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This paper narrates the concept of Sustainable Peace Leadership and examines how three prominent Peace Activists from South and Southeast Asia measure up to the concept. The article will consider the works and ideas of Mohandas K. Gandhi (Mahatma Gandhi), Lhamo Thondup (The 14th Dalai Lama), and Nguyen Xuan Bao (Thich Nhat Hanh). Mahatma Gandhi was instrumental in achieving Indian independence from the British Empire. The Dalai Lama is the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people and has managed a difficult relationship with the Chinese government following the occupation of Tibet. Thich Nhat Hanh was a Vietnamese Buddhist monk, peace activist and is known as the 'father of mindfulness'. The paper identified several characteristics of Peace Leaders. These include being a charismatic leader who motivates their followers to achieve their goals in a non-violent and inclusive manner. Peace leaders meditate and spend time developing inner peace which then leads to outer peace. The paper also asserts that peace leaders are capable of recognizing the humanity in their opponents and seek a mutually beneficial solution. The three chosen individuals are all recognised as being charismatic leaders who were prominent peace leaders. All were deeply spiritual and practiced meditation and other inner work on a regular basis. They stressed the humanity in their opponents, based on their religious beliefs and the concepts of non-duality and interdependence.

As Paulo Freire's education theory for social change and emancipation is being continually studied and disseminated in East Asia, it has faced skepticism as some educators are unfamiliar with its critical pedagogy or education for freedom concepts. In light of this, scholars have attempted to compare Freirean philosophies with concepts in Chinese philosophy of education as a way of bridging East and West. Diverging from previous studies that use popular Chinese philosophies (such as Confucianism) to connect with Freirean theory, this paper introduces an understudied but compatible Chinese philosophical thought, Mohism, for comparison with Freirean theory. Mohism is a political philosophy for the working class that expanded into grassroots movements for people's welfare in ancient China. The Mohist bottom-up approach echoes the grassroots emancipatory pedagogy that underlies Freirean philosophy. A comparative analysis of education concepts in both philosophies reveals that despite differences in the educational content of Freirean theory and Mohism, there are similarities in their conceptualization of education for anti-oppression and praxis for social change. Implications for utilizing Mohist philosophy to contemplate Freirean philosophy within the East Asian educational context are also explored. Ultimately this paper revives educational concepts of Mohism that aligns with Freirean philosophy to a broader audience of scholars and educators.

Inquiry in Global Studies: Music and Politics is a regular course offering in which first-year honors students examine the social and cultural import of music in a global context. This qualitative study examines the practical and pedagogical implications of teaching music and politics during the coronavirus crisis. In a thematic, five-part series analyzing non-Western music both in service to the government and as protest against it, the author describes how students perceived the commonalities and diversities in global culture, history, politics, and society through music while at the same time demonstrating growth in music-making processes and confronting a remote learning paradigm. In a curriculum spanning North Korea, China, Russia, Cuba, and Iran, the author considers the impact of music instruction in cultivating an understanding of transnational community. The paper concludes with selections from the final student showcase and a review of learning outcomes, prompting honors practitioners to consider how high-impact practices in the arts can empower students, cultivate community, and give rise to new multicultural competencies. Changes driven by COVID-19 (course content, delivery, and assessment measures) are presented.

This paper probes alternative meanings and processes for decolonizing English that arise from the particular geopolitical histories and identities of Hong Kong and engagement with political and translingual activism. I illustrate the positioning and tension between English, 'Kongish' (a mix of English and localized linguistic resources in Hong Kong), and Chinese in 1,355 comments from four live-streamed videos of clashes between the police and protesters. Despite the default language of the news page being Chinese (standard written Chinese and written Cantonese), a vast majority of the comments are written in English and Kongish. I analyse the commenters' metalinguistic discourse that represents their alignment and non-alignment stances towards the various linguistic practices in the comment threads. I draw on 'translingual activism' (Pennycook 2019) to understand the linguistic resourcefulness of the commenters who support the protests and the indexing of an us-them relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China. Rather than decolonizing English, I argue that the Hong Kong commenters "recolonize" English for new subversive purposes to maintain an ideological 'separation' between their Hong Kong and Chinese identities in times of political transformations.

