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This article demonstrates-based on an interpretive discourse analysis of three types of memes (Rabid Feminists, Women's Bodies, Policy Ideas) and secondary thread discourse on 4chan's "Politically Incorrect" discussion board-two key findings: (1) the existence of a gendered hate based scientific discourse, "science fan fiction," in online spaces and (2) how gender "science fan fiction" is an outcome of the male supremacist cosmology, by producing and justifying resentment against white women as being both inherently untrustworthy (politically, sexually, intellectually) and dangerous. This perspective-which combines hatred and distrust of women with white nationalist anxieties about demographic shifts, racial integrity, and sexuality-then motivates misogynist policy ideas including total domination of women or their removal. 4chan users employ this discourse to "scientifically" substantiate claims of white male supremacy, the fundamental untrustworthiness of white women, and to argue white women's inherent threat to white male supremacist goals.

In 2006, the Constitutional Court of Colombia issued Decision C-355/2006, which liberalized the country's abortion law. The reform was groundbreaking in its argumentation, being one of the first judicial decisions in the world to uphold abortion rights on equality grounds, and the first by a constitutional court to rule on the constitutionality of abortion within a human rights framework. It was also the first of a series of reforms that would liberalize the abortion regulation in four other Latin American countries. The Colombian case is also notable for the process of strategic litigation carried out by feminist organizations after the Court's decision, in order to ensure its implementation and counter the opposition from conservative actors working in State institutions, as well as for the active role played by the Court in that process. Based on fieldwork carried out in Colombia in 2013, this article analyzes the process of progressive implementation and reactionary backlash after Decision C-355/2006, with an emphasis on strategic litigation by the feminist movement and subsequent decisions by the Constitutional Court, which consolidated its jurisprudence in the field of abortion rights. It highlights the role of both feminists and of conservative activists within State institutions as opposing social movements, and the dynamics of political and legal mobilization and counter-mobilization in that process., (Copyright © 2014 Reproductive Health Matters. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

This essay explores the pivotal transition in Iranian feminist activism through ‘Baraye’, a digital poem collectively written by Iranian users on Twitter during the Woman Life Freedom (WLF) movement, linked to the #MahsaAmini trend launched in September 2022. Initially sparked by tweets featuring the hashtag #MahsaAmini, this trend quickly evolved into a powerful form of digital activism, articulating widespread grievances and aspirations. Shervin Hajipour’s viral song ‘Baraye’, composed from these tweets, amplified the movement’s message and garnered international recognition, including at the Grammy Awards. As a part of the Feminist Media Activism in Transition special issue, this study highlights the relationships between social media and new forms of feminist activism, with ‘Baraye’ as an emblematic work of instapoetry that transcends geographical boundaries and fosters deep emotional and ideological connections among participants. The collective crafting of ‘Baraye’ by Iranians enabled suppressed voices, including marginalized ethnic, religious, and LGBTQIA+ communities, to express their demands and dissent. By employing digital humanities techniques to collect, curate, and analyse pertinent tweets, and drawing upon theories of performance studies, particularly Diana Taylor’s work, this research underscores this instapoem’s impact on Iranian feminist media activism and beyond. By looking at it as a performance, the work seeks to demonstrate how ‘Baraye’ blurs the line between physical presence and digital expression, marking a significant transitional moment in Iranian social movements. The essay aims to offer a different perspective on new modes of activism by examining ‘Baraye’ from the perspectives of performance and new media studies, emphasizing the role of digital platforms in fostering poetic digital activism and offering fresh insights into the interplay between technology and feminist movements in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The #MeToo movement became an important historical moment around the globe, illuminating the pervasive spectrum of sexual harm. This, however, did not exist without significant backlash, backlash which became one of the defining features of our study with men. We individually interviewed 31 single, heterosexual men about their experiences and understandings of contemporary masculinity, singleness and heterosexuality. During this process, participants talked significantly about the #MeToo movement and women's accounts of sexual violence, with a focus on the implications this might have for men and dating. Using a critical discursive approach, our analysis of men's talk was patterned by three interpretive repertoires: I just don't understand...; You can't do anything anymore!; and She's really only got herself to blame... Our analysis suggests that while #MeToo has succeeded in starting a conversation about sexual violence, work still needs to be done in interrupting traditional victim-blaming discourses, as exemplified though our data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As political theorists explore work beyond traditional workplaces, how should we understand the vast class of insecure, informal, and unsalaried workers whose existence defies traditional categories of employment? In asking this question, I revisit the political theory of the Marxist feminist and cofounder of the International Wages for Housework movement, Selma James, to explore her "internationalism of the unwaged" and her writings on wagelessness. An example of political theory in service of struggle, James's internationalism was widely circulated in anticolonial, Black radical, and autonomous Marxist circles in the 1970s. In this article, I argue that it was grounded in three intertwined and mutually reinforcing arguments: an account of how capitalist life is spatially divided into