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This paper represents one of the most recent and pertinent studies conducted in Afghanistan, aiming to address the societal imperative of comprehending the factors behind the fall of the Republic government and the subsequent rise of the Taliban to power. Furthermore, the paper seeks to analyse public attitudes towards the current situation. Employing a quantitative approach, the research utilizes a descriptive-analytical method through questionnaires and the participants include social media activist, students and universities professors, the data collected by online survey according WhatsApp, Facebook messengers, telegram, email and other social media groups from different ethnic groups. The findings of this research have identified several pivotal factors contributing to the ascent of the Taliban to power, including the US-Taliban agreement in Doha, Qatar; political disparities; administrative and financial corruption within the Republic's administration; Pakistan's support for the Taliban; the previous government's accord with the Taliban; ethnic dominance; robust military morale of the Taliban; and proficient war management by the Taliban. Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic society, witnesses political dynamics predominantly rooted in ethnic affiliations. The majority of respondents express dissatisfaction with the current Afghan situation, displaying significant concerns for the populace. Foremost concerns, in terms of prioritization, encompass poverty; closure of girls' schools; restrictions on women's education and employment; escalation of civil unrest; mono-ethnic rule; ethnic conflicts; emergence of ISIS; ethnic marginalization; violations of citizenship rights; political participation and legitimacy crises; and authoritarianism. Consequently, to address the political crisis and establish a viable system, the research concludes that while Pashtuns lean toward a centralized system, Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmens evince greater interest in a decentralized structure.

This research discusses language ideologies in Amazigh/Berber in Morocco. It analyzes Amazigh activists' views on the process of Amazigh standardization, including dialect unification, script selection and reclaiming of Amazigh identity. Drawing on findings in the study of language ideologies and discourse analysis, this paper examines interviews with activists and demonstrates a connectedness between participants' conceptions about language and their embodied actions. It also reveals ideological assemblages, in which conflicting language beliefs and practices are bound together. Through examination of the ideological divide on Amazigh language and script, the study shows how verbal and nonverbal actions iconically index aspects of Amazigh language ideologies, including linguistic purism, manifested through intricate forms of recontextualized lexical items, embodied gestures and voice features. The participants' linguistic and non-linguistic practices provide insight into particular identity dimensions and complex social relations. The indexicalities of their utterances, which will be analyzed discursively, are better understood not only through consideration of the various semiotic resources such as embodiment, but also through discussion of specific histories of political and linguistic conflicts. The study as a whole relies on an interdisciplinary method to emphasize the political nature of language standardization and demonstrate the significant role of embodiment in language ideological research.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to think through the value of History as a way of interrogating ideas around environmental change as well as bridging the gap between definitions of natural and cultural heritage. In terms of the sustainability in higher education imperative, it argues that youth climate change movements and endeavours to diversify curriculum content make this a moment of critical mass to push forward with new historical programmes that embed environmental themes in a wider intellectual pedagogy. Design/methodology/approach: This paper looks to combine an urgent need to engage with environmental sustainability with progressive endeavours at decolonising the curriculum to explore how humanities (and History, in particular) can be brought into the service of the ecological university. Findings: Thereafter, it looks specifically at "green heritage" in the city as a useful example in which the greening agenda can be used to re-contextualise historical approaches, encourage useful conversations around the role of History as a conservation and heritage management tool and build active partnerships with local stakeholder groups. Originality/value: The originality of this approach lies in thinking both of content and intellectual practice, pedagogy as content and behaviour and in reconstructing the terrain of a theme such as heritage to think through opportunities for sustainability in education.

This paper locates the emergence of critical pedagogy (CP) as praxis in the protest movements in New Delhi, India, against the new citizenship amendment laws that were brought about by the Indian government. The ruling government in India brought amendments to the existing provisions for citizenship, such that persons from Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi and Christian religious communities from neighbouring Afghanistan, Bangladesh or Pakistan were allowed Indian citizenship. Muslims, however, were excluded from this. This exclusion, coupled with the national project established for finding illegal immigrants in India -- called the National Citizenship Registry project -- affects the Muslim communities in South-Asia and has been widely resisted across India, by Muslims and other social and political organisations. This paper traces the development of such a struggle in Shaheen Bagh, New Delhi, and proposes that CP as a critique of the social, emerged from the specificity of the Shaheen Bagh movement. Shaheen Bagh gives critical insights into rethinking CP whenever its foundational tenets seem to have been lost or are merely subsumed by disciplinary compartments within academia. This struggle offers us insights toward returning to the insurrectionary character of CP, by locating CP within the context of such struggles. At the same time, this study of Shaheen Bagh and the specific form of CP that emerged in thatcontext, also shows us the limitations of contemporary social movements to take CP to its logical conclusion where oppressive class relations are undermined.

