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We are living in what Professor Jonathan Turley calls an age of rage. However, it is not the first such period. Professor Turley explores how the United States was formed (and the Constitution was written) in precisely such a period. Throughout that history, sedition has been used as the vehicle for criminalizing political speech. This Article explores how seditious libel has evolved as a crime and how it is experiencing a type of American revival. The crime of sedition can be traced back to the infamous trials of the Star Chamber and the flawed view of free speech articulated by Sir William Blackstone. That view continues to resonate in "bad tendency" rationales for criminalizing what Professor Turley calls "rage rhetoric." An advocate for a broader theory of free speech, Professor Turley suggests that the United States should break this cycle and reject a crime that it is not only superfluous in many cases, but the product of the anti-free speech theories extending back to the seventeenth century. The elimination of the crime would fulfill what Professor Turley believes is the original and revolutionary view of free speech articulated by some figures at the start of the Republic. It would finally slay what James Madison called the "monster" lurking in our political and legal systems for centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, word length in the texts of public speeches by USA and UK politicians is analyzed. More than 300 speeches delivered over the past two hundred years were studied. It is found that the lognormal distribution better describes the distribution of word length than do the Weibull and Poisson distributions, for example. It is shown that the length of words does not change significantly over time (the average value either does not change or slightly decreases, and the mode slightly increases). These results are fundamentally different from those obtained previously for sentence lengths and indicate that, in terms of quantitative linguistic analysis, the word length in politicians' speech has not evolved over the last 200 years and does not obey the principle of least effort proposed by G. Zipf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Direct democrag processes facilitate the use of citizen initiatives to ajfect a change in governing law without the intervention of elected representatives. Since initiative measures became popular in the earb twentieth centug, regulations designed to insulate the political mechanisms from fraud and undu€ influences haue become commonplace. Many regulations impose a'requirement that petition circulators be residents of the state wherein the; circulate materials, but several circuit courts have found such regulations to be an unconstitutional burden on political speech. In response, some states have abandoned theirresideng requirements in favorof a consentto-jurisdicti.on approach that only requires would-be circulators to agree to be subject to the state's jurisdiction if any issues arise. This Note advocates for the broad adoption of a third approach: a requirement that petition circulator groups only acceptfunding from in-state sources. An in-state funding system more aPpropiately addresses the competing concerns of the state and citizens by insulating the government from outside moneyed special interest groups without imposing a substantial burden on political speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal tax law is of two minds when it comes to speech by nonprofits. The tax benefits provided to nonprofits are justified in significant part because they provide nonprofits great discretion in choosing the specific ends and means to pursue, thereby promoting diversity and pluralism. But current law withholds some of these tax benefits if a nonprofit engages in certain types of political speech. Legislators have also repeatedly, if unsuccessfully, sought to expand these political speech restrictions in various ways. And some commentators have proposed denying tax benefits to groups engaged in other types of disfavored speech, including hate speech and fake news. These latter proposals have recently become more prominent as additional facts come to light about the role of nonprofits in supporting white supremacy and in disseminating misleading information about COVID-19 treatments. This Article explores the existing and proposed limitations on speech by tax-exempt nonprofits given the constitutional restrictions on such limitations and the policy justifications for existing nonprofit tax benefits. It explains why the current limits on political campaign intervention and lobbying by charities are both justified given the subsidy provided to charities and their supporters under existing federal tax law and existing and longstanding constitutional case law. It further concludes that any expansion of these limits on charities to cover other types of speech, including hate speech and fake news, would be inconsistent with the existing broad definitions of the purposes that charities can pursue as well as, in some circumstances, constitutionally suspect. The Article also concludes that limits on speech by non-charitable tax-exempt nonprofits, including the existing limit on political campaign intervention for some of these nonprofits, are both unwise as a policy matter and, in some circumstances, constitutionally suspect given the lack of a subsidy for such speech by these nonprofits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on advocating for a straightforward legislative remedy to address the risks associated with geofence search warrants by proposing a comprehensive ban on all such searches. Topics include an explanation of geofence search warrants, Google's handling of them, their implications for privacy and speech, and an examination of the potential shortcomings in relying on the Fourth Amendment, and the third-party doctrine.