distinct workplaces; an anticapitalist theory of identity that explains social difference as maintained by the international division of labor and labor market hierarchies; and a diagnosis of work organization viewed from the perspective of the wageless worker. I trace how James developed these arguments about the spatial division of labor, hierarchies of identity, and internationalist political struggle and how her view of the common exploitation and division of workers formed the basis of a class-struggle identity politics. Her political theory was an important contribution to women's international thought and transnational feminist critiques of global forms of domination and exploitation. It also offers a critique of capitalism's organization of the displacement of work and workers and an account of wagelessness as a work situation, both of which illuminate capitalist organization of work and wageless life today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge-making in universities is shaped by conventions that neglect and/or suppress less conventional kinds of knowledge that may hold viable solutions to society's problems. Knowledge always has political interests, and close-up research on knowledge-making can liberate marginalized ideas, by exposing how they push against and beyond conventional perspectives and mutations. African feminist theoretical ideas are used to examine three different platforms for knowledge-making: one research project and two courses that were taught. The African feminist praxis is demonstrated through two main processes – reflection and communal knowledge-making – which infuse the methodology and pedagogy of the three platforms. The article shows how they transgress the conventions to bring about inclusive and generative knowledge-making. They provide strategies for future research and teaching experiments, demonstrating ways in which African Feminist ideas can have transformative effects beyond their own margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the process of co-producing an animated film about the migration journeys of Colombian women resident in Antofagasta, Chile. It first establishes the relationship between feminist epistemologies and arts-based methodologies, which hinges on embodiment. It then turns to a detailed discussion of using film co-production as a research method for accessing and expressing embodied experiences of migration. This discussion highlights how moments of discomfort (Gokariksel, Hawkins, Neubert, and Smith, 2021) experienced by the researcher motivated the search for a more collaborative methodological approach that was better attuned to lived experience. This included striving towards more inclusive practices with respect to recruitment, anonymity, and confidentiality. Moments of discomfort also revealed how care and caring responsibilities are entangled with research, and how they gender possibilities of participation and production for community co-producers and artists, as well as for researchers. Finally, through discomfort, lessons were learned about the politics of representing experiences of migration, violence, and endurance, as well as joy. The paper concludes that, whilst by no means a panacea, collaborative arts-based research methods can offer an innovative toolset for exploring embodied experience and for navigating the relational and representational complexities attendant to research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK‐based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro‐inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti‐inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro‐inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti‐inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides brief biographical information about various contributors to the Signs: Journal of Women in Culture & Society. The contributors come from diverse backgrounds and have expertise in fields such as law, gender studies, literature, history, sociology, and art. Their research interests cover a wide range of topics including queer studies, reproductive justice, feminist theory, climate justice, and international law. The contributors have published books, articles, and essays on their respective areas of expertise and are actively engaged in academic and activist work. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses Wang Ruqi's contribution to the drafting of the 1950 Marriage Law, the first codified law promulgated by the People's Republic of China (PRC). It argues that Wang—who had been a legal specialist and a female political activist dating back to the 1930s and 1940s—was the actual author of the law's first draft. In rehabilitating Wang's long-forgotten contribution to the making of the Marriage Law, this study highlights that, first of all, lawmaking in the early years of the PRC was characterized by legal "professionalism," rather than the "vernacularism" that scholars in recent years have tended to ascribe to this period. Second, Wang was an exemplary figure of a new breed of "state feminists" in the PRC, which we term "state-legal feminists." State-legal feminists, like state feminists in general, were brought into the PRC state apparatus and took advantage of their role in the state to advance sociopolitical agendas. However, they differed from their fellow state feminists because they firmly believed that the state's will and intent could be best articulated and exercised through codified laws and legal institutions. The making of the Marriage Law thus exemplifies the state-legal feminist approach insofar as it resorted to a codified law to push for the political agendas of women's emancipation and restructuring families in China. While recent scholarship highlights the politicization of the law in the 1953 campaign to promote the Marriage Law, this study inverts this by addressing the legalization of political and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to analyse how social movements build alternative futures, this article explores the relationship between prefigurative politics and utopianism. A case study of the 'Indigenous Women's Movement for Buen Vivir' in Argentina will reveal how movement members shape alternative futures, while taking into account how everyday life influences their approaches to the future. Empirical data collected in 2019 shows that members define the present day as a crises-ridden dystopian age, exemplified by the conflicts they face which emerge from the