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The idea for this special issue on disabled children's activism, resistance, and presence in social justice movements came from a deep commitment to spotlighting disabled young people's justice-seeking action in the northern part of Turtle Island colonially known as Canada. Currently, Canada is buzzing with cross-movement activism that features young people's crip wisdom. To name only a few actions unfolding as we release this special issue: high school students in New Brunswick are protesting a review of policy that allows students to use their choice of personal pronouns without schools notifying their parents (Sweet, 2023); teen water protector Autumn Peltier continues making global headlines as she pushes for policies to preserve clean water across the country (Slack, 2023); and a group of 15 youth climate activists has mobilized a lawsuit against the federal government, arguing that they are disproportionately affected by climate change (David Suzuki Foundation, 2023). We feel resonances between this cross-movement activism and multiple theoretical frameworks that attend to disabled children and youth, including disabled children's childhood studies. Amid this crosshatching of activism and intellectual work, we issued a call for papers in 2021 inviting scholars, activists, and artists to share how and where young disabled folks are making waves. Now, we offer this special issue as a partial snapshot of disabled children's childhoods in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper frames two generations of war resister migration from the United States to Canada and the social movements that supported them as contrapuntal histories, disparate yet woven together, and entangled across space and time. We argue that Canada has functioned at key historical moments as safe haven for war resisters from and others fleeing conflict led by the United States, but that this role was always provisional, historically contingent, and never guaranteed. It is therefore crucial to understand the social movements that arose to support the search for safe haven at different points in geopolitical relations and histories. We develop this argument with empirical research about people who migrated to Canada during wars led by the United States in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. In documenting both generations of resister migration, we move across scales to understand the highly embodied geopolitics of these journeys, which run parallel and diverge in key ways. Our analysis thus maps the shifting history of Canada as a safe haven for those seeking refuge from the violence of war and militarism in the United States. Key messages: Two generations of US war resister migrants faced disparate outcomes in their search for protection in Canada.We offer a contrapuntal history of their migrations to Canada, the enforced patriotism, masculinity, and militarism that fueled their flight, and the social movements that supported them.While Canada has functioned as a safe haven historically, this role is always in flux and influenced by shifts in geopolitical relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research brief presents results from a scan of peer-reviewed and grey literature published from March 2020 to the end of August 2021 looking at the impacts of COVID-19 on food security in Canada. The purpose of this literature scan is to look at how the national food-security landscape has shifted due to the pandemic and to analyze what these changes mean for civil society--led food movements working on the ground to enhance food systems sustainability and equity. This brief presents key findings from the literature scan focusing on food-security policy, programming, and funding; food security for individuals, households, and vulnerable populations; and food systems. We then draw on our collective experiences as food scholars and activists to discuss the implications of these findings for food movement organizing. Here, we focus on networks, policy advocacy, and local food systems as key considerations for food movements in a changing foodsecurity landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements are at the forefront of fighting for another world as conceptualised through Arundhati Roy's portal. COVID-19 and state measures imposed to contend with it have severely impacted not only the activism of movements, but also their capacity to learn. Translocal social movement learning offers one way in which such learning can continue. This article shares reflections from participants involved in a translocal learning engagement between movement members and activist-scholars from Ghana, South Africa and Canada. It provides an important example of the kind of non-hierarchal social movement learning that can happen at a distance, when movements share, learn and support one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: To combat social distancing and stay-at-home restrictions due to COVID-19, Canadian communities began a Facebook social media movement, #Caremongering, to support vulnerable individuals in their communities. Little research has examined the spread and use of #Caremongering to address community health and social needs. Objectives: We examined the rate at which #Caremongering grew across Canada, the main ways the groups were used, and differences in use by membership size and activity. Methods: We searched Facebook Groups using the term "Caremongering" combined with the names of the largest population centres in every province and territory in Canada. We extracted available Facebook analytics on all the groups found, restricted to public groups that operated in English. We further conducted a content analysis of themes from postings in 30 groups using purposive sampling. Posted content was qualitatively analyzed to determine consistent themes across the groups and between those with smaller and larger member numbers. Results: The search of Facebook groups across 185 cities yielded 130 unique groups, including groups from all 13 provinces and territories in Canada. Total membership across all groups as of May 4, 2020 was 194,879. The vast majority were formed within days of the global pandemic announcement, two months prior. There were four major themes identified: personal protective equipment, offer, need, and information. Few differences were found between how large and small groups were being used. Conclusions: The #Caremongering Facebook groups spread across the entire nation