The article focuses on critiquing the U.S. Court of Appeals for Federal Circuit's ruling in In re Elster, which determined that the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO)'s rejection of registering "TRUMP TOO SMALL" as a trademark infringed on the First Amendment's safeguard of political speech. Topics include the assertion that the Federal Circuit overlooked the context of the speech and should have evaluated the trademark's registrability.

The conservative legal establishment is waging war on modern liberalism with Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization marking its most recent victory. Against this backdrop, this Article contends that attacks from the right on New York Times Co. v. Sullivan—the Court’s defining First Amendment decision that places political speech at the center of free speech doctrine—are motivated not by bona fide doctrinal disagreements but rather the cynical belief that the specter of defamation liability unrestrained by Sullivan will silence political opponents and, in turn, hasten the end of modern liberalism. So while the battle over Sullivan may not have the same partisan salience as attacks on Roe v. Wade, the political implications of overruling Sullivan are nevertheless vast. This Article confronts this troubling development. First, it tracks the politicization of defamation law in recent years, contextualizing it within the right’s broader war on modern liberalism and cataloging the likely consequences of overruling Sullivan. Second, it asserts that claims from the right that Sullivan is un-American and ahistorical are nothing more than self-serving projection meant to detract from the undemocratic and historically unsupported principles that underlie the right’s assault on Sullivan. In fact, this Article contends that Sullivan is quintessentially American—both ideologically and historically. Specifically, it asserts that Sullivan is the result of a long recognized duty of a citizen in this country to impeach public officials through critical political speech and, when necessary, even defamatory speech. In all of this, the fight over Sullivan is not about defamation law, but the basic right to govern ourselves at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existential threat is often mentioned in political rhetoric. While it is mostly used to denote threats to humanity as a whole, like climate change or AI, it is also used on a smaller scale. Existential threat to a state or a similar entity is often evoked too. Such a threat is considered grave enough to justify war and - possibly - the use of nuclear weapons. In the present article, the author aims to deconstruct the notion of "existential threat" in relation to the state and show that it should not be used as a reason to go to war. The main argument is that the state has a specific mode of existence which makes it impossible to speak of state death unambiguously. Therefore, there can be no apparent threats to its existence. The author proposes a normative interpretation of the state. The state is understood as a project of a certain group, or even an individual, therefore the discussion of "existential threat" to a state should be dropped in favor of a more grounded evaluation of potential gains and losses by different social groups and political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American exceptionalism--the idea that America is superior, chosen, and tasked with a unique mission--is a foundational part of America's political culture. Its themes regularly appear in political speeches, at campaign rallies, and at national celebrations. But exceptionalism also appears frequently in another, less obvious place: Supreme Court opinions. Scholars and pundits routinely scour these opinions to identify the jurisprudential theories and political leanings that drive case outcomes. But as yet, legal scholars have paid little attention to the exceptionalist themes in the Court's case law. Some legal scholars study the ways American constitutional law is distinctive, or exceptional, when compared to law in other countries, and many are eager to predict and explain the Supreme Court's behavior. But few analyze exceptionalism as a judicial ideology or worldview, and none consider whether exceptionalist commitments influence the Court's decisions. In this Article, I respond to this key omission by offering the first systematic study of American exceptionalism and Supreme Court jurisprudence. I argue that American exceptionalism is a powerful and important feature of Supreme Court decision making. Through close reading and rhetorical discourse analysis of five landmark Supreme Court decisions, I demonstrate that the Court frequently invokes and deploys exceptionalist themes when interpreting the Constitution. This Article also reveals that the Court relies on two distinct modes of exceptionalist rhetoric. The first, which I call accomplished exceptionalism, is self-celebratory and assumes that America will always be great. The second, which I call aspirational exceptionalism, is self-critical and treats American greatness as a contingent possibility. The Court's invocation of these modes is not random but instead correlates closely with the outcome in a case. Specifically, in cases upholding exercises of government power, the Court favors accomplished exceptionalism, but in cases affirming individual