This paper presents the results of a formative evaluation of a young faculty development scholarship program conducted in teachers colleges in impoverished areas of China. In the paper we describe the implementation of the program, the utilization of scholarship by recipients, recipients' satisfaction, and outcome data. Based on these data we discuss the successes and barriers of the program thus far. Several data collection methods were used in the evaluation: a longitudinal random survey of recipients, group interviews with their students, directors and colleagues, in-person interviews with individual recipient, interviews with representatives of provider agencies, and the data base in provider agency. The findings reported in this paper are primarily from the recipients' survey. Key findings from the group interviews and representatives' interviews are also included. As a whole, the findings suggest success in terms of recipients' knowledge and use of advanced training, and high levels of satisfaction with individual development and the organization level. Continuing challenges to the faculty training and development program include long-standing barrier to recipients' involvement (e.g. low levels of networking) and sustainability at the college-level to retain the services and social activism of program recipients. (Contains 1 footnote and 5 charts.)

This paper examines whether Hong Kong teachers and students perceived Liberal Studies and its ongoing curriculum review as politically driven during and after the Umbrella Movement, a large-scale civil disobedience campaign that took place in September 2014. The findings presented herein show that both groups disagreed with the claim that Liberal Studies was used as a political instrument to instigate students' participation in the protest movement. Moreover, they also reveal that teachers have maintained their neutrality towards controversial issues related to politics during Liberal Studies lessons. Whilst the participating teachers and students considered the government's proposed reform of Liberal Studies to be politically motivated, they held differing attitudes towards the addition of more China-related elements to the subject. On the basis of these results, this paper analyses the potential role of Liberal Studies in the democratisation of local society. It also provides an indication of the curriculum's dynamic nature, explanation of students' resistance to the review policy and suggestions for the subject's future development.

China is a key player on the global stage, and nearly 300 million Chinese youth stand to be affected by rapid social and ecological transformations. Programs that promote developmental assets in Chinese youth could increase their resilience in the face of contemporary stressors and enhance their capacity to contribute to China's development. In this paper we describe a unique, service-learning approach to youth development, the Jane Goodall Institute's Roots & Shoots program (R&S), as it is implemented in China. Through qualitative and quantitative methods we explore perceptions of program impact on the personal and social development of Chinese youth. Cultural, sociopolitical, and environmental issues related to program practices, outcomes and viability are highlighted. Results suggest that R&S mobilized Chinese youth to work for the benefit of their environment, their communities, and themselves. (Contains 1 figure and 5 tables.)

Previous studies on the translation of sexuality into Chinese have been primarily limited to literary texts and scientific works. In recent years, increasing attention has been paid to the fansubbing of queer audiovisual material into Chinese. Against the backdrop of a global digital expansion of feminist and LGBTQ+ activists, this paper examines the translation of sexuality via social media. It focuses on the translations of JoinFeminism and Zhihe Society, two grassroots groups committed to addressing gender and sexuality issues in China. This paper uses Gideon Toury's translation norms to analyse how the two groups collectively highlight sexuality as a means of resisting the repression of sexuality in the mainstream media. Moreover, it investigates the implications of the groups' gender-sensitive translation and discusses their creation of an alternative sexual discourse. Drawing on insights from various areas of study such as fansubbing, feminist/queer translation and citizen media, this paper argues that the two groups' translations, as a form of self-mediation, contribute to a specific type of feminist/queer activism in China: one that is less obsessed with political rights, but uses translation and social media to disseminate knowledge related to sexual diversity and therefore to create an online counter-discourse on sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports an individual's observations during a trip to China. Argues that the U.S. government and students must learn to understand and appreciate China because of its large population, market potential, and position among major world powers. Discusses personal impressions, the protesters at Tiananmen Square and elsewhere, and reactions to protests. (DK)