in a matter of days, engaging hundreds of thousands of Canadians. Social media appears to be a useful tool for spreading community-led solutions to address health and social needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we analyze how media coverage for environmental actors (individual environmental activists and environmental movement organizations) is associated with their perceived policy influence in Canadian climate change policy networks. We conceptualize media coverage as the total number of media mentions an actor received in Canada's two main national newspapers--the Globe and Mail and National Post. We conceptualize perceived policy influence as the total number of times an actor was nominated by other actors in a policy network as being perceived to be influential in domestic climate change policy making in Canada. Literature from the field of social movements, agenda setting, and policy networks suggests that environmental actors who garner more media coverage should be perceived as more influential in policy networks than actors who garner less coverage. We assess support for this main hypothesis in two ways. First, we analyze how actor attributes (such as the type of actor) are associated with the amount of media coverage an actor receives. Second, we evaluate whether being an environmental actor shapes the association between media coverage and perceived policy influence. We find a negative association between media coverage and perceived policy influence for individual activists, but not for environmental movement organizations. This case raises fundamental theoretical questions about the nature of relations between media and policy spheres, and the efficacy of media for signaling and mobilizing policy influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

News frames are the interpretations and emphases in the presentation of complex issues that privilege certain understandings over others. We take the case of the framing of economic inequality in the news in order to make an empirical contribution and a conceptual contribution. The framing of economic inequality in news coverage is important to understand as news frames can shape public opinion and subsequently policy responses to inequality. There is no research we are aware of that documents how economic inequality is framed in the news. We compiled a dataset of 2109 news articles, published between 2000 and 2014, about economic inequality, and conducted a detailed content analysis. Empirically, we document how inequality was framed as an issue, specifically whether it was framed as a social problem with negative consequences, and what its causes, consequences, and solutions were. Conceptually, we also address an important gap in knowledge about the determinants of news frames. Research about how news frames are shaped by contextual factors in the production of news is uncertain about which factors matter and to what extent. The dataset has a set of features that allow us to simultaneously examine a number of potential determinants of news frames. Our data allow us to compare the relative influences on news coverage of economic inequality of (1) national context, (2) the political leaning of newspapers, (3) changing economic conditions, and (4) social movement efforts. Of these four factors, we find that only the Occupy movement influenced the volume of attention and the identification of economic inequality as a problem with negative consequences. National context, political leaning, and change in economic conditions had much more limited, or no, influence. Following the emergence of the Occupy movement, attention to economic inequality increased and remained higher than before. However, despite the clear effects of the Occupy movement on problem identification, news coverage of the causes and solutions to economic inequality did not significantly shift. We, therefore, find that social movement activity had the clearest influence on news frames, but the observed effect in this case was superficial rather than detailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Often people migrate through interstitial zones and categories between state territories, policies, or designations like "immigrant" or "refugee." Where there is no formal protection or legal status, people seek, forge, and find safe haven in other ways, by other means, and by necessity. In this article, I argue that U.S. war resisters to Canada forged safe haven through broadly based social movements. I develop this argument through examination of U.S. war-resister histories, focusing on two generations: U.S. citizens who came during the U.S.-led wars in Vietnam and, more recently, Afghanistan and Iraq. Resisters and activists forged refuge through alternative paths to protection, including the creation of shelter, the pursuit of time-space trajectories that carried people away from war and militarism, the formation of social movements across the Canada-U.S. border, and legal challenges to state policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents Canadian mining abroad as an imperial, nationbuilding practice that can be traced to state discourses. In analyzing state discourses, it is argued that an ideal citizenship regime is constructed, in part, due to a specific set of values and identities. This citizenship regime is corporate in nature, and operates as a vehicular idea that facilitates the flow of travelling technocrats, minerals and capital by reshaping the policies and practices of host nations. In the discourses examined, it becomes clear that the Canadian state actively forms both the conditions for the expansion of nation-building projects and actively participates in securing and promoting contentious mining projects. By mobilizing corporate citizenship, Canada remains committed to managing resistance movements that pose a risk to accumulation instead of addressing corporate impunity. The article concludes by considering how MiningWatch Canada and the movements they support create fissures in the corporate citizenship regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with scholar Jeff Diamanti is presented. He addresses the 2015 electoral victory of Alberta's New Democratic Party (NDP) in relation to environmental issues. The political significance of Alberta's fossil fuel industries is addressed. He discusses the links between the Alberta NDP and social movements. The ownership of fossil fuel resources is mentioned in relation to ecosocialism. Plans for an energy transition are noted.