rights claims, it relies on the aspirational mode. These findings have important implications. The correlation between exceptionalism and case outcomes suggests that exceptionalism might have a causal effect on judicial decision making--that it, like judges' ideology or theories of statutory interpretation, might drive the Court to reach particular results. If this is so, exceptionalism has been hiding in plain sight--as neglected as it is ubiquitous--as an element in Supreme Court decision making. It is past time for scholars to give exceptionalism the same attention they have given to other outcome-determinative phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the decision of the U.S. Court of appeals for Third Circuit in the case Mazo v. New Jersey Secretary of State which held that this consent requirement was a content-neutral regulation of speech that did not violate candidates' First Amendment rights. It mentions Third Circuit set forth a new "extrinsic features" test for content neutrality, which exempted from strict scrutiny a law that effectively prohibits certain categories of political speech.

The context of this article is a larger, ongoing postdoctoral research that looks into the relationship between opinion mining - more precisely sentiment analysis - and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine that started in February 2022. The postdoctoral research aims to analyze political speeches in the context of the war by using available sentiment analysis tools, the purpose being to discover the real emotions behind the speeches per se: are they indeed negative as they pretend to be, or are they rather neutral, in fact, or perhaps even positive. Furthermore, the political speeches selected, coming from official bodies and governments, are focused on the sanctions applied to Russia since invading Ukraine, so both context and sentiment should converge. This article has therefore meaning in the larger context of that research and it aims to offer a short exercise into using a sentiment analysis tool for investigating the presence on social media, this time, of the realities of this conflict. For this purpose, a couple of relevant key words were selected and they were analyzed using opinion mining in the framework of social media platforms and their numerous users. The article investigates the results of this search, discusses them and offers a personal perspective on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper investigates the evolving defense cooperation between India and Japan in the context of the strategic landscape in the Indo-Pacific region, particularly considering China's rise. The existing literature recognizes China's increasing influence as a significant factor in India-Japanese security cooperation, but tends to overlook the dynamics behind India's shifting stance. The study reveals that India initially hesitated to actively engage in anti-China security cooperation with Japan until the mid-2010s, but later adopted a more proactive partnership. An analysis of policy documents, political speeches, and government records attributes India's initial reluctance to its commitment to non-alignment and strategic autonomy, its desire to balance relations with both China and Japan, and its domestic political priorities favoring economic development over military expansion or strategic alliances. However, growing concerns over China's assertiveness, military modernization, a change in political leadership, and the Quad's development as a regional security platform have prompted India's attitude shift. The research's recommendations not only offer a roadmap for India, Japan, and other Indo-Pacific countries with deep economic ties to China, but also help combat China's military threats to contribute to regional stability and security, address common challenges, and foster a peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Joko Widodo is a phenomenon president because he is the one and only president who comes from a lowerlevel class as compared to the other presidents who comes from Indonesia's elite, especially the Javanese elite. Of the importance of the Indonesian people, every Indonesian President is concerned with the people's interests to gain the people's sympathy. Hence, this study unentangles how Jokowi disseminated his ideology to influence the Indonesian people through his political speech text. Accordingly, this study aims to investigate Jokowi's ideological stance inside his political speech text. This study also identifies why Jokowi prioritizes Indonesia's people as the main concern in his program. This study integrated interpretivism as the underlying paradigm. Meanwhile, case study research design was applied as this study centered on Jokowi's speeches as Indonesian President. Data were collected from the first official speech text of President Jokowi delivered on August 16, 2015. This paper combined Critical Discourse Analysis and Systemic Functional Linguistics, particularly the Appraisal System's judgmental analysis. The paper formed Judgement as a sub-type of the attitudinal classification rather than the other two, Affect and Appreciation. The Judgmental categories dominated by the sub-type of Capacity have exceeded other judgmental subtypes. Jokowi mostly evaluated Indonesia's people using the positive Capacity to show that the People of Indonesia the capable