As part of a doctoral research, eighty-eight local truth commissions created in Brazil between 2012 and 2018 were identified. Among them, it was selected the eleven final reports that described partnerships between truth commissions and universities. The paper analyzes the phenomenon of creation of local truth commissions in Brazil and the partnerships established between them and universities, especially, with Archival Science and History programs. It was found that the partnerships were established to make the work of truth commissions feasible and consisted of archival activities such as preservation, description, and scanning as well as research. It concludes that, although the educational engagement of Brazilian truth commissions has been limited, partnerships with universities have provided students the contact with the theme of human rights, in line with the callings for the profession to address activism and human rights within the context of archival education. Finally, the paper suggests that experiences developed by these partnerships could be incorporated into Archival Science programs in Brazil.

In recent scholarship, a widely agreed upon definition of "post-truth" has proved elusive, particularly because the term is used in tandem with so-named alternative facts, fake news, misinformation, and references to an anti-expert, anti-intellectual climate. This paper will consider recent educators' efforts in the Australasian region to address the political and cultural disruption that post-truth has evoked, by inquiring into how their pedagogy mirrors or differs from that used in public spaces by protest movements. In the first section, scholarship on post-truth will be examined for how it constitutes a form of revisionist history, in which the present has been corrupted over time by comparison to a more idealised and distant past. The second section will focus on how theories about the construction of knowledge, such as Latour's notion of hybridised modernity and notions of historical consciousness, can be used to frame forms of activism as means to educate the public and disrupt the dominant political ideologies. The focus in the last section will be on examining how educators might enable learners' critical literacy so they can accommodate and overcome the negativity, cynicism, and disempowerment which characterises a post-truth paradigm.

This paper investigates how one could envision a discursive mobilization process to transform protest movements into agents that help reconstruct the universities as agents supporting material mobilizations leading to ecological reconstruction. After reviewing universities' ecological footprints, the author shows how theories of mobilization and conjunctures could contribute to understanding how this transformation could occur. "Discursive mobilizations" advance values or ideas but stop short of innovation and production system changes. "Material mobilizations" affect deployment of human, technological, industrial and financial resources. "Conjunctures" involve linkages of political activity to spaces implicated in both kinds of mobilizations in a given historical time frame. The study shows many nations having both extensive climate activism and concentrations of university students creating a possibility for greening education centers based on various models for doing so. Yet, two key problems emerge. First, some nations lag in climate activism. Second, interest in a Green Deal or Green New Deal does not always match the level of attention to leading activist Greta Thunberg. The paper illustrates how such problems can be addressed by university-based campaigns linking activist cohorts, mobilization supporting green conversion of higher education and solidaristic, mutual aid exchanges among regions.

This article explores the implications of learning in social movements on diaspora activists' engagement with struggle. Focussing on emotions within social movement learning and the connection to activists' multiple identities, the paper examines the complex terrain of learning as embodied and rooted in emotionally situated beliefs and values. The theoretical framework that informs this enquiry brings diaspora and identity into conversation with emotions in social movement learning and Boler's 'Pedagogy of discomfort'. Developing these connections contributes a new approach to understanding the emotional dynamics of activism and the implications of learning in this context on social movement participation. Based on qualitative research with diasporic accounts of participating in activism related to the continuing Egyptian revolution, the analysis contributes a deeper understanding of how learning in struggle shapes multiple forms of connectedness and the implications learning in this context can have for activists' engagement with struggle. The findings add to existing knowledge of learning in social movements through a framework where cognition and emotion are 'inextricably linked' (Boler, 1999, p. xix) and to diaspora studies by highlighting that engagement is underpinned by situated and embodied identities that shape possibilities for learning.

This research paper focuses on the political participation of students from the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey (UPR-Cayey) after Hurricane María. The culture, perspective, politics, and resistance of these students are researched in light of other sub-contexts, such as the protests pressuring the former governor of Puerto Rico Ricardo Rosselló to resign. The ages of the participants ranged from 19 to 23 years old; they were all students from UPR-Cayey, and they were interviewed. The researchers are also students from the UPR-Cayey. The perspective of this research project is an anthropological one and uses analytical coding tools with interviews followed up with field notes from the protests of July 2019. We found that most of the people interviewed for this research project were very interested in the government's corruption and Puerto Rican resistance. Our investigation indirectly illustrates the aspects of our Puerto Rican culture that become salient during the protests.