An introduction to the journal's section is presented in which the authors discuss reprints of articles published in previous issues, from 1980 to present, featured within the section and focusing on the theme of social movements in France and Québec.

This paper explores a social and spatial (socio-spatial) response to urban food insecurity in Toronto, Ontario as expressed through FoodShare's Good Food Market (GFM) program. I argue that the GFMs draw on a multi-scalar conception of urban food insecurity to inform a strategy of resistance to the globalized food system and as a means of reducing food insecurity in Toronto. In as much as the GFM markets are relatively fixed places of resistance to the globalized and industrialized food system, I argue they can be more broadly theorized within the free space literature, a product of the confluence of social movement and critical human geography scholarship. Situating the GFM markets within this hybrid theoretical context illuminates strengths and raises cautions of employing place-based scalar strategies in the context of urban food activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE CAMPAIGN TO FREE IMPRISONED anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti ignited mobilization the world over in the 1920s. In Canada, the solidarity movement was split into three groupings: anarchists, syndicalists, and communists. The anarchists were largely represented by a small group surrounding Emma Goldman in Toronto. Syndicalists were organized by the One Big Union and Industrial Workers of the World, largely in Winnipeg and the Lakehead respectively. The Communist Party of Canada, and its adjunct, the Canadian Labour Defence League, were active across Canada. All three groupings, depsite their ideological differences, mounted campaigns that culminated in information pickets, mass demonstrations, calls to action, and even a strike. Although ultimately unsuccessful, the examination of the Canadian Sacco and Vanzetti solidarity movement gives critical insight into the radical left in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on his work as a curriculum developer for the Climate Justice Project of the British Columbia Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (BC CCPA). Topics covered include his discovery of the movement for climate justice, the development of a climate justice resource for teachers and the use of local studies and stories in the graphs and examples found in the Climate Justice Curriculum Package.