people to overcome their problems. The reason behind Indonesia's people's political inclination is that Jokowi is supported by the people-based political party, Struggle-Indonesian Democratic Party (PDIP). The analysis of this study illustrates the importance of a leader's ideological stance in facing and communicating with the people. This is because the stance allows Jokowi to inspire and empower the Indonesian people with his speeches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many assumed that legislators send political messages or even grandstand in expectation of gaining electoral rewards. However, largely due to a lack of proper data and measurements, this assumption has not been tested. Publicized committee hearings provide a unique environment to consistently observe changes in legislators' speech patterns and test this assumption. Using House committee hearing transcripts from 1997 to 2016 and Grandstanding Scores-which capture the intensity of political messages conveyed in members' statements in hearings-I find that an increase in a member's messaging efforts in a given Congress leads to increased vote share in the following election. This suggests that legislators' grandstanding remarks, often regarded as cheap talk, can be an effective electoral strategy. Additional findings suggest that PAC donors respond differently to members' grandstanding behavior. Specifically, while voters react to members' grandstanding positively but are ignorant about their legislative effectiveness, PAC donors are unmoved by members' grandstanding behaviors and reward members' effective law-making activities instead. These asymmetric reactions from voters and donors may provide members with a twisted incentive to appeal to voters merely by making impressive, political speeches while legislating in favor of organized interests, which raises concerns about how representative democracy works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although cohesion and coherence of a speech are significant, and there is an array of studies exploring these elements, particularly political speeches, many still struggle to apply the correct grammar and lexical cohesion as well the correct thematic structure in speech construction. This study aims to investigate the cohesion and coherence of speeches that are constructed through textual metafunction using thematic structures and cohesive devices. The study intends to answer two research questions. 1. What are the thematic structures and cohesive devices used in the speeches delivered by the Director General of the World Health Organization? 2. How are these thematic structures and cohesive devices used to produce cohesion in these speeches? This study used a mixed-method approach, combining corpus analysis with qualitative descriptive analysis. Twelve speeches from the website of the World Health Organization were chosen using a purposive sampling method. Thematic patterns and the distribution of cohesive devices in the speech corpus were analysed and identified. Findings showed that unmarked topical themes were employed the most, whereas interpersonal themes were used the least. The most dominant cohesive device was repetition, followed by reference, conjunction, and collocation. Ellipsis was sparsely employed to avoid redundancy. These mechanisms contributed to constructing cohesion and coherence, which help audiences understand the speeches better. The findings of the study may have significant implications for enhancing communication across a range of fields by offering useful insights on the efficacy of utilising cohesive devices and thematic structures in speeches, particularly those delivered by prominent public figures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the United States, the traditional deference that foreign policy officials paid to the IPC was tested by Department of Interior advocacy for the small, independent U.S. oil companies that sought to terminate the IPC monopoly in favor of a competitive marketplace. The book's notable strength is its integrated analysis of three protagonists - the U.S. government, the Iraqi government, and the multi-national IPC - as they struggled over Iraq's petroleum industry. Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt offers a provocative and critical analysis of U.S.-Iraqi relations from the military coup against the Hashemite monarchy in 1958 to the nationalization of the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC) in 1972. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides an overview of section 2(c) of the U.S. Lanham Act. Topics include why the Federal Circuit properly determined that section 2 (c) is unconstitutional as applied to TRUMP TOO SMALL and argues that the statute is, in fact, facially invalid under Supreme Court precedent; the government's new argument that section 2(c) protects political speech and rejects argument; and the U.S. Supreme Court case Iancu v. Brunett on the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