resource-based development model of global capitalism. Extractivist activities are understood as destroyers of the planet and therefore are viewed as an imminent threat to human existence. Hence, the members aim to make the future possible by (re)constructing a reciprocity with nature as well as one between humans and other-than-human beings, in short, to realize Buen Vivir. To unravel how prefigurative practices and utopian imaginations intersect and co-constitute each other, I focus on how Buen Vivir is experienced in the movement through horizontality, spirituality, and autonomy. These experiences are framed by the actors as pre-colonial practices that are reconstructed in the present, as they seek to decolonise capitalist modernity 'so that there is a future'. This understanding reflects a cyclical temporality that inspires a processual, non-linear view of social change, which accompanies the indigenous women's 'prefigurative walking'. Thus, the linking of prefiguration with utopianism helps us in grasping the role of imagination, hopes, and visions for future transformations in the process of building alternative futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociology & Technoscience / Sociología y Tecnociencia is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Escuela Universitaria de Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the relationship between repertoires of action and collective memory by exploring the re-emergence of feminist self-managed health centers in Italy. These were a key form of action of 1970s feminism in the country, which rapidly disappeared after the institution of state-based Family Health Centers. In the last decades, feminist and transfeminist self-managed health centers have resurfaced in several Italian cities. The present article investigates the mnemonic dynamics underpinning the re-adoption of a form of action from the past in subsequent cycles of mobilization. Social movement scholars have stressed the relatively stable and repetitive character of the repertoire of collective action over time, considering it as part of an implicit memory. The article examines a case in which the discontinuous adoption of a form of action makes its retrieval by subsequent activists the result of active memory work. While the study of social movements and collective memory has grown considerably in the last decades, the study of repertoires remains largely under-researched in this field. Filling this gap, this study shows how, by adopting a symbolically and historically meaningful repertoire, activists re-elaborate their collective identity in the present and establish a relationship with previous cycles. It suggests that further research should investigate the relationship between collective memory and repertoires of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this case study, we propose a network analysis approach to map social movements through an intersectional feminist lens. We aim to gain a more in-depth understanding of movements' network structures to examine the roles and relationships of movement actors, the flow of resources between them, and potential areas of collaboration and conflict. By incorporating Social Network Analysis (SNA) techniques and visually mapping dynamics within social movements, this approach can assess the significance of small actors in creating change and stresses the need for their perspectives to be heard. Furthermore, our methodology adopts a feminist intersectional framework that recognizes the role of different identities in shaping the movement and its actors. To demonstrate the practical application of this approach, we examined the movement for the right to abortion in Mexico between September and December 2021. Our multi-step process included (1) designing a survey tool adapted to the context of the movement, (2) collecting and analyzing survey responses on movement actors' relationships and interactions, including their priorities, activities, needs, risks, and challenges, (3) visualizing the network using SNA techniques that account for the complexity and diversity of the movement, (4) interpreting the findings through insights collected in semi-structured interviews and validation meetings with key movement actors, and (5) implementing safety and security guidelines to safeguard the identity of individuals whose activities could put them at risk of suffering institutional, emotional, and physical violence. Our case study offers valuable insights that not only encourage the integration of feminist and intersectional perspectives into data collection processes but also provide a roadmap for accompanying social movements and supporting meaningful and contextually responsive activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on #MeToo has examined the feminist underpinnings of the movement and affordances of digital platforms to create space for telling stories of sexual harassment and violence. This essay makes a different contribution, in that we seek to understand the impact of the viral version of #MeToo on the established primarily Black community developed by Tarana Burke. In this essay, we use the framework of intersectionality and organizational paradox to examine the differences in the social construction of the two versions of the movement. The framework of intersectionality allows us to examine how the viral version of #MeToo perpetuated by Alyssa Milano reified the social construction of inequalities and interlocking systems of oppression for Black and other women of color. The article examines the effects of Milano's entrance into the "me too" space on the community built through Burke's "me too" movement. We identify an illumination/occlusion paradox that creates the illusion of inclusivity, creates difficulty in community boundary management, and allows for outsider gaze into a previously safe space. We argue for moving beyond the considerations of assigning credit for the movement and instead consider the impacts of the paradox of the original community experiencing erasure through the abrupt and swift increased visibility of the hashtag. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the “people’s spring,” the period of unprecedented social mobilization in Argentina in the early 1970s, frequently omit rural women even though they were among the sectors that rallied for social justice. In most of Latin America at the time, rural women were prevented from equal participation in social movements; in contrast, rural women in northeastern Argentina actively participated in the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). This article uses letters and newspaper articles in Amanecer agrario to answer two questions: First, what did womanhood mean for rural women in northeastern Argentina during the early 1970s? Second, what did the “people’s spring” mean for these same women? Although the movement split, with women from small farms generally wanting MAM to expand its efforts to broader societal problems and women from medium farms generally wanting MAM to stay focused on the concerns of Misiones farmers, throughout it all, rural women communicated their hopes, desires, and concerns for themselves, their families, and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for philanthropy to align itself with social movements and prioritize the needs and perspectives of those most impacted by oppression. It emphasizes the importance of acknowledging the origins of philanthropic wealth and the need to return it to the people. The article also calls for philanthropy to be a site of contestation and to support social movements in a way that is accountable and in service of their goals. It highlights the transformative potential of social movements and their root cause analysis, as well as their ability to resist and construct alternatives. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of solidarity and true allyship in philanthropy's work with social movements. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the work and contributions of Dorothy Smith to the field of adult education. Smith, a feminist sociologist, challenged the established discipline of sociology and developed the concept of ruling relations. She emphasized the importance of understanding the everyday world and the experiences of individuals within it. Smith's work focused on the agency and consciousness of people, and she provided a revolutionary way of understanding and changing society. The article also highlights the application of Smith's institutional ethnography method in adult education research. [Extracted from the article]

This study examined the impacts of feminism on challenging and combating anti-woman ideologies and practices in contemporary society. Objective of this study is to explore implications of the anti-feminist shift within modern feminist trends. The women were restricted to their domiciles throughout Western civilization; neither were they allowed to possess property, pursue education, or engage in public life in medieval Europe. Women were denied the ability to vote, to pursue higher education, and to enter the workforce. The development of this study involved a quantitative base and survey was constructed for population aged 15 and above. Sample of 384 respondents using Cochran formula was obtained, specifically graduate & postgraduate students & faculty members. To produce feminist attitude, measure Likerttype scale was designed. The results were contained with reliability of .784. This study indorses evaluating interdisciplinary ideology of anti-feminism. Recognize its shifting nature while in view of regional and national specifics and global trends. The threat that anti-feminist speech and practices pose to the women's rights worldwide should be recognized by governments and authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Intersectional politics has been widely associated with progressive Millennial activists. Accordingly, most social movement research focuses on progressive movements that adopt intersectionality as a guiding framework for organisation and mobilisation, mainly feminist, reproductive justice, LGBTQ and other movements spearheaded by university-educated Millennials. In contrast to most studies, we conduct a qualitative digital ethnography of Las Kellys, a Spanish grassroots movement with no explicit intersectional approach, but located at the intersection of the labour and feminist movements, and consisting of middle-aged, working-class (immigrant) women with no university background who fit their activism into their spare time. Our findings suggest that (1) Las Kellys deploys intersectional practices and disputes despite lacking an explicit intersectional approach, and (2) the development of intersectional practices and disputes in Las Kellys is the result of inter-movement diffusion processes from the anti-austerity protest cycle and the current wave of feminist protest. Moreover, we argue that the case of Las Kellys is part of a larger diffusion of intersectionality across contemporary Spanish activism as an outcome of the anti-austerity and feminist protest cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: The hybrid genealogy of young women activists in Argentina: “Many dissidences and many feminisms” Feminist mobilizations have intensified in Latin America thanks to the incorporation of a significant youth contingent. These new activists bring with them transformations in social movements’ strategies and frameworks of understanding. Taking the Argentine case as the context, in this article we focus on a fundamental dimension of young women’s feminist imagination: who they consider influential movement figures. Based on a qualitative study, we reconstruct a feminist genealogy from the perspective of a new generation of activists. Their movement genealogy, according to our findings, combines figures from diverse trajectories of struggle and sites of activism, with heterogeneous positions regarding feminism. Furthermore, in this genealogy, the young women themselves play a central role. Resumen La movilización feminista se ha intensificado en América Latina gracias a la incorporación de un importante contingente juvenil. Estas nuevas activistas traen consigo transformaciones en los marcos de sentido y en las estrategias de los movimientos sociales. Tomando Argentina como contexto de estudio, este artículo aborda una dimensión fundamental del imaginario feminista de las jóvenes: a quién consideran antecesoras en la construcción del movimiento e inspiradoras para su propias biografías feministas. Mediante un estudio cualitativo, se muestra que las nuevas generaciones reconstruyen una genealogía híbrida que combina figuras prove-nientes de diversas trayectorias de lucha y sitios de activismo, con posiciones heterogéneas respecto del feminismo. Además, en esta genealogía, las propias jóvenes se colocan en un papel protagónico y no como meras herederas de espacios construidos por predecesoras.