This article revisits the debate over Barker and Cox's (2011) use of Gramsci's distinction between traditional and organic intellectuals to contrast academic and activist modes of theorizing about social movements. Often misread as an attack on personal choices in career and writing, the distinction aimed to highlight the different purposes, audiences, and social relationships entailed by these different forms of theorizing. Discourses which take 'scholarship' as their starting point position 'activist' as a personal choice within an institutional field, and substitute this moral commitment for a political assessment of its effects. By contrast, few academics have undergone the political learning curve represented by social movements. This may explain the widespread persistence -- beyond any intellectual or empirical credibility -- of a faith in 'critical scholarship' isolated from agency, an orientation to policy makers and mainstream media as primary audiences or an unquestioned commitment to existing institutional frameworks as pathways to substantial social change. Drawing on over three decades of movement participation and two of academic work, this article explores two processes of activist training within the academy. It also explores the politics of different experiences of theoretical publishing for social movements audiences. This discussion focuses on the control of the "means of mental production" (Marx, 1965), and the politics of distribution. The conclusion explores the broader implications of these experiences for the relationship between movements and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we critically reflect on the production and measurement of 'success' and 'failure' both in social movements and social movement research. We do so by focusing on the Radical Imagination Project, an experiment in politically engaged, ethnographically grounded social movement research we have sustained in Halifax, Nova Scotia since 2010. We discuss our methodological strategy of 'convocation,' distinguishing it from other social movement research approaches, and reflect on the difficulties inherent in practicing these methods within the austere realities and pressures of the neoliberal university. We explore the ways in which the particular complexities of the fraught field and habitus of the would-be academic-activist might be critically assessed and best mobilized to assist in the reproduction of movements, without also unduly reproducing the neoliberal university or its architectures of privilege and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the implications of the social acceleration of time for the capacity of activist-scholars to engage in collective action. Drawing on interdisciplinary literature on time and temporality, the article argues that the neoliberal university is driven by the same speed imperative that underpins the capitalist mode of production, and that the resulting and growing time pressures inhibit academics' (and others') involvement in social movements in profound and deleterious ways. To explore this argument empirically, I draw on insights gleaned from semi-structured interviews with Canadian activist-scholars. Despite the manifest diversity of temporal experiences and challenges faced by scholar-activists in contemporary high-speed society, it is clear that academics today face severe time pressures that apply across individual differences and across disciplines. These pressures, which can only be properly explicated with reference to the ruling politicaleconomic paradigm, militate against the capacity to engage in reflexive thought (for both scholarly and activist purposes) and also against a higher level of involvement of 'public intellectuals' in social movements. The article's conclusion offers a few tentative thoughts about tempering the speed imperative for the purpose of self-care and by extension, for the common good in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Analyzing the anarchist commons in Montreal, Canada using participatory action research interviews with 127 participants, we find that anti-authoritarian groups and networks addressing disparate but connected struggles are building an anarchist commons, constructing a loose grouping of spaces, networks and collectives united by a shared political culture. Key debates are explored, centering on: intentional development of the commons; mixed labour models; and anti-oppression practices of calling in vs. calling out. Participants indicate an understanding of the anarchist commons through theories and practices beyond capitalism, including feminist, queer, trans and anti-racist commitments. Finally we argue that the shared anti-authoritarian political culture provides a certain resistance to enclosure of the anarchist commons through the processes and practices used to construct it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Research on flexible work practices has focused primarily on social relationships, individual identity, work/work-life balance experience and performance. This paper aims to add another dimension by focusing on space and, specifically, the performance of space by professional flexworkers as they reorder their home and work lives through the process of becoming flexworkers. Drawing on Law's 'modes of ordering' and Latourian actor network theory, as well as on Beyes and Steyaert's recent contribution on 'performing space', the paper considers how flexworkers themselves reorganize space(s) as an ongoing accomplishment. The purpose and contribution is to offer an alternative to the view that the home and work are rigid containers fixed in social structure, to one that views them as self-referential space(s), reordered by flexworkers as they seek to 'keep the social moving'. The paper is based on an empirical study of employees in a Canadian subsidiary of a large hi-tech multinational corporation. It examines organizational policy documents and interviews with managerial and non-managerial flexworkers to identify how social and spatial relations are reordered and performed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the author talks about several issues related to the global climate justice movement as of May 2014. Topics discussed include a United Nations (UN) climate summit that was held in Poland in November 2013, a Summary of Policymakers that was released by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and the climate plan of U.S. President Barack Obama. Also mentioned are the issues of climate change prevailing in Australia, Maldives, and Canada.

The article focuses on the Canadian political party the British Columbia Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (BC/CCF) and how it contributed to a political left-wing social movement for Canada's working class during the 1930s. The author argues that while the BC/CCF had populist beginnings, it was truly a socialist party. He discusses how the BC/CCF impacted Canadian politics during the interwar years, argues that the party created an anti-liberal movement, and explores the BC/CCF's relationship to the Socialist Party of Canada.