Between 2007 and 2017, El Sistema -- Venezuela's national system of youth orchestras -- enjoyed a seemingly unexplainable meteoric rise, followed by an equally spectacular sunset. Although it would be easy to dismiss this Sistema decade as being no more than a peculiar aberration of music education history, I assert that El Sistema more accurately represents a poignant return -- or ritornello -- to one of the recurring rationales for music education, namely social activism. By situating this brief but notable decade of Sistema enthusiasm amidst a wider historical context of Venetian Ospedali, British Brass Bands, and American Settlement Music Houses, I highlight and critique the use of social activism as a rationale for music education. Ultimately, I argue that the societal importance claimed by El Sistema and derivative music education initiatives is not tenable, especially in consideration of the unremarkable legacies of similar socio-musical endeavours. I also argue that a stronger socio-musical lens would be advantageous for the field of music education to adopt. Thus, in addition to establishing a centuries-long pattern of socio-musical ritornellos, the purpose of this paper is to use a rise-and-fall dialectic to further explore the complexity of music education and its capacity for directly addressing society's inequities.

This paper is an "ofrenda" (offering), a "testimonio" (testimony) of the healing power of reconstituting severed relationships and reconstructing agentic creation stories in the pathology of soul-wounds where pictures and "cuentos" serve to mend genealogical traumas. This paper is a refusal of neglecting traumas, it is "othermotherwork" as an invitation of kin towards the healing soul-wounds by engaging my ageing father ("apá"), who has been battling a debilitating disease for over 30 years. In choosing to erase his memory and refusing well-being, I engage my "apá" by remembering and restoring "cuentos" (stories) retrieved from pictures in my "abuela's" archival orange box. I retell the "cuentos" as told by my "apá" of his mother, father, great-grandmother and great-grandfather, while he offers an unexpected remedy for both our soul-wounds. In this exchange of ancestral "herstories," it is an important move towards an "Indigenous Else," transits beyond borders and separation, towards the restorative act of forging unity, love and compassion amongst my father, my ancestors and myself.

Epistemic injustice in human rights education (HRE) can be found in a colonial historical trajectory of human rights that rests on accounts of western agency only. Such narratives overshadow the legacy of Indian and Pakistani freedom fighters and Latin American feminists who negotiated human rights against colonial, patriarchal and racist discourses after the Second World War. Without their contribution a United Nations (UN) rights concept risked being limited to a western trajectory of the 'Rights of Man' that represents a monistic universalism. The paper revisits the history of the United Nations, unearthing historical counternarratives of what a pluralistic universalism of human rights means by adding knowledge about postcolonial feminist subjects who spoke of a positive conception that could reduce injustice.

The main objective of this article is to discuss the affective dimension of resistance in critical pedagogy in a way that would recognize neoliberalism's affective repercussions. The point is not merely to show that affect is involved in the emergence of resistance in critical pedagogy, but rather to expand the articulation of resistance in neoliberal education through the lens of affect theory. Specifically, the paper theorizes how critical pedagogy can cultivate 'everyday' or 'invisible' acts of resistance that constitute forms of 'counter-conduct' in ways that acknowledge, engage with, and further enhance teachers' and students' critical engagement with the affective aspects of resistance and neoliberalism. It is argued that the call for a critical pedagogy to acknowledge the affective dimension of resistance marks an important and necessary moment that allows critical pedagogy to be further enriched in attempts to address the challenges faced by teachers and students in neoliberal education.

British colonization initiated colonial capitalist dispossession of Adivasi-Dalit-Nontribal Forest Dwellers (ADNTFD) in India. Post-independence development continued this trend, accentuated by the neoliberal turn in the early 1990s orchestrated by the then Congress government and intensified by saffron (Hindu nationalist) authoritarian neoliberalism under the recently re-elected Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014 and 2019, leading the National Democratic Alliance regime. Neocolonial continuities and current neoliberal colonial capitalist dispossession and resistance in the forest belt, or India's contemporary 'land wars', are dialectically linked to potential spaces for Participatory Action Research (PAR) with/in ADNTFD struggles. This paper explores the imbrications of the neoliberal agenda, land wars and PAR in India, and by extension, for similar contexts addressing the vicissitudes of neoliberal authoritarian capitalism in the neo-colonies.