This article consists of an analysis of the opening lectures delivered by two female educators at the First International Feminist Congress held in Buenos Aires in 1910. The first speech, of liberal character, was given by Argentine Ernestina López, and the second, with anarcho-socialist elements, by Chilean María Espíndola de Muñoz. With a gender-focused approach to the research of the history of education, a critical analysis of said speeches has been conducted from a Laclausian perspective, identifying topics in which the relevance of women's education on their emancipation prevails. Within this epochal mood, the emerging social movement sheds light internationally on criticism of the patriarchal model from a perspective of rights in which meanings of education in women's construction as social, political, and cultural beings are configured. Neither position is exclusionary of other expressions circulating the debates at the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hookup culture has transformed the sexual behavior of emerging adults. Feminism, a movement that has advocated for liberating women from sexual repression, may be associated with hookup endorsement attitudes. This study explores the associations among multiple dimensions of feminism, gender, and hookup culture endorsement. Participants included 318 emerging adults (46% women; Mage = 22.2 years; 51% White, 27% Asian, 5% Hispanic/Latinx, 9% Black, 1% Middle Eastern, 1% American Indian, 6% Multiracial) from five Anglophone countries (62% U.S., 23% United Kingdom, 9% Canada, 5% Australia, 1% New Zealand), who completed the Feminist Beliefs and Behavior Scale and Endorsement of Hookup Culture Index via an anonymous, online survey. Participants were categorized according to their feminist identity label (feminist, non-feminist) and feminist belief system (hold feminist beliefs, hold non-feminist beliefs). A series of ANCOVAs was conducted, revealing that women who identified as feminist and/or held feminist beliefs reported significantly higher endorsement of hookup culture compared to non-feminist women with non-feminist beliefs. Neither dimension of feminism predicted hookup culture endorsement in men. When comparing feminist-identifying women and men, the gender disparity in hookup culture endorsement was eliminated. Together, these findings highlight how social movements, such as feminism, may be associated with young women's attitudes towards hookups, and may ultimately shape their sexual experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this interview, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak revisits the debate between essentialism and anti-essentialism by reconsidering various theoretical frameworks she has engaged with over her intellectual journey. These frameworks include deconstruction, Marxism, and feminisms, alongside reflections on the role of philosophy. One key focus of her reflection is the concept of strategic essentialism in understanding social movements, diverging from her previous stances. Spivak suggests viewing it as an ongoing critique of essentialist approaches, emphasizing the importance of maintaining critical, strategic, and indispensable elements within a minimalizable essence. She also stresses the significance of authorial positioning and autobiographical narratives, drawing on childhood lessons. She explores teaching as a practice that can convey the impossibility of fixed essences rather than engaging in theoretical debates. She examines her own place within the Subaltern Studies Group and the political connotations of the "Third World." Towards the end, she delves into the practical perspective on essences concerning empirical realities and the dynamic between researchers and their audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on Hayden White's understanding of the subject and explores how best to move forward discussions in theory of history after his arguments about narrativity. To do so, I reconsider his arguments in light of more recent feminist and queer theorizations. Through a reconstruction of the current international new wave of feminism and LGBTQ+ activism as a rich and complex social movement that involves a narration of its own (practical) past, I will recontextualize and revaluate White's insight from the perspective of Judith Butler's theory of subject formation. The argument will unfold in four parts. First, I will recall White's ironic and existential stance on language and narrativity in the representation of reality and in relation to social beliefs. Second, I will again raise the question of the value of narrativity, as framed by White, in the context of the publication of a recent feminist manifesto. It is here that another issue will emerge as crucial: the relationship between the limits of linguistic self‐consciousness and the question of the subject. In the third part, my argument will take a partial turn "against White" and toward Butler's subject formation theory. My claim will be that there is a residue of the belief in the sovereign individual in White's insistence on self‐consciousness. However, I will also show that his suspicion regarding the psychological impulse toward narrative closure can be re‐elaborated as the challenge Butler is facing with their theory of subject formation: that of critically resisting the belief in our being coherent and self‐sufficient individuals. In the fourth part, I will present Butler's refiguration of the thesis of the subject's opacity in terms of the primary relationality that binds human beings to one another, and I will offer a new understanding of the individual, norms, agency, infancy, and ethics. Finally, I will conclude that we are bodies in history and that theory of history can find a promising line of research through this conception of the subject, a conception that reframes how we understand the intimate links between political consciousness, historicity, and embodiment. I also claim that this line of research constitutes an ethics for our historical undoing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julia Wedgwood (1833–1913) was a non-fiction writer who chose an unusually wide range of subjects, including theology, the Classical world and German Biblical criticism. She was also a leading feminist who wrote several influential pieces on female enfranchisement, campaigned in the 1870 elections to the London School Board and taught informally at what became Girton College. She was the niece of Charles Darwin, the great scientist, and had a short but intense relationship with Robert Browning, the poet. She was also close to many other leading Victorian cultural figures. Yet her achievements as a writer are now largely forgotten as is her role as a feminist. This article re-examines her life and career before considering why she has fallen out of the record