The Chinese Communist Party has unleashed a campaign of repression against Turkic minorities residing in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). This campaign does not stop at China's borders. This study introduces the Transnational Repression of Uyghurs Dataset, which contains 7108 cases of Uyghurs being targeted in 44 states from 1997 to 2021, the largest public dataset on transnational repression published to date. Unlike other regimes, the Chinese state has been indiscriminate in its persecution, often pursuing apolitical diaspora members on account of their ethnicity rather than political activism. China's transnational repression of Uyghurs has expanded rapidly in recent years as domestic repression has increased in XUAR. We documented 238 incidents from 1997 to 2014, and an additional 6870 events since 2014. The paper argues that globalization is producing a new trend of transnational minority persecution, offering new insights for our understanding of twenty-first century genocides and minority persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether and how mutual fund activism affects corporate innovation. Using a patent‐based innovation dataset from 2006 to 2017, our finding, which is inconsistent with the managerial myopia hypothesis, reveals that mutual fund intervention is associated with corporate innovation. We propose that mutual fund intervention promotes corporate innovation, proxied by invention patents. In addition, the effect of mutual fund intervention on corporate innovation is more pronounced for non‐state‐owned enterprises (non‐SOEs) than for state‐owned enterprises (SOEs), and that mutual fund intervention is likely to increase firms' portfolio R&D expenditures. Finally, we offer robustness checks and address possible endogeneity concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the background of deepening public finance reforms in China, this paper applies the time-varying parameter techniques to investigate the underlying structural variation in the systematic part of fiscal policy. Although the degree of activism of systematic fiscal policy to inflation is estimated to remain in a mostly stable regime, the findings reveal a trend towards a less systematic and predictable policy behaviour to output stabilization over the past few years. The dynamic relationship implies that the counter-cyclical policy capacity has been attenuated, and systematic fiscal policy becomes less effective at restraining uncertainties about the functioning of the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an essay written soon after the author's return to the United States after teaching at a University in China at the time of the Tiananmen Square tragedy. Explores issues of teaching overseas and the reality of Americans being caught in the midst of political turmoil. Remembers sacrifices made by Chinese students and teachers to test the limits of democracy. (SR)