The "International Conference on Language Documentation & Conservation" series, or ICLDC, has, since its inception in 2009, become the flagship conference for the field of language documentation. Every two years, conference attendees gather at the University of Hawai'i at Manoa to share their experiences working on diverse topics related to the preservation of underrepresented languages worldwide. Attendees come from a range of backgrounds: Indigenous language communities, language activism organizations, K-12 school systems, as well as students and faculty from colleges and universities. They represent dozens of countries and hundreds of languages, and they have one goal in mind: supporting small languages together. In this paper, we trace the history of the ICLDC series since the first iteration and discuss the scope of its impact on the field of language documentation and conservation according to conference attendees. We also look ahead to the changes that the covid-19 pandemic will bring to the structure of the conference in 2021 and beyond.

This journal article represents the less known events from the life and professional activity of the esteemed writer Isidora Sekulic. Iinformation from a number of archives, which have not been previously published, was used. Isodora Sekulic completed the Teacher Training school in Sombor and graduated from the pedagogical school in Budapest, as an elementary school teacher she worked in Pancevo, Šabac and Belgrade. In the period before the First World War, on which this paper focuses on, she was active in public life as a supporter of the arts, women's rights and the progress of Serbs in the Kingdom of Hungary.

This paper looks back on the methodology and experience of feminist consciousness-raising (CR) in the 1970s, in relation to the current re-emergence of feminism. It constructs an argument that a new wave of CR is desirable so as to construct new forms of feminist pedagogy and activism. The paper will argue that contemporary feminism in the UK and USA would benefit from this kind of methodology, through which a standpoint is constructed. The core of the paper is an analysis of how CR works as an affective and social process. Drawing on academic studies and participant accounts, the paper reconstructs the mechanisms through which participants' subjectivities and narratives are expressed and transformed. It suggests that these mechanisms express different non-homogeneous temporalities. The paper invites feminist pedagogy to get back to the base level of experience and unfold new theories and strategies to address the current context.

This paper provides a historical account of post-war state language policy within education in France, examining in particular the position and status of Corsican, one of the country's regional heritage languages. This paper outlines the treatment of Corsican by the French State and how this language management impacted upon the language beliefs of the islanders. In turn, the islanders' language beliefs, especially those of dedicated language activists, came to affect state language policy, and this paper will show how, from its lowly position at the Liberation, Corsican was initially excluded from the limited legislation permitting the teaching of regional heritage language and yet has emerged at the start of the 21st century as arguably the most protected of France's minority languages. (Contains 9 notes.)

The History Workshop movement took its stance on the democratisation of history making, becoming notorious for its exuberant gatherings and impassioned "histories from below". At the centre of the early Workshop was the British historian Raphael Samuel, who has been described as the personification of its intellectual and ethical politics. This paper examines Samuel's role in the Workshop arguing that his distinctive intellectual personality was critical in shaping its early form and ethos. Drawing on a biographical approach, it explores the development of this persona over the course of his formative years. It argues that Samuel's life history provides an insight into the renewed appeal of libertarian ideas in post-war British radical political and educational thought and that as an individual he illuminates the application of these ideas to the social role of the historian-educator.

Radical political activism in the 1970s and 1980s had a huge impact on documentary photography in Britain. Community organisations and photography collectives emerged and endeavoured to democratise the arts for those who would not otherwise have come into contact with them. Community photography used the technology to break down the barriers between artist and audience. It involved participation in the production of ideas and meanings, the active transference of skills and the acquisition of technical and aesthetic skills within communities in the hope that arts techniques/activity would become an integral part of everyday lives. For many of the projects the central objective was about learning--enabling an understanding of how events, ideas, and social relations are made meaningful through the promotion of visual literacy. This paper will document the emergence of the community photography movement in 1970s and '80s Britain, the learning strategies developed and the arguments around the fragmenting of alternative photographic practice in the 1980s with the movement away from putting cameras into people's hands towards greater engagement with cultural theory and the politics of representation.

Through an analysis of gay protest music (1975) and an educational kit for students (1978), both sponsored by the Campaign for Homosexual Equality in the UK, this paper brings into focus a history of gay rights activists' efforts to marshal popular culture in the development of informal sex education for young people in the second half of the 1970s. Through a reparative critique of prevailing therapeutic research methodologies, and through a theoretical deployment of notions of methodological reconciliation and queer breeding, it makes the case for the importance of historical methods in contemporary sex education research.

