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This article examines the relationship between the Liberal Party and the issue of empire during the era of British imperialism from 1880 to 1914. It reveals that the Liberal Party was divided on the matter, with some members supporting an active imperial policy focused on ethical foreign policy and improving the lives of colonial subjects, while others were skeptical of military action and believed that imperial expansion was costly. The article analyzes the role of imperialism in elections during this period and finds that while the Conservatives consistently emphasized empire in their campaigns, it was not always a central issue for the Liberals. The article also explores the language used by both parties when discussing empire and highlights the differences in their rhetoric. Overall, the article provides insights into the complex attitudes towards empire within the Liberal Party and its impact on electoral politics. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the response of Gladstonian ethical Liberals to Britain's relationship with empire from 1895-1906. It discusses the tensions between Liberal internationalism and imperialism and how progressive Liberals understood these concepts during a time of party divisions. The article focuses on the impact of divisions over imperialism on the positions of ethical progressive Liberals and their efforts to articulate a revamped Liberalism that combined liberal morality, politics, and social principles. It also discusses the influence of humanitarian crises on their understanding of British imperial policy and their efforts to reconcile humanitarianism with imperialism. The text provides insight into the complex relationship between liberalism and imperialism during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the complex relationship between liberalism and empire, focusing on the 19th century British Empire. It explores the tension between liberals' belief in universal values and their desire to export those values through empire, while also advocating for peace. The article references various perspectives and authors, including Ronald Robinson, John Gallagher, Uday Singh Mehta, and Duncan Bell, who offer critiques and analyses of liberalism and empire. It also acknowledges ongoing debates surrounding Britain's imperial legacy and the connections of prominent liberals to slavery. The article concludes by encouraging further exploration of this vast topic. The accompanying list of references and resources offers a starting point for further research on the subject. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of liberalism between Britain and the U.S. from 1870 to 1920, challenging the perception of separate developments in each country. It highlights the transatlantic influence on political ideologies and reform movements, emphasizing the collaboration and parallels between American Progressivism and British reformers during this period.

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including Canadian government's response to the needs of Anglo-Boer War veterans; darker side of post-war veterans' culture and veterans' lifespans and mortality.

This article focuses on the relationship between an member of parliament (MP), their constituency, and their local party and examines the case of Herbert Lewis the MP for Flint Boroughs who was pressured by his constituents and local Liberal Association due to his opposition to the South African War. Topics include Lewis' career and relationships, his opposition to the war and eventual shift in stance, and the factors contributing to his change of viewpoint.

General J.H. (Koos) de la Rey was, according to historians, a Christian Afrikaner and a Boer aristocrat. Not only did he play a leading role in the Boer community of the old Transvaal - in the 1890s he was a well-known member of the Volksraad or highest governing authority in the South African Republic - but in the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 he became a Boer general who distinguished himself by leading his burgers in attacks on British military structures and skirmishes on horseback. De la Rey became known as a military strategist of the first rank. In the run-up to the Anglo-Boer War, which started on 11 October 1899, De la Rey tried to avoid this war with Britain as long as he could. After the war became a reality, he gave himself for his country as a die-hard fighter or "bittereinder": somebody who fights till the bitter end. Apart from his natural military abilities, General De la Rey had a soft spot and a feeling for stressed people. He helped badly wounded enemies and in May 1902, in Boer talks about peace, he listened with compassion to those Boers who had suffered much and pleaded for peace, convincing him that they had reached the end of their tether - literally the end of the bitter end. De la Rey did not speak much at meetings, but during the peace talks at Vereeniging from 15-31 May 1902, he urged and influenced his people to accept Britain's peace proposals. In the end, De la Rey and the die-hard fighters among the Boers who had fought for their political independence against British imperialism fought for self-rule under British rule as soon as possible. De la Rey wanted the Afrikaner people to maintain their identity as a nation in new circumstances and not to be wiped out as a nation through the Anglo-Boer War. He died as a leader and a hero of his people in 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that David Dutton traces the political voyage of one members of parliament through the changing currents of Liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Topics include literature devoted to the problems of the British Liberal Party in the first half of the twentieth century; and difficulty of retaining men and women of considerably differing outlook and ideology contentedly within the same political movement and organization.