and what that suggests about the influence of misleading stereotypes in our approach to nineteenth century women's non-fiction writing and the study of first wave feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 8 August 2019, Israa Ghrayeb, a 21-year-old Palestinian living in Beit Sahour, was brutally beaten by members of her family. Since that moment, protests have erupted throughout historical Palestine and beyond, also reaching Palestinian women of the diaspora. Not only did this eventful protest mark the resurgence of a wave of women's protests in Palestine, but it also brought about the start of a new feminist and anticolonial movement: Tal'at. Using frame analysis to examine the movement's declarations, Facebook posts, and the archival material available at the Basso Foundation Archive, together with firsthand data collected through interviews conducted during my fieldwork in Historical Palestine, I will try to answer the following questions: How does this new feminist protest-movement differ from the previous ones? What are the elements of continuity with previous Palestinian women's movements? How did this movement manage to frame an aggregating message in such a fragmented territory? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction of feminist democratic societal projects relies on the production of feminist knowledge and ideas within social movements, as well as academic, professional, and institutional settings. In the context of a rising opposition against democracy and gender, race, and sexuality equality at a global level, the European Union has launched the call Feminisms for a New Age of Democracy with the purpose of supporting knowledge production about opposition to gender equality in Europe and feminist democratic responses. The CCINDLE (Co-creating Inclusive Intersectional Democratic Spaces across Europe) project is one of the funded research projects under this call. CCINDLE's objectives include analyzing not only anti-gender politics and the problems that they create for democracy in Europe but especially feminist movements' and institutional responses to anti-gender and anti-democratic forces. The project aims to co-create feminist knowledge with the actors that are already working to counter the antidemocratic project that anti-gender movements and far right parties are trying to construct, and to envision feminist futures building on theories and practices of intersectional justice, inclusion, and participation in European democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the forthcoming South Feminist Manifesto spearheaded by South Feminist Futures, a transnational network of feminists from the Global South. Through extensive cross-regional consultations, the manifesto initiative promises to build solidarity and advance decolonial, anti-capitalist feminism across the Global South. It aims to center plural Southern voices and contexts, integrating diverse critical frameworks from Third World feminism to queer theory. By foregrounding lived realities of Southern women and trans and nonbinary people, the manifesto promises to generate fresh insights and creative South-South solidarities. Drawing inspiration from the pioneering Women's Manifesto for Ghana, it strives to catalyze feminist consciousness raising, movement revival, and more caring, just futures across borders. The article analyzes the manifesto's transformative promises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voice is central to claims-making and contestations around gender equality. This article engages with a diverse set of literature, social and feminist movement theory, and gender and development scholarship, to foreground voice in the analysis of the discursive strategies of backlash actors and the counter-actions by feminist coalitions. Drawing on rich discussions with feminist academic-activists based in the global South and the UK, the article unpacks the various conceptual and methodological challenges that emerge in researching feminist collective voice in countering backlash, particularly on matters such as intersectionality and building collective feminist voice; intra-movement backlash and fragmentation of voice; capturing subtler forms of expressions of agency; and the cyclical nature of backlash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Women Wage Peace (WWP), an Israeli grassroots peace movement, as a case study of intersectionality in women's movements. Using an ethnographic model based on semi-structured interviews with previous and current movement members, I investigate the dilemmas and strategies of WWP in its pursuit of a diverse membership base, a goal considered unique in Israeli peace discourse. This study contributes to understanding intersectional theory and practice, explaining why such an approach is not (always) effective in women's movements despite the best intentions. Examining WWP through the lens of peripherality and privilege highlights the movement's hierarchical power structure, identifying the places where intersectional awareness does not translate into political practice. By providing examples of the challenges of intersectionality in women's movements, these findings offer a response to the need for more nuanced analysis in current feminist and social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we delve into a debate about whether a kitchen was to be installed in a new Women's House in a city in the Basque Country (Hernani, Gipuzkoa). The ethnography presented here was conducted by observing the process around the creation of the House. Articulating the debate's main points led us to examine the dominant cultural assumptions about cooking in Basque society, especially in view of the opposing feminist positions on the kitchen and the domestic sphere. To understand the changes that took place, it is essential to consider the participants' previous experience, the shape the discussion took and the diffractions and interferences that occurred during the process, as well as the priority placed on 'being and doing together' and being aware of the (self-)imposed limits while also allowing, even for a short period of time, the dichotomies that characterize and delimit this intercultural encounter to be questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a framework to analyze social movements in the digital era, from three concepts: i) digital participation, ii) social interaction, and iii) empowerment (PIE model). In addition, it was applied to the #metoo movement. Tweets were collected in 12 months, according to certain keywords. More than one million tweets (and retweets) were collected from 1,450,000 accounts. The aim was to generate a holistic tool to study in depth the impact of cybermobilization on the physical environment, and vice versa, which could be used to study other social movements.