Social media has transformed into a crucial channel for political expression. Twitter, especially, is a vital platform used to exchange political hate in Pakistan. Political hate speech affects the public image of politicians, targets their supporters, and hurts public sentiments. Hate speech is a controversial public speech that promotes violence toward a person or group based on specific characteristics. Although studies have been conducted to identify hate speech in European languages, Roman languages have yet to receive much attention. In this research work, we present the automatic detection of political hate speech in Roman Urdu. An exclusive political hate speech labeled dataset (RU-PHS) containing 5002 instances and city-level information has been developed. To overcome the vast lexical structure of Roman Urdu, we propose an algorithm for the lexical unification of Roman Urdu. Three vectorization techniques are developed: TF-IDF, word2vec, and fastText. A comparative analysis of the accuracy and time complexity of conventional machine learning models and fine-tuned neural networks using dense word representations is presented for classifying and predicting political hate speech. The results show that a random forest and the proposed feed-forward neural network achieve an accuracy of 93% using fastText word embedding to distinguish between neutral and politically offensive speech. The statistical information helps identify trends and patterns, and the hotspot and cluster analysis assist in pinpointing Punjab as a highly susceptible area in Pakistan in terms of political hate tweet generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political polarization has illustrated how individuals with opposing political views often experience ongoing events in markedly different ways. In this study, we explored the neural mechanisms underpinning this phenomenon. We conducted fMRI scanning of 34 right- and left-wing participants (45% females) watching political videos (e.g., campaign ads and political speeches) just before the elections in Israel. As expected, we observed significant differences between left- and right-wing participants in their interpretation of the videos' content. Furthermore, neuroimaging results revealed partisanship-dependent differences in activation and synchronization in higher-order regions. Surprisingly, such differences were also revealed in early sensory, motor, and somatosensory regions. We found that the political content synchronized the responses of primary visual and auditory cortices in a partisanship-dependent manner. Moreover, right-wing (and not left-wing) individuals' sensorimotor cortex was involved in processing right-wing (and not left-wing) political content. These differences were pronounced to the extent that we could predict political orientation from the early brain-response alone. Importantly, no such differences were found with respect to neutral content. Therefore, these results uncover more fundamental neural mechanisms underlying processes of political polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Law for the dismemberment of the state of Mato Grosso was signed by President Ernesto Geisel in 1977. It is in this time frame that this article presents some conflicts that occurred between politicians who worked in two very close locations, Dourados and Campo Grande, in the southern region of Mato Grosso. Mato Grosso one; as well as the relations of these public agents with the newspapers O Progresso and Correio do Estado. In the research, the discourses conveyed by these news items were analyzed to understand the existing plurality in the social, political and journalistic fields and the clashes that did not allow designating "the southerners" as a cohesive and homogeneous group. In order to better understand the disputes for power and the regionalist defenses carried out, all the articles published in the two periodicals in that year were used as main sources. The documentary corpus allowed a critical study of the publications and the representations expressed in them. With contributions, theoretical and methodological, from the New Cultural History and the New Political History, it was possible to verify, in the journalistic narratives and in the political speeches, the manipulation of ambivalent elements that showed a greater complexity than the dichotomy, "northerners versus southerners". And also verify that such public agents, obstinate to occupy the new spaces of power and associated with different political projects, maintained close relations with the press (and vice versa) to manipulate aspects of regional identification and differentiation, using a space privileged for the defense of their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exchanges of insults are rare in the European Parliament (EP). The process of self-rationalisation that presided over the rise of the institution affects all interactions between parliamentarians – including the civility of their exchanges. Yet, as in all parliamentary institutions, insult remains possible because of pluralism and publicity. Through the analysis of certain mediatised episodes, the contribution highlights factors more specific to the EP likely to generate verbal tension, namely: the presence of Eurosceptic representatives, the lack of cultural agreement on what can be said, the multiplicity of traditions of political rhetoric and the defence of certain European taboos such as peace and the usefulness of Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research is to analyze the political discourse and the language they used in public addresses provided by two former presidents of the United States, specifically, President Barak Obama and President Donald