I The Churchwardens' accounts of the parishes of St Bride, St Michael Le Pole and St Stephen, Dublin, 1663-1702 i . MURPHY, James H. I The politics of Dublin corporation, 1840-1900: from reform to expansion i . I Art, Ireland, and the Irish Diaspora: Chicago, Dublin, New York, 1893-1939 culture, connections & controversies i . Rowland Cowyck, 'A brief of certain notes concerning her majesty's profit in Ireland' (c. 1582) and religious reform in mid-Elizabethan Ireland. "The Irish and the Jews have a good deal in common": Irish republicanism, anti-Semitism and the post-war world. [Extracted from the article]

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From the point of view of its internal temporality, the Romanian novel between 1933 and 1947 demonstrates an overwhelming preference for negotiating the present. After 1933 the world had already gone through a World War and a world economic crisis - so that the metabolism of the present in post-1933 Romanian novels can also be explained as a post-traumatic shock, an attempt to process the traumatic information of recent history. But the Romanian novel, in its earlier ages, had been synchronous with historical events of relatively comparable magnitude: the European Revolution of 1848, the Crimean War, the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, translated in Romania as the War of Independence, the Romanian economic crisis from 1899-1901, the peasant uprising of 1907, with its bloody repression, the Balkan wars, the Great Union of 1918, etc. And yet, this succession of historical events did not have the effect of establishing the historical present as a preferential time of the Romanian novel. Only the Romanian novelist between 1933 and 1947 clearly prefers "recognition" in the present history, in the immediate actuality; the narrative no longer means for him the construction of a patrimonial memory, but almost exclusively a construction of the historical present. Between 1933 and 1947, the Romanian novel is synchronized with its own present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the Pan Africanist Congress was formed in 1959 after departing from the African National Congress at a point marking out the irreconcilability of the Azanian 'faith' with the other interpretations of the struggle within the 'broad church' of the Congress Movement, it was only six years later, in 1965, that it modified its name to the PAC of Azania. The name Azania is supposed to have been suggested by Nkrumah at the All-African Peoples' Conference in 1958 attended by the Africanists even before the inauguration of the PAC (Diaz 2009: 239; Hilton 1993: 5). The Azanian tendency in 'South African' history can arguably be said to have existed from the earliest times of resistance by the indigenous people against the unjust wars of colonisation (see Dladla 2020: 71–108). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour strikes are a platform that enables workers to demonstrate their disagreement and/or their dissatisfaction towards their employer, concerning labour relation issues such as remuneration, working conditions and employee benefits. Labour strikes in South Africa date back to 1922, post the Anglo-Boer war of 1899-1902, within the mining sector and have since become the fabric of our society in correcting historic socio-economic ails of unemployment, minimum wages and inequality. The occurrence of global financial crises of 2008/2009 exposed South Africa's well-hidden vulnerabilities of poverty, unemployment and inequality and resulted in a significant rise in the number of labour strikes. Therefore, the article analyses the effect that labour strikes between 2010-2017 have on the share return of companies that were list on the Johannesburg securities exchange (JSE) index during this timeframe. The results indicate that resolve of protected and unprotected labour strikes affects the share return of JSE Top 40 companies. From an investment perspective, it can be concluded that labour strikes can have severe effects on the share returns of companies listed on a stock exchange. Thus, influencing investor confidence in those companies experiencing the labour strike. Objectives The main objective of this article is to determine the effects of protected and unprotected labour strikes, collectively, on the share return of JSE Top 40 companies. The resolve of labour strikes results in the disruption of the day-to-day operations of a firm, loss in market share and subsequently profitability of a firm. The article aims to bridge the gap in academic knowledge on the effects of labour strikes have on the share return of companies list on the JSE Top 40 index. Prior Work Researchers have in the past decade examined the effects of labour strikes at length, focusing on the effects of labour strikes on the shareholder value, equity returns, economic performance, and investor confidence of affected companies. Various methods of testing including regression analysis, event study methodology and accounting-based ratio analysis were employed. Approach To obtain the research objective, the article made use of a literature review and an empirical study. Secondary data from INET BFA IRESS, the annual industrial action report, newspaper articles and news feeds were used to achieve the articles' empirical analysis. An event study methodology was employed to analyse the secondary data over an event window of 61 days. Thirty days before and after the day of the announcement of the strike, the 1 day of the strike considered day zero. To achieve the articles' objectives a trend analysis, z-statistical significance test, a periodic analysis of cumulative average abnormal return (CAAR) and summary significance test on the effects of protected and unprotected labour strikes on the share return of JSE Top 40 companies was conducted. Results The trend analysis revealed that the share returns of affected JSE Top 40 companies deteriorate at the start of the wage negotiations, continuing past the day of the announcement and the