Native and nonnative Canadians participated in a series of workshops on reexamining 500 years of history and redefining Canada. Assumptions about history, spirituality, education, solidarity, and collective action have been challenged and processes of personal and social change set into motion. (SK)

The practice of excluding aliens because of their beliefs, political utterances, or party affiliations is discussed. The historical use of immigration law to stifle dissent is described, along with a bill that would repeal the ideological exclusion provisions of the McCarran-Walter Act. (MLW)

The nature and content of student activism in the 1970s in India is examined in relation to the state of the "Internal Emergency." The development of the student movement during the pre-Emergency period and the reversal in the movement since the end of the Emergency are summarized. The prospects for a reemergence of such a movement are discussed. (JMF)

The Italian student movement's move from libertarian utopia to political terrorism is analyzed in terms of the social and economic crisis in Italy. This is characterized by the collapse of representative student institutions, the rise of dogmatism and sectarianism, and the glorification of violence as a means of social change. (JMF)

Biological questions about Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) are minor compared with political and ethical problems related to the AIDS epidemic in the United States. Lack of public confidence in the work of public health officials and the controversy surrounding New York City's syringe exchange program are two examples. (SLD)

This paper examines Nation women's engagement and resistance in the Muhammad Speaks (MS) newspaper. MS was created as the official publication of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam (NOI) in 1960. The paper employed women as journalists and invited contributions from women who had registered with the group. Women's contributions to the paper's production and content reveal their readings of NOI mandates but they equally illuminate a gentle resistance to aspects of the organization. Elijah Muhammad's NOI implemented gender roles for men and women within the organization that were often inflexible. Women embraced the organization's gender roles and found ways to navigate the patriarchal dimensions of the movement. This paper argues that a careful analysis of women's writings for the MS newspaper reveals facets of their activism that have been overlooked in existing scholarly studies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper (re)examines European missionary encounters with Ghanaians from the sixteenth – twenty-first centuries from Ghanaian perspectives. The paper makes three main arguments: first, European missionary endeavours were quite peripheral to ongoing indigenous religious activities and daily life, with the movement of Christianity from the periphery to the center of Ghanaian society a more recent phenomenon with political implications and concerns. Secondly, missionary and colonial decisions were often made in response to indigenous activities, not vice versa. And thirdly, this methodological approach of hearing African and European voices in dialogue serves as a much-needed corrective to favouring European perspectives within African mission history. Taken together, this provides fresh insights into questions of how/why Christianity went from the periphery under European missionary leadership to Ghana's primary religion post-independence, offering differently nuanced understandings to concepts of mission while giving dignity and respect to the local context, people, and institutions. Resumen: El objetivo de este trabajo es (re)examinar, desde perspectivas ghanesas, los intercambios entre misioneros europeos con los ghaneses entre los siglos XVI a XXI. El artículo presenta tres argumentos principales: en primer lugar, los esfuerzos misioneros europeos fueron bastante marginales en relación a las actividades religiosas indígenas corrientes y la vida cotidiana. y con el movimiento del cristianismo desde la periferia hacia el centro de la sociedad ghanesa, un fenómeno más reciente con implicaciones y preocupaciones políticas. En segundo lugar, a menudo las decisiones se tomaban respondiendo a las actividades indígenas y no a la inversa. En tercer lugar, este enfoque metodológico de escuchar el diálogo entre las voces africanas y europeas sirve como un correctivo muy necesario para con el que favorecía las perspectivas europeas en la historia de la misión en África. En conjunto, estos proveen nuevas ideas sobre las pregunta de cómo/por qué el cristianismo pasó desde la periferia bajo el liderazgo misionero europeo a ser la religión principal de Ghana post-independencia, y ofrecen una comprensión con matices diferentes sobre los conceptos de misión dando dignidad y respeto al contexto local, las personas y las instituciones. 摘要: 本文的目的是从加纳的角度，重新审视欧洲传教士从十六世纪到二十一世纪与加纳 人的遭遇。该文提出了三个主要论点:第一，欧洲传教工作与正在进行的土著宗教 活动和日常生活相当接近，基督教从加纳社会的边缘向中心流动是一个较新的现 象，具有政治意义和关切性。第二，传教和殖民的决定往往是针对土著活动作出 的，而不是反过来。第三，这种在对话中聆听非洲和欧洲声音的方法论，是对非洲 宣教历史上偏向欧洲观点的急需的纠正。综合起来，这为基督教如何/为什么从欧 洲传教士领导下的外围走向加纳独立后的主要宗教的问题提供了新的见解，对宣教 概念提供了不同的细微理解，同时给予当地背景、人民和机构尊严和尊重。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critique of the dominant anti-trafficking discourse and activism in Ghana. It argues that the discourse grossly underplays the role of external forces in shaping the conditions underpinning children's labour mobility in the past and the hardships underpinning the phenomenon today. In place of critical analysis and understanding, anti-child-trafficking campaigns employ melodramatic 'shock and awe' tactics and a tendency to blame local culture or traditions for activists' claims of 'pervasive' child trafficking in the country. The paper suggests that dominant anti-trafficking discourse and activism in Ghana thus reinvigorate historic and persistent external causal agents of inequality which drive Ghanaian children's labour mobility today. The paper demonstrates this problem and offers correctives to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In approaching history as a site of scholarly analysis and activist praxis, the papers in this volume open up new ways to think ethnographic and archival methods together. This afterword considers how these activist ethnographic representations work as part of the ethical and analytic commitments of contemporary anthropology more broadly. I ask what possibilities are opened when we as scholars think with other people's struggles. Such dialogic encounter is a way in which activist anthropologies create possibilities for new imaginative frontiers and shared projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer Temporality, international assemblages and transfeminism for historians: (Post-)queer discourses revisited. Closely intertwined with political activism, queer studies have evolved as a vast feld of knowledge, and offering an overview of the literature -- as is presented here -- poses considerable challenges. Addressing concepts of time, place, and subjectivity, the author highlights some of the more recent "turns" within queer theories and reflects upon their impact on historical research. One key trend is the way in which embodied and affective temporalities figure prominently among new queer concepts. One of the self-reflexive conclusions that have been formulated by and for historians deals with the question of what kind of relations scholars are supposed to cultivate with 'queers' of the past. A second development within queer theories emerged in the aftermath of 9/11, when national(ist) productions of racialized and sexualized others moved to the centre of queer analysis; the term "homonationalism" widely gained authority. In relation to the history and presence of international asymmetries, the paper raises questions about queer perspectives on geopolitical power relations and the ongoing challenges of doing justice to post-colonial criticism. A third "turn" originates from transgender activism and trans theory, particularly trans*feminism, as promoted by French, Spanish and other "non-US" authors. In this regard, the paper discusses consequences of a queer trans*feminist approach to subject formations, border theories, and embodied reading in historical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The environmental movement in the global North is in a state of impasse. It appears that despite the renewed international focus on climate change, and the actions of innumerable social movements, a 'solution' to the problem appears as one, without a viable solution. It is the contention of this paper that climate change has no clearly viable solution as it is a seemingly impossible problem. This paper investigates how the problem of climate change is constructed as a global object of political action and how it functions to render politics into a matter of calculative action, one that seeks-but fails-to take hold of a slippery carbon infrastructure. It concludes by suggesting one possible solution to this dilemma is to turn away from the global scalar logic of climate change and towards a situated focus on questions of infrastructure, or what Dimitris Papadopoulos calls 'thick justice'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores reactions from religious leaders and Catholics, Jews, and ecumenical Protestants to events in Germany during the Nazi era. Emphasis is given to international activism in response to the persecution of Jews, the plight of refugees, and support for German resistance to Nazism. Activists discussed include Bernhard Kahn, Friedrich Siegmund-Schultze, and James McDonald.