Trump. This research reflects on the material that has been collected for several months which aimed to contribute on the analysis of the corpus, distinctions and similarities, as well as their attitudes towards the public opinion. The objectives of this study are mainly empirical and theoretical. Considering the empirical objectives, this study seeks to explore, identify and categorize the most used words in a political speech according to the categories, form, function and meaning, whereas, the theoretical objectives of this study are to provide a description of the language that is used in major events from well-known politicians when aiming to capture people's attention. Their rhetorical habits were examined, in every delivery of Mr. Obama's political speech; his speeches were carefully and well-articulated throughout his 8 year political service in the oval office, portraying him as a kind person. On the other hand, Mr. Trump's, as a non-politician, more as a businessman, political speeches throughout his campaign and 4 years in the office were very often seen as aggressive, unforeseen, and nonetheless straight to the point. This study covers the linguistic level analysis as well as semantic and pragmatic levels. Initially, the selected corpora were analyzed using the Ant Conc software regarding frequency of usage and then move into detailed analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concurrent validity of Flesch-Kincaid To what degree do these F-K scores correlate with comprehension among members of the audience? While in the fixed effects model, liberal-conservative ideology had a negative but not statistically significant effect on linguistic complexity, in the random intercept model the coefficient of liberal-conservative ideology is still negative but also statistically significant, in line with the other findings. Validation for spoken language vs written language Spoken language is different from written language [[27]] and this raises important questions about what Flesch-Kincaid measures when applied to transcripts of speeches. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the Supreme Court case Federal Election Commission v. Ted Cruz for Senate, which addressed the constitutionality of section 304 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) and its implications for First Amendment rights in campaign finance. It discussed that the Court held that section 304, which limits the repayment of candidate loans from campaign contributions, violates the First Amendment by burdening core political speech without proper justification.

The article focuses on the issue of free speech both popular and unpopular at campus of colleges and universities in the U.S. Topics discussed include principle of public discourse and political engagement iii a liberal democracy, censoring offensive statements and characteristics of campus speech war and the student combatant.

Through various textual and iconographic supports (poems and other literary works, political and historical speeches, paintings, statues, films), this article analyses the process that led to the political and nationalist recovery of the figure of Simón Bolívar. It shows the extent to which the independence leader has been transformed into a hero, with its share of exaggerations, to the point that a form of mythification has sometimes taken place that is more akin to poetry and the sacred than to historical reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creating a united Malaysian nation is a very important agenda for Malaysia which has a multiethnic population. Various efforts have been implemented by the government, especially to foster harmonious ethnic relations among the people and strengthen national integration between Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak. Although ethnic relations efforts are continuously implemented, the state of ethnic relations in Sabah is much better compared to that in Peninsular Malaysia. This observation is often expressed in the speeches of political leaders whether coming from Peninsular Malaysia or local leaders in Sabah and reported by local newspapers. Even Malaysians in other states are called to emulate the harmony of ethnic relations in Sabah. The main research approach for this study is qualitative. The source of secondary data such as main references from books, chapters in books, indexes or/and no-indexes article journals including online sources was used extensively. Previous studies show that various social factors contribute to good ethnic relations as well as ethnic tolerance in Sabah and Sarawak. These include cultural practices, traditional customs, religion, beliefs, daily practices, and even intermarriages. Ongoing research should be carried out to analyze possible other factors that could add to the existing information. No less important and should be highlighted is the history and development of Sabah society in line with changes in the administrative system and socioeconomic development of this state that affects ethnic relations among its population. Thus, this paper attempts to focus the discussion on these factors and their relation to the situation and experience of harmonious ethnic relations in Sabah in the context of integration in diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compared and contrasted some syntactic aspects of the sentence in Arabic