"Me Not You: The Trouble with Mainstream Feminism" by Alison Phipps is a book that explores the exclusivity of mainstream feminism. Phipps argues that mainstream feminism fails to address intersecting inequalities based on class, race, religion, (dis)ability, citizenship, and gender identity. The book examines the history of racism, classism, and sexism within mainstream feminism, as well as the exclusion of trans women from the movement. Phipps emphasizes the need for intersectionality within feminism and calls for the dismantling and rebuilding of oppressive structures. [Extracted from the article]

One of the most successful and influential contributions to examining the intersection between society and its effect on public action is Jurgen Habermas's landmark The structural transformation of the public space (1962). But as subsequent scholars pointed out, the Habermasian definition of "public sphere" needed to be expanded beyond its original historical context. This article contributes to that ongoing expansion by arguing that a social movement in the United States, social justice feminism, created an alternative public space in the United States by 1907 to the mainstream discourse championed by patriarchal political and social leaders about the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution. The alternative social justice feminist public space differed from Habermas's original conception in three important ways: it involved a more ideological viewpoint; it encompassed a myriad of cross-class and cross-gender coalitions; and the movement embraced direct political action, promoting and passing women's labor legislation as an "entering wedge" for the eventual inclusion of all workers under state protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alain Touraine, a prominent French sociologist, passed away at the age of 97. He was known for his theories on social movements and the production of society through social conflicts and cultural choices. Touraine developed the concept of "actionalism" as a theoretical perspective for analyzing large-scale social change. He studied the transition from industrial to post-industrial society, theorized the "new social movements," and advocated for sociological intervention as a method of action research. Touraine was a public intellectual and engaged in various social and political struggles throughout his life. [Extracted from the article]

Can an archive be revolutionary? To answer this question, I turn to a set of archives and histories of social movements that were driven by women, radicals, and those seeking revolutionary historical changes. Through an argument that moves between scholarly conversations in the history of feminism in the United States and the histories of militant nationalism in India, I consider how archives have influenced histories of social movements. Archives, in their widest forms, should generate historical narratives that are open to revision. These sites for generating dissensus are an urgent necessity in a time of declining democratic and liberatory norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the process of construction of the feminist general strike of March 8, 2019 in Chile, from the "fee" workers of the University of Chile, i.e. workers without a labor contract, organized in a union. By analyzing this process from the perspective of precarious workers and feminist activists, the authors seek to highlight a thread that is woven in Chile between the feminist movement in May 2018, the 8M strike of 2019 and the social revolt of October 2019. The hypothesis is that from the struggles against precarious work and feminisms, a repertoire of struggle of social movements and wage workers is renewed and extended. From a situated and self-reflexive knowledge, the authors analyze their practices in the process of feminist general strike, from a self-narration and content analysis of social networks and public statements of the union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Presentation" from the magazine Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana focuses on collective action in Latin America and Chile. It invites young researchers and academics to reflect on this topic and its new perspectives. The article mentions theories of collective behavior and resource mobilization, as well as new social movements and their relationship with post-materialist values and the crisis of the States. It also highlights the importance of social networks in organizing collective action. The article presents ten studies that address collective action from different disciplines and trajectories, including the use of arpilleras as a tool for denunciation in Chile, the relationship between legality and legitimacy in the social movement of October 2019 in Chile, the collective action of the Mazatec indigenous communities in Mexico, the impact of alcoholism on the Mapuche community in Chile, and the crisis of utopia in Brazil. Book reviews on collective actions and insubordinate ecologies are also included. [Extracted from the article]