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The end of the cold war prompted most of the former Soviet republics to face ethnic issues that had remained latent or intangible for decades. Whilst some ethnic groups were actively campaigning for their rights, some others seemed uninterested in being represented politically. The recent theory of hot and cold ethnicity has been conceived to explain modalities of ethnolinguistic vitality so to identify a pattern and reasons behind activism of an ethnic group in contrast with another. This paper engages with the debate in two ways. First, it questions how to measure ethnolinguistic vitality in order to get a picture that reckons not only with official narratives of a state but also gives an idea of how things are happening in practice. Second, it tries to answer the question by presenting a case study based on the city of Odessa. It will be suggested that informal policies, and informal engagement with policies, may be as relevant as formal ones and have an equally important impact. This paper advocates for a broader, and more inclusive, approach to data collection and analysis. This, in the end, will contribute to a better understanding of what ethnolinguistic vitality of a group means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968 a large-scale recreational vacation property development, Legend Lake, was carved out of the recently terminated Menominee reservation to create a tax base for Wisconsin's newly formed Menominee County. Menominee peoples' resistance to the Legend Lake project and land sales expressed multiple concerns about settler colonialism and the process of terraforming and ecological change, land dispossession, cultural erasure, and implications for the future. The Menominee people came together to respond to this twentieth-century manifestation of the ecological dynamics of settler colonialism by asserting their tribal identity, culture, and relationships to their land. In this paper, we argue that the ecological changes created by the Legend Lake project was one of the major catalysts for Menominee resistance to settler colonialism that ultimately led to the restoration of the Menominee tribe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polemos is the property of Croatian Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main theoretical and empirical focus of this paper is the critical examination of alternative forms of resistance that emerged in South Africa after the suppression of mass mobilisation and following the banning of anti-apartheid organisations in the 1960s. It will argue that while the period c. 1966–1979 is regarded as an era in which apartheid was at its height in South Africa, other forms of resistance emerged against it. The emergence and alteration in resistance measures was largely propelled by ‘subjects’ desire to free themselves from the rituals of oppression and from the practice of state repression. This alteration could be seen in the use of a variety of tools including the criminal justice system (legal instruments), ‘one-man’ protests and covert ‘political education’ to unsettle apartheid. By focusing on these three components and through the narrative of an individual and the local study approach, this paper also seeks to recover some of the ‘lost, prophetic voices’ that played a meaningful role during this period and therefore aims to explore some historical events of this era and their resonances for South Africa beyond 1979. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements in struggle around energy are currently developing an imaginary of 'energy democracy' to signify the emancipatory energy transitions they desire. Deploying a scholar-activist perspective, this paper contributes to debates around the concretisation of the energy democracy imaginary by exploring the relationship of energy democracy movements to the state. To do so, I focus on the experiences of the Berliner Energietisch campaign, which in 2013 forced (and lost) a referendum aiming to extend-and democratise-the local state's role in Berlin's energy governance. Drawing on relational theories of the state, I argue that it is productive to read Berliner Energietisch as enacting an energy politics in-against-and-beyond the state. In making this argument, I draw out implications for theoretical and strategic debates around the commons and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper troubles dominant understandings of North American feminist history as a series of successive, ideologically opposed, generational "waves." While several scholars have critiqued this metaphor, few have grounded their critiques in the lives, perspectives, and organizing strategies of women involved in feminist activism. This paper draws on research with older Canadian women activists involved in the Grandmothers Advocacy Network (GRAN) to call into question three existing critiques of the waves metaphor: its implicit ageism, its simplistic categorizations, and its assumed generational discord. In so doing, it illustrates how women's lives and mobilizations are far too intricate for this framework. This paper thus contributes to understanding the complexities of contemporary feminist activism, particularly as these complexities relate to the contributions of older activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of an assertive judiciary in Pakistan is an apparently anomalous development given the broader trajectory of the collapse of institutional autonomy in the civilian sphere of governance. This paper examines the changes since 2005 by placing them in a broader historical context and argues that a Pakistani variant of a rule of justice tradition that employs the metaphor of the colonial rule of law tradition is emerging. Under this hybrid, the formal apparatus of colonial constitutionalism is employed