and English political speeches, namely sentence length, frequency of sentence types, and forms. It also aimed at determining the roles or functions of these features and the ideological goals they serve in the speeches. Twenty political speeches in Arabic and twenty political speeches in English were collected from the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) meetings between 2015 and 2019. The analysis revealed that the sentence in the Arabic political speeches is slightly shorter than its counterpart in English. It was also found that the complex sentence is more frequent in the Arabic speeches, while the simple sentence is more frequent in the English speeches. The analysis also revealed that these syntactic features were used to perform several functions in the text to serve ideological goals such as promoting ideas and maintaining political neutrality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European colonial expansion in America, started in the 15th century by the Iberian powers, also promoted the colonization of knowledge, languages, memory and imaginary. Even after gaining political independence, the former colonies couldn't break with the old structures inherited from the colonial period, whose ideological matrix, "coloniality", still produces reflections in the present, causing inequality, exploitation, discrimination and religious prejudice. Seeking a dialogue between the concept of "coloniality of power" created by Aníbal Quijano and the history of the present time, this article aims to identify the persistence of a classificatory system that reduces to cultural and religious production of enslaved indigenous and African peoples to a category of subordination and exclusion. To achieve this purpose, legal codes, texts published in newspapers and political speeches will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze how evangelical candidates mobilized a fierce speech during the campaign for Paraná legislature in 2018. It has been collected materials in personal profiles and fanpages of four elected candidates who elaborate their identities by building an enemy that supposedly works to destroy moral values. It has been identified some approaches from evangelical field to Brazilian politics and, then, systematizing the discussion in three axes: (I) normalization of family standards; (II) regulation of educational practices; and (III) control of women's sexual and reproductive rights. There seems to be a discursive structure that articulates the use of "inaccurate concepts", elements of social sensitivity and the existence of a common enemy. Evangelical conservative activism is based on the struggle against the transformation of customs and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on claim that regulating anti-speech acts chills political speech and Courts that use free speech doctrine to shield those who deliberately or recklessly disseminate demonstrably false statements in pursuit of fraudulent electoral or commercial gain. It mentions Freedom of thought and expression and the continued integrity of the electoral process are served (not hindered) by prudent regulation of anti-speech acts.

This research aims to analyze the argumentative strategies triggered by candidates Arthur do Val (PATRIOTA), Guilherme Boulos (PSOL) and Jilmar Tatto (PT) through videos published on their official profiles on the TikTok application during municipal elections in the city of São Paulo. - SP in 2020. To this end, we used the argumentative analysis protocol, proposed by the UFSM/CNPq Study and Research Group on Communication and Policy, based on the concepts developed by Ruth Amossy (2011; 2016) and Patrick Charaudeau ( 2011; 2015a; 2015b). After the analysis, it was concluded that the candidates more frequently used the arguments of dramatization, ethos and disqualification in order to obtain the support of their voters. Finally, it was found that videos that dealt with political issues through humor obtained greater engagement among users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Customized Speech -- speech targeted or tailored based on knowledge of one's audience -- is pervasive. It permeates our relationships, our culture, and, especially, our politics. Until recently, customization drew relatively little attention. Cambridge Analytica changed that. Since 2016, a consensus has decried Speech Customization as causing political manipulation, disunity, and destabilization. On this account, machine learning, social networks, and Big Data make political Customized Speech a threat we constitutionally can, and normatively should, curtail. That view is mistaken. In this Article, I offer the first systematic analysis of Customized Speech and the First Amendment. I reach two provocative results: Doctrinally, the First Amendment robustly protects Speech Customization. And normatively, even amidst Big Data, this protection can help society and democracy. Doctrinally, the use of audience information to customize speech is, itself, core protected speech. Further, audience-information collection, while less protected, may still only be regulated by carefully drawn, content-neutral, generally applicable laws. And unless and until the state affirmatively enacts such laws (as, overwhelmingly, it has not), it may not curtail speakers' otherwise lawful use of such information in political Speech