commencement of the strike. The share returns of affected companies rebound at day 5, taking on a growth trajectory throughout the remainder of the event window. At a 95 per cent confidence interval and 1.96 critical value, the article rejects the null hypothesis with a z-statistic of - 2.46, making the statement true for the alternative hypothesis. This affirmed that the resolve of protected and unprotected labour strikes affects the share return of JSE Top 40 companies. Implications The article's findings provided knowledge on the effects that protected and unprotected labour strikes have on the share return of JSE Top 40 companies. Due to the unavailability of settlement dates of labour strikes. The article was unable to analyse the effects of short and long term strikes on the share return of affected companies. This further prevents the research from observing at what point do the share returns of affected companies return to equilibrium. The limitation in the lack of data creates the opportunity for further possible research in areas of interest. Value The key contribution of the article is to bridge the gap in financial markets' understanding of the effects of protected and unprotected labour strikes, collectively, on the share return of JSE Top 40 companies. The article's findings intend to assist investors and portfolio managers to optimise their share returns during periods of labour strikes. The article further raises consciousness of the impact of wage negotiations on companies and implore bargaining agents to employ an integrative approach when engaging in wage negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The remainder of Boers fighting the last part of the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), are known as the die-hards. However, the characteristics of a die-hard or bitter end were not defined or uninamously recognized by the Boers. In the circumstances of April-May 1902 peace talks began and led to the signing of a peace treaty on 31 May 1902. In the development of the discussions among themselves a realisation was reached by the vast majority of the 60 Boer delegates that this was inevitably the end of the bitter end: the die-hard end. Hierdie besef word binne 'n Christelik-historiese en etiese perspektief bespreek. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the confinement of Boer civilians in concentration camps by the British Army during the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), specifically whether this confinement and its ramifications might amount to an act of genocide. This possibility is often dismissed out of hand by historians, who usually claim that the tens of thousands of deaths in the camps can be attributed to incompetence and non-human factors. This article uses Vahakn Dadrian’s definition of genocide, which considers indirect coercion as a tool of genocide. This type of coercion allows for concealing the actual ways adopted for achieving “population reduction”. This article argues that though the tens of thousands of deaths that occurred in the camps were not the result of direct physical violence, they nevertheless satisfy Dadrian’s definition of an act of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História da Historiografia is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Teoria e Historia da Historiografia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Research Institute / Atatürk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Arastirmalari Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Though Fernando Pessoa is not widely known as a political poet, we may be familiar with the political commentary explicit in some of his works. In four political sonnets dating from 1905 (but only fully published in 1995), the poet criticizes the mockery of Russia by British journalists, calls the colonization of Ireland the the Transvaal "a shame on England," and lays a curse upon Joseph Chamberlain's head for his involvement in the Anglo-Boer wars. Among Pessoa's unpublished English poetry, there are drafts (in various stages of completion) of other political poems, written between 1905 and 1907, featuring Chamberlain and two other historical figures of the beginning of the 20th century: Kitchener and Kropotkine. By presenting the early political poems by Pessoa--both published and unpublished--this essays argues that they form a coherent corpus, which may be defined by the relationship between a political even and Pessoa's reaction to it through a poem

Karel Schoeman, the award-winning Afrikaans author, not only wrote several seminal novels (for which he received the highest Afrikaans literature prizes), but his contribution to research focusing on the 18th and early 19th century South African sociocultural history is also remarkable. He collected and put together an enormous volume of archival resources accessible to a large audience of interested readers and scholars alike. He especially concentrated on the history of missionaries and mission organisations; he wrote a long list of biographies, of which the most important ones were of women with some connection to the missionary endeavour. Schoeman's unique approach to historiography is making a significant contribution that is relevant to missionary history and theology as such. He retrieved often neglected but important voices from the past. Contrary to canonised, confessional and denominational church history, he opted to focus on missionaries (Black and White), slaves, women, and the historically marginalised. He wrote about their "lived faith" within the sociocultural contexts of their time. He did substantial work on Pietism as a religious movement impacting on the Afrikaner piety of the era, stimulating missionary endeavours. This article argues that Schoeman's historiographic legacy (his oeuvre and distinct approach) makes an invaluable contribution to South African theology and missionary history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two major victorious powers of the Great War, France and Great