This article seeks to advance scholarship on conflict in feminist organizations. Using the theoretical framework on agonistic conflict of Chantal Mouffe, it analyzes a conflict about racism that arose in a feminist lesbian, bi and trans social movement organization, located in Paris (France). The main contribution lies in offering a framework to analyze the mechanisms that prevented this conflict from constructively fostering the intersectional politics of the feminist organization. The ethnographic findings show that the organization's inability to challenge its racism and whiteness is linked to its post‐political vision of feminism, which translates into attempts to suppress conflict related to multiple and competing identifications. Thus, this article contributes to existing research on conflict in feminist organizing by suggesting that the subduing of conflict associated with such a post‐political vision of feminism prevents feminist organizing from being "anti‐oppressive". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the configuration of anti-speciesist feminisms (AF) based on the experiences of a trans activist and twelve animalist women from Ecuador, along with the performative work of a trans artist from Colombia. A theoretical model is used that puts community feminisms in dialogue with Feminist Animal Studies to identify the decolonial discourses and practices that characterize these political subjectivities. Qualitative methodology based on fourteen indepth interviews and the analysis of images coded with the Atlas.ti program is used. On the one hand, we show how activists denounce patriarchal and carnist regimes within social movements and, on the other hand, we emphasize the place of the body-territory and animality as a sensitive space of political dispute to question gender and species binarisms. Through reanimalization as a decolonial practice, which entails embodying certain politics of the abject through "animal transvestism", the close link between speciesism and the coloniality of power and gender becomes evident. It is concluded that these anti-speciesist feminisms question the place of the animal as a marker of power and as a process of subalternization and, through performance, seek to translate the suffering place of non-human animals to promote interspecies alliances and fabrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how activist organizations wield collective memory as they advance cross-racial solidarity on Instagram. We center digital memory-making in political work by Black and Asian activist organizations as a contribution to understanding social movement communication and online organizing. We study Instagram content from local organizations in Minneapolis (and the Midwest region), Atlanta (and the Southeast region), and national digital organizing collectives between the end of May 2020 to June 2021. This corpus of material includes the summer uprisings for Black liberation following the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, as well as the increased visibility of incidents of anti-Asian violence during the COVID-19 pandemic, including a mass shooting at massage parlors in Atlanta. Among our findings is the centrality of memories of internationalist feminist movements to contemporary cross-racial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we examine three transnational women's movements in countries currently led by dictators—Nicaragua, Russia, and China—to uncover lessons they might offer feminist activists across the world as authoritarian regimes increase in the context of globalization. Although the rise in feminist action within these countries paralleled social movement mobilization elsewhere, what distinguishes feminist activism in these three countries is the national political context in which they each operated: a demonstrably repressive turn in which feminist activities became dangerous. In the three countries under investigation, the leaders' rise to power included feminist repression. To understand how these three different states could evolve from encouraging feminist action to engaging in strategic repression a decade later, we examine oral history interviews with feminist activists in Nicaragua, Russia, and China that were recorded as part of the Global Feminisms Project. Thus, we had thirty-seven unique first-person accounts of the period in question from the perspective of feminist activists. Our analysis suggests that these states employed three mechanisms that disempowered the women's movement over time: suppression of the international flow of ideas and funding, state control of the media, and public criminalization of dissent and activism. We focus on the first as critical to transnational feminism and review the other two as enhancing the effort to suppress the flow of ideas, people, and funding. Among other implications, the conclusion suggests that to protect feminist activism, we directly work to protect the free flow of ideas and funds across national boundaries, as well as a freely operating media that conveys accurate information, and freedom of protest and dissent where they currently exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexuality differences in White women's reactions to sexual, gender, and racial hierarchies. In the end, our analysis of 2,950 women from the American National Election Survey (ANES) suggested three trends. First, lesbians and bisexual women rejected and challenged heteronormativity more than heterosexual women. Second, the relationship between sexual identities and feminist commitments was less consistent. Lesbians and bisexual women perceived higher levels of sexist discrimination than heterosexual women did, but sexual identities did not always predict involvement in feminist social movements. Third, lesbian women generally displayed greater support of antiracist activism than bisexual or heterosexual women. However, this greater lesbian concern over racial biases did not translate in sexual differences in antiracist activism. Implications for these findings were explored, as were suggestions of future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]