Copyright of Canadian Issues / Thèmes Canadiens is the property of Association for Canadian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Bulletin of Medical History is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BECAUSE IT HAS BEEN GENERALLY STUDIED superficially or examined using a fairly small number of documents, the Order of the Knights of Labor in Quebec again and again escapes the understanding of experts. The picture historians, sociologists and industrial relations experts were able to deliver resulted in very negative assessments: the Quebec wing of the American trade union center is viewed as an utopian movement, too far from the immediate needs of workers and the reality of the industrial world. Using a wide variety of new sources, we present an entirely new portrait of its organizational structure and course. Not only is the Quebec Knights' experience remarkable, but it also shaped a generation of workers and probably more. In the most laborious and capricious Canadian landscape, Montreal, they began an intense collaboration between Francophones and Anglophones. Seeking to strengthen labor's power, they focused on craft unionism, while experimenting with industrial unionism on a scale unimagined by historiography. Also open to immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, as well as to women, the Knights thus challenged the existing order. That is why, more than any other Quebec labor movement that preceded it, the Order faced the Catholic clergy's hostility. However, Catholicism also played in the opposite direction when, following the release of Rerum Novarum, workers were inspired by the legitimacy given to labour organization and revived the movement in the 1890s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When Brigette approached me to write a piece for this collection I hesitated for weeks. Despite technically being a youth, I have never identified as being a 'youth activist' and for weeks I pondered why that was. I realized that even I had internalized the association between youth and apathy. Or at best, I assumed that youth within social movements were experimenting with counter-cultural politics. I have often imagined myself or other young people around me as being particularly 'mature', when in reality it is obvious that young people, as young people, are deeply committed to struggles for liberation and freedom. We should be celebrated and honoured as integral participants in the collective movements that we desire and are inspired by. I decided it was an apt moment to reflect on more than 10 years of engaging and mobilizing in grassroots multiracial feminist communities for social change as a young person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental movements depend on mass media to reach the public and shape political decision-making. Without media access, social movements experience political marginality. In this paper, we examine whether the internet is a more open space than traditional media for activists to speak on behalf of nature. Our analysis is based on newspaper coverage and environmental organization websites that focus on the conflict over the proposed Jumbo Glacier Resort ski resort in British Columbia. Environmental websites and mass media texts both define Jumbo Pass as wilderness and grizzly bear habitat, while focusing on ecological concerns as well as questions of local democracy. However, environmental group websites discuss a greater range of environmental risks and provide more detailed discussion of these issues. Environmentalist websites also integrate scientific experts and celebrity supporters to a greater degree than mass media texts, which are dominated by environmentalist, ski industry, and provincial government news sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education is the property of Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author discusses the failure of anti-oppression activists to build a movement in Canada. She says that activists are acting in ways that are destructive to an anti-oppression movement by failing to reach out and neglecting to mentor new leaders. She adds that the effectiveness of anti-oppression movements will be commensurate with the willingness of activists to constantly practice compassion. She also discusses the contrast between the experience of feminist activists and their conservative counterparts.