Customization. What does this mean for democratic government? Today, Customized Speech raises fears about democratic discourse, hyper-partisan factions, and citizen autonomy. But these are less daunting than the consensus suggests, and are offset by key benefits: Modern Customized Speech activates the apathetic, empowers the marginalized, and checks government overreach. Accordingly, many current proposals to restrict such Customized Speech -- from disclosure requirements to outright bans -- are neither constitutionally viable nor normatively required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political speech is not special. No type of speech is. First Amendment doctrine ubiquitously claims to value speech on a hierarchy, with political speech occupying the highest and most-protected position, followed by commercial speech and speech on private matters, with low-value speech on the bottom, least-protected rung. This hierarchy is a myth. The true but hidden framework of free speech law is actually one of equal speech protection. All speech, including political speech, receives comparable protection--and that level of protection is quite moderate across the board. Specifically, the equal protection speech receives permits the state to regulate speech in order to protect a safe and informed democratic discourse. This Article explains the origins and bases of the hierarchy myth, the reasons why equal speech protection supplants the hierarchy model, and the consequences of the myth's persistence despite its failure to guide free speech doctrine. Dismantling the myth that the First Amendment embraces a hierarchy of speech protection is critical at this precarious moment in the development of free speech law, when regulating speech--of all kinds-- is essential to fostering a healthy public sphere. By excavating a robust tradition of equal and moderate speech protection out from under the shadow of the hierarchy myth, this Article recovers the hidden "social democratic theory" of speech protection--a theory that is singularly suited to addressing the modern speech challenges raised by an everexpanding digital economy and dangerously toxic political speech environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As governments throughout the hemisphere sounded alarms over an undemocratic seizure of power, the United States welcomed the new authorities and celebrated Chávez's ouster as a democratic triumph. Despite periodic differences with Chávez, armed grassroots groups known as colectivos knew their survival was bound up in the government's survival, and they began to coordinate actions against the opposition with state authorities. In February 1999, Hugo Chávez took office as president of Venezuela after winning elections in a landslide. Part variety show, where Chávez spoke at length about his life, Venezuelan history, and Latin American culture; part policy program, where the president and his ministers outlined legislation and discussed state affairs; part call-in show, where citizens could speak directly with Chávez; and part televised rally, where Chávez showcased government accomplishments while inveighing against detractors in ever more strident tones, I Aló Presidente i quickly became the centerpiece of a larger media campaign designed to circumvent an increasingly critical private media and appeal directly to the people. No longer would PDVSA's mission look inward and function as a state within a state; it would now be at the service of the state, of the Chavista state, itself newly remade as an explicitly socialist project just as oil prices reached historic highs. [Extracted from the article]

This study was an attempt to analyze and compare the use of metadiscourse markers that function as audience orientation in academic and political modes of speech. The analysis was based on a corpus of 40 academic lectures and political speeches (20 transcriptions each) following Ädel's (2010) taxonomy of metadiscourse to see to what extent and how these two spoken modes use metadiscourse functions to engage with audiences and involve them in discourse. The findings showed that lectures by far made more frequent use of metadiscourse functions to orient audiences due to their dialogic nature for which lecturers were more likely to pull students into their argumentations and establish linguistic and pragmatic connections with them while delivering information. Furthermore, some variations were depicted between the two modes in the way that metadiscourse functions were performed with some functions being exclusive to academic lectures. These findings suggest that the presence and role of the audience can impact the language choice of an addresser, reflecting the importance of audience awareness in constructing the discourse of oral language in general and dialogic language in particular. This audience awareness can be done either explicitly through audience engagement metadiscourse functions or implicitly through metatext language use. • The presence and pragmatic role of an audience influence the language choice of the addresser. • Genre-specific variations result in distinct metadiscourse use. • Dialogic registers are more oriented towards the audience than the discourse itself. • Audience orientation is an essential element in building the discourse of oral language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]