focus of this essay is U.S. texts translated into French or reviewed in French, in other words, texts available to a wide audience of non-English readers. Other channels of exchange and direct quotations from original texts deserves analysis, but many French sociologists are unlikely to read the original works in English. The bulk of this essay is limited in scope to translations of books over a very long period. Then the range of our observations will be broadened to reviews of U.S. books and articles by U.S. sociologists published in a selection of main nonspecialized French journals over the last two decades. While books often reach a wider lay audience, these journals are mainly meant for specialists. Selecting such a corpus implies determining who is a U.S. sociologist. In this paper, United States refers to the author's usual place of residence, a criterion sometimes difficult to apply, whether because of lack of information because some sociologists are often on the move. The choices made also imply defining sociology, and that is a more difficult issue; social and cultural anthropology are included whenever fieldwork takes place in industrialized societies; historical sociology is excluded when its main concern is about societies in the past. Approximately one hundred first translations of sociology books can be listed over the 1880-1998 period. The risk of omissions in listing these books is higher for years before 1970, since computerized library catalogues are of little help before that date. The median delay between original and French publication is nine years. The number of translated books reached its peak in the early 1970s.

This review had its origins in connection with the beginning of studies in industrial and work sociology in France, and with the activity of G. Friedmann who at the early beginning of the second post-war period was one of the major supporters of this sociological field of knowledge. The socio-historical orientation of the review has become more and more strong; deepnesa and flexibility of its investigation about the various industrial countries and the attention given to their historical process of evolution are its main characteristics. Besides the traditional industrial and organizational sociology topics, attention has been given to social movements, urban sociology, sociology of medicine. Sociology of development has been an area of constant interest, since the beginning of the review. The whole content of the first twenty years (434 articles and papers) has been ordered and classified into 17 classes which can be used both for systematic reading purposes and for having an overall evaluation of the contribution of « Sociologie du travail » to the development of industrial and work sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gestión y Ambiente is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a profile of the French urban sociologist Paul-Henry Chombart de Lauwe and an exploration into the development of his social philosophy. Discussion is given highlighting how Chombart de Lauwe's involvement with the working class evolved his activities in the discipline of sociology into a city-planning democratization advocate during the post-World War II era. Comments are given relating the various elements which influenced this turn in Chombart de Lauwe, including his contact with liberal Catholic associations, his research on the needs of the working class, and his studies under ethnologist Marcel Mauss.

The article discusses the influence of Dreyfus affair on French Jewish sociologists. The author reflects on Aron being a rationalist and a Jew. He states that Aron rejected the idea that there could exist a Jewish way of being a sociologist. He compared the beliefs of French sociologist linked in varying degrees to Judaism including Emile Durkheim, Lucien Levy-Bruhl and Marcial Mauss. The author declares that Durkheim was proposing a sociological interpretation of the theory of scapegoat, Mauss' interpretation of antisemitism moderates his Dreyfusard involvement and Levy-Bruhl was a Frenchman who never stopped feeling Jewish. He concluded that Jewish sociologists and anthropologists preserved a kind of hidden faithfulness that moved them to public action and unexpected commitments.

This article focuses on how in the sixties the French sociologists developed an interest in championing the positivist variant of American sociology mainly against Phenomenology and its interest in subjectivity. It discusses that aspect of French sociology known as "empirical sociological theory," which means data collection by questionnaire survey and interviews and their interpretation according to a theoretical framework thought mainly to be expressions of domination by the upper-class, expressed in a few abstract and general concepts. The article seeks to answer as to why Phenomenology seems to be an obstacle to the foundation of a new type of "empirical sociology" in the French academic and intellectual world in the sixties. In attempting to do so it treats four points: 1. The interest in the subject in general. 2. Phenomenology took over that interest, offering itself as a sophisticated analysis of subjectivity as the origin of perception, meaning, knowledge, as well as of ethical and political involvement. 3. The attack against subjectivity and phenomenology was part of an epistemological assault in the guise of a proposed renewal of Humanities studies and social sciences in the late fifties and the sixties. 4. How a trend in French Sociology, empirical sociological theory became a part of the fight against subjectivity and, ignoring the individual, built a new system meeting the expectations of elements both in the social sciences and philosophy.