using expansive, almost despotic, discretion by the superior judiciary, in order to hold the executive to the account. The judiciary draws popular support from such exercises as the spectacle created resonates with the public, and thus support is the fuel upon which judicial independence rests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the importance of transnational memories in framing Australian anti-nuclear activism after the Fukushima disaster. Japan looms large in the transnational nuclear imaginary. Commemorating Hiroshima as the site of the first wartime use of nuclear weapons has been a long-standing practice in the Australian anti-nuclear movement and the day has been linked to a variety of issues including weapons and uranium mining. As Australia began exporting uranium to Japan in the 1970s, Australia-Japan relations took on a new meaning for the Indigenous Traditional Owners from whose land uranium was extracted. After Fukushima, these complex transnational memories formed the basis for an orientation towards Japan by Indigenous land rights activists and for the anti-nuclear movement as a whole. This paper argues that despite tenuous organizational links between the two countries, transnational memories drove Australian anti-nuclear activists to seek connections with Japan after the Fukushima disaster. The mobilisation of these collective memories helps us to understand how transnational social movements evolve and how they construct globalisation from below in the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a relational approach to regional western history, this article examines the ways organizers based in the American West negotiated with East Coast philanthropists over conflicting visions of civil rights activism. Ultimately, these debates reveal the possibilities and limits of philanthropic support within leftist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the impact of the First World War (WWI) and its aftermath on the political activism of the Mzabi community in the Algerian desert. Following the French annexation of the Mzab Valley in 1882 and the military draft imposed on Mzabis in 1912 and again in 1918, Mzabis, who are Amazighen (sing. Amazigh, also known as Berbers) and Ibadis (members of minority sect in Islam), felt more and more threatened by French policies towards the Mzab and its inhabitants. This paper shows how the events of WWI and the hope in a French defeat and an Ottoman victory provided Mzabis with the opportunity to link to trans-border anti-colonial movements, especially in Tripolitania and Tunisia, and to promote their case for Mzab’s independence from French Algeria. Those movements, tied to Istanbul, had emerged earlier during the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 and were reinvigorated during WWI and the Ottoman efforts of mass mobilization. Mzabis were linked to resistance groups in Tripolitania and thus were able to easily integrate themselves during WWI into cross-border anti-colonial movements. They perceived themselves as part of a pro-Ottoman North African movement opposed to European colonial projects and not part of an Algeria they considered to be ‘French.’ In particular, given their strong connections to Tripolitanian activists who were also Ibadis and connected to Istanbul, they believed that they were better positioned to negotiate their independence from France than the Maliki (followers of the Maliki religious school of jurisprudence) majority of Algeria. Their activism during and shortly after WWI and struggle for their own independence as ‘Mzabis,’ distinguishing themselves from the rest of Maliki Algerians, highlight three important themes. The first is the need to create one uninterrupted narrative linking the Italian invasion of Tripolitania in 1911 to WWI in terms of shaping cross-border alliances and political strategies in the Maghrib towards the Allies. The second is the significance and continuous relevance of the Ottoman context for North African and Saharan communities in the definition of their political allegiances during WWI. Third are the alternative political imaginations Mzabi activism during WWI presents us. Rather than the usual perception of WWI as being the catalyst for nationalist stirrings in the region, the case of the Mzabis provides a counter-narrative to nationalist historiographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper chronicles the ongoing efforts of several groups of Bosnian activists, artists and academics, to create archives of the often forgotten, and nowadays variously threatened, heritage of political and social life during Yugoslav socialism. Postsocialist archives in other parts of Eastern Europe have typically been motivated by the need to 'settle accounts' with communism, understood in this context to be a totalitarian project. By contrast, these ongoing archiving efforts in the postwar and postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina, are created in order to recuperate and repurpose the unrealized potentials of Yugoslav socialism, and to use this history to reseed contemporary political imaginaries. I show how these post-Yugoslav activist-archives are working to recover a form of transformational historical subjectivity which seems profoundly necessary in the current political moment, marked by political disenchantment and the devastating effects of the postsocialist transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political convictions of 20th century American screenwriter Rod Serling, focusing on his criticism of radical conservatives in his on and off screen writings. Other topics include a discussion of Serling's success as a television screenwriter, Serling's criticism of McCarthyism and unwarranted accusations against suspected communists, and Serling's relationship with the anti-communist John Birch Society.