Contesting the views that overlook the role of ideology in Chinese labour resistance, this paper argues that ideology accounts for variations of labour activism not only in the perception of labour rights but also in goals and tactics. By using the framing theory, the study explores how ideology shapes labour activism in China. It demonstrates that as alternative ideologies are suppressed in society, labour activists have attempted to construct their distinctive action frames through appropriating the official ideology. The fragmentation of the official ideology provides activists with an opportunity to do so. Strategic framing efforts have produced three patterns of labour activism – moderate, liberal, and radical. Activists employ different strategies of framing alignment they consider most fitting for their exploitation of the official discourse and articulation of their narratives. While the three action frames resonate with workers in varying degrees, liberal activism and radical activism are less tolerated by the government because of their advocacy of collective actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-U.S. relations tumbled during the Trump Administration. The talk of decoupling permeated the decision-making circle in Washington D.C. Many factors have contributed to the free fall. The roles Congress has played are undoubtedly one of them. Based on the new institutionalist approach, this study provides three analyses of recent China-related legislative activities. First, the historical analysis of legislative data illustrates a surge in congressional activism on China-related legislative activities. Second, the content analysis reveals some of the triggers in the deterioration of bilateral relations in recent years. Third, the political analysis of the critical congressional players and the structures and procedures Congress created provides some insight into the domestic and political logic of the congressional crusade against China. Finally, the paper ends with assessing the impact of the surge in Congressional activism on the new Biden Administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The May Fourth movement is widely recognized as a watershed within Chinese cultural and political history, but it was also a significant local episode within a global history of science activism. Quaintly idiosyncratic as Chen Duxiu's "two gentlemen," Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science, may appear, they have also animated (in only somewhat less personified form) a transnational "conversation" very much alive today. Focusing on neglected Marxist participants, this paper reconstructs meaningful snatches of that long conversation in China, Russia, Britain, the US, and Japan. It finds that Chinese voices contributed in timely and important ways, especially on the problem of imperialism for science and democracy. It further shows that Marxists, in China and beyond, have shared certain modernist values with their liberal counterparts, including a faith in the democratic potential of universally valid scientific knowledge; however, they have offered highly divergent perspectives on what constitutes democracy and how it relates to science, challenging liberal efforts to separate science from politics and highlighting the contradictions generated by capitalism. A fuller understanding of the significance of Marxist and Chinese contributions to the cumulative discourse on science and democracy, and a livelier engagement with their voices, will help generate more liberatory socio-technical imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how citizens get engaged in networks for civic participation and what affects the initiation, continuity, and impact of an actual action. The case study of the citizens' engagement in rebuilding Enning Road in Guangzhou found that virtual communities expanded people's actual connections; Internet mobilization, owing to its broad connectedness, helped stimulate the initiation of public participation but the shared channel of this type of media lacked in power to start an actual action or to keep the momentum. The existing studies suggested that whether the public attention and discussion based on virtual communities could be transformed into sustainable and influential public participation in action depended upon whether the "issue" itself had its sustainability and also, upon whether the mobilizing "agent" was a rights-protecting group that shared similar interests. The case study reported in this paper, however, found that the off-line "liaison and mobilization mechanisms," as well as their closely related characteristics, were significant factors, too. Connection and mobilization via interpersonal networks pushed virtual discussions into real actions and helped keeping the actions going on, while the open space of the city expanded the actual social and policy influences for such actual civic engagement. The distinction of different liaisons from mobilization mechanisms illustrated in this paper helps the explanation of the civic engagement in contemporary China from the "diachronic" and "differentiated participation" angles. The paper concludes that either interpersonal networking organizations being supplementary to the organization of social groups or the public space opened up by the city being supplementary to the closed nature of the structure of the political system itself is still quite limited in the civic engagement in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the social movement literature, networked organizations are presented as being pivotal to the development of a movement. Yet in authoritarian states, such organizations are perceived as challenging the redline of the state. Hence, the establishment of networked organizations of homeowner activists in urban China and their proliferation to inland cities signifies a changing state-society interaction. This paper attempts to trace the development of homeowner networked organizations using data from in-depth interviews with homeowner activists as well as information collected from the networked organizations. This paper attempts to trace the development of cross-neighborhood networked organizations of homeowners in urban China against the conceptual backcloth of social movement networks and examines the recent development of such networks within the context of the tight social control of the authoritarian regime. This paper helps to shed light on the process by which seemingly neutral, mundane, and isolated small-scale actions involving everyday issues in residential neighborhoods are able to create networked organizations which may have the potential to orchestrate social movement mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Iris Chang published The Rape of Nanking in 1997, exactly sixty years after the Nanjing Massacre, the subtitle The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II, called attention to one of the greatest human tragedies in the twentieth century. As a powerful historic reminder, The Rape of Nanking aims "to understand the event so that lessons can be learned and warnings sounded." This paper focuses on Chang's role as a writer/fighter who uses words to fight forgetfulness with a forceful narrative concerning one of the most dreadful traumas in the collective psyche of the Chinese people. It produces quite a number of "afterlives," including different Chinese translations in Taiwan and mainland China, a nanking winter (2008), a play by the second-generation Chinese Canadian playwright Marjorie Chan, Nanjing Requiem (2011), a novel by the first-generation Chinese American novelist Ha Jin, and The Nanjing Massacre: Poems (2013), a collection of poems by the third-generation Chinese Hawaiian poet Wing Tek Lum. Furthermore, the docudrama Iris Chang: The Rape of Nanking (2007), directed by Bill Spahic and Anne Pick, presents a filmic representation of the short fascinating life of this passionate writer. This paper discusses how Chang, role as a writer and activist, fights against amnesia with remembrance as well as her rich legacy to the world across linguistic, generic, and semiotic boundaries. Chang's text and its afterlives strive to give voice to those nameless war victims as a step towards truth, justice, reconciliation, and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussed are the issues now emerging that seem likely to dominate thinking, planning, and decision-making in the United States and elsewhere during the next decade. These include campus unrest, China as a world economic force, controlling health-care, birth defects, role of the computer in education, and human language/computer language. (RM)

Civil society and environmental NGOs