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Social movements have been important sources of change and social innovation in Québec, at the national level but also in each of its regions where they were imbedded. Grassroots social movements were the building blocks of what is now known as the "Québec model" of governance. This paper discusses whether a new generation of social movements could emerge in the Québec regions where new co-construction mechanisms for policies and programs have been integrated into regional governance structures. How does this new generation of social activists position itself in regard to these new policies and structures inherited from half a century of social movements led by their predecessors? The article will focus on structures and mechanisms of concertation of regional authorities with local/regional community groups. It is based on data collected in various research projects in seven Québec regions and on longstanding professional experiences and experiences in advocacy. A parallel will be drawn between the concept of social innovation inherent to social movements and the one adopted by regional authorities based upon Schumpeter's economical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Contributing to the gender and federalism debate, this article explores how characteristics and historical legacies of the Canadian and U.S. federations shape women’s activism. Following discussion of three positions gender scholars and activists hold regarding federalism, their shared view that federalism is gendered is explored. Reversing the causal arrow to compare how organized women circumvent or change obstructive federal arrangements, the text uses abortion rights campaigning to illustrate. It shows that the weaker pan-Canadian women’s movement succeeded in effecting constitutional and judicial change because of a favorable division of powers and preoccupation with Quebec. But a negative historical legacy and division of powers, counter-movements and partisan polarization limited the stronger U.S. movement to circumvention strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An interview with Canadian sociologist William K. Carroll is presented. He mentions that the reason his family migrated to Canada from the U.S. was part of the influx of American academics to the country brought by the rapid expansion of the university system. He shares that his interest in sociology was at first a coincidence for he never had an idea what sociology was at that time. He comments about his book "Critical Strategies for Social Research."

This multimedia essay combines words and images in a creative performance drawn from our 2009 cross-Canada Whistlestop Project,1 a study of the diverse art practices of Canadian popular educators involved in the women's movement. We focus on the Tofino Whistlestop on Vancouver Island on the Pacific Coast, the most westerly point on this research-by-rail journey, which began on the Atlantic coast. The eight participants at The Common Loaf Bake Shop in Tofino represented diverse art forms: arts-researcher Dorothy; arts-researcher and photographer Anita; baker-designer Maureen; painter-collagist-muralist Marla; flamenco dancer Thérèse; baker-mosaic artist Stephanie; poet-writer Chris; and, poet-writer-videographer John. This essay unfolds as a show and tell of the research participants' art practices as they constitute popular education in the context of arts-based action research methodology of Appreciative Inquiry (AI) to generate personal and collective stories of life-affirming experiences of art as popular education. This video essay highlights the relational art of story- telling and story-receiving through gesture, performance, and symbol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of the development of contemporary aboriginal literature in Canada since 1967 when the country celebrated its centennial. It traces how the genre has grown since the 1960s and examines the literary figures who have made contributions to this development. It explores the political and cultural context during which this movement began and discusses how both have changed since the 1960s. It also discusses how the relationship between Canada's aboriginal population and the government has changed during this time.

The article discusses the cultural significance of childcare services. The author examines the links between childcare services and gender equality in feminist discourse, specifically focusing on the view of free twenty-four-hour day care as a key element of women's liberation. The author claims that childcare programs in Canada and the United States are severely underdeveloped, since they are seen as a private family problem in these countries. The economic aspects of expanded childcare and early childhood development services are analyzed.

This article is an attempt to explain and explore the paradoxes that are thrown up when feminist priorities flow from historical experiences of nation-building. The author draws on her experiences as a founding member of the South Asian Women's Community Centre (SAWCC) in Montréal and my engagement with feminism and feminists in Québec, Canada and the Indian sub-continent, to understand how feminisms can be antagonistic to one another as a consequence of agendas that are based on patriarchal imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of immigrant women in Canada who are hoping to pursue higher education has drawn my attention to the situation of Iranian immigrant women graduate students in this country. The author is a part of this population, and in her societal and academic experiences she regularly encounters the racism that continues to marginalize Middle Eastern women in Canada. This oppression has led the author to explore the roots of this marginalization and the possibilities for change and social justice in Canadian academia and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many social movement researchers question the usefulness of political opportunity as a concept. However, others argue that it can be refined by disaggregating different opportunities for actors and outcomes to understand the underlying mechanisms that influence each. This research extends this analysis by asking "political opportunity for whom?" Looking at Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, it assesses how different opportunities influence a broad range of movement actors and organizations. Using data from a 50-year period it assesses how contemporaneous, lagged and change regression modeling of opportunities affect results. The article finds that structural opportunities around resources robustly influence a wide range of mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Education / Revue Canadienne de l'Éducation is the property of Canadian Society for the Study of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)