This paper examines the attitudes of feminist activists, intellectuals and filmmakers to US intervention in Central America during the 1980s. It traces the development of mutual intellectual and political sustenance between feminism and anti-interventionism, arguing that as feminist thinking bred new ways of approaching US involvement in Central America, so anti-interventionist struggles bred new ways of thinking about women's activism. In making this point, the paper complicates narratives of the “age of Reagan” that overlook the persistence of left-wing politics during the 1980s. Instead, it argues that a specific form of international feminism enabled a community of activists to contribute to a vibrant culture of dissent that criticized conservative approaches to women's rights and, at the same time, vigorously contested the interventionist foreign policy of the Reagan administration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The studies of historical memory in South America were initially treated in the context of the struggle for human rights without paying attention to the gender issue. Nowadays, women groups, holders of the experience gained in the last few decades have entered this field, claiming their right to convey the past to the present from their own perspectives. Policies of memory applied in the region today seek a narrative that facilitates the encounter of different voices that coexist to reinterpret the past. The women's perspective in this domain allows for the differentiation of the types of violence against them in authoritarian regimes and internal armed conflicts. This paper examines some elements of analysis to understand the particularity of this perspective and highlights the specific dynamics and results thus generated theoretically and practically. The central argument considers that the various acts of violence against women in a time of repression and/or domestic war in South America are an extension of the discrimination and marginalization that they have historically and socially experienced; hence, the new practices of memory try to overcome these circumstances. To illustrate this situation better, it presents two emblematic "country cases" in South America: Argentina and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]