Britain, still under the impression of their extraordinarily dearly paid victory and even more frightening scenarios of the future war, were forced in 1938 to respond to Hitler's growing expansionist ambitions, which were also trickily concealed behind noble slogans on peoples' right to self-determination. They pragmatically opted for pressure on Czechoslovakia, which in the second half of September meant support for large-scale territorial concessions in favour of Germany. However, when it seemed that they would not be sufficient for Hitler, on 26 September Great Britain proclaimed readiness to intervene militarily in the event of a German attack. On the contrary, Czechoslovakia had turned into a ductile object of the great powers' game on 21 September, when its leadership decided not to defend the territorial integrity of the state. It happened under pressure, but following the previous announcements by top state representatives that the Czechoslovak Republic was ready for territorial concessions. Finally, Czechoslovakia saw such a solution, because after the fundamental principle of inviolability of state borders had been abandoned, everything else was only a question of quantity and a search for "compromise" for the British and French "appeasers". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the magnitude of forces involved, the expenditures involved and the human and material losses produced, the Second World War has been the largest and most deadly uninterrupted conflagration of human history so far. It was the very first time when a considerable number of new technical breakthroughs including the atomic bomb were widely used against militaries and civilians alike, directly or indirectly, causing the death of over 50 million people, about 3% of the world population of that time1. War began on 1 September 1939, with the invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany, and ended six years later with the complete defeat of the Axis Powers - Germany, Japan and Italy - by the Allied Forces - United States, Great Britain and Soviet Union. 'Rivers' of ink have flowed on this subject; a large bibliography has analysed causes and factors that allowed Allies to be victorious in the Second World War but we cannot say the same about the causes that led to the defeat of the Axis powers. 'Vae Victis', as Romans would say, meaning 'Woe to the vanquished ones'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys the contents of archival material found in the manuscript and archives section of the Special Collections of the University of Cape Town Libraries. In particular, it scrutinises the activities recorded in the Minute Book of the Cape Town Branch of the Classical Association of South Africa, 1927-1940. The details found in the Minute Book shed valuable light on the teaching and research of classical antiquity in South Africa in the early part of the twentieth century, illuminating a lesser-known period of the history of the Classical Association of South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the end of the nineteenth century, the actions of belligerents were constrained by the Hague Convention of 1899 and the Geneva Convention of 1864. The Hague Convention differentiated between combatants and non-combatants, but both the British implementation of a scorched earth policy and the Boer execution of blacks violated this convention. The Geneva Convention centred on medical immunity, which presupposes medical neutrality. The British opposed the voluntarism fundamental to the Red Cross movement and all British medical personnel in the field were subservient to the military establishment. Imperial patriotism, the shortcomings of the army and the insistent claims of military necessity subverted best medical practice, producing dilemmas that doctors had to negotiate. On the Boer side too, there was the moral complexity of doctors who were not only medical professionals but also social agents with personal commitments. This article considers the dilemmas that confronted doctors involved in the South African War in the Free State and concludes that trends in dealing with ethical challenges in this war became normative in subsequent conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A return to the past has been a dominant feature of recent Afrikaans writing. This is evident in the many novels re-visiting the Anglo-Boer War or recounting incidents from the apartheid past. The approaches include the debunking of myths and a nostalgic longing for the good old days. Whether this is true of the small body of Black Afrikaans writing, given its ambivalent relationship to the canon, needs to be investigated. A number of texts that was published recently either had a clear autobiographical background or emanated from the desire and imperative "to tell our own stories from our communities". A feature of the texts is also the way it engages with the past and makes use of diverse narrative strategies to recount circumstances and experiences and portray an image of how characters lived through the historical events during the apartheid years. The paper draws on David Scott's distinction between romance and tragedy as two distinct narrative forms in which the past can be represented and narrated. Scott's typology is applied to a critically reading of selected texts by inter alia Fatima Osman, Simon Bruinders, Ronelda Kamfer and Valda Jansen. In the case of the texts by the firstmentioned authors the narrative is about survival, determination and the triumph of the human spirit in the face of a dehumanising system like apartheid. In the latter texts one finds elements of dystopia and disillusionment with the past as an ydill. It also gives an unsentimental view of the state of mind and events playing out in communities in the present. The texts furthermore grapples with textual strategies to represent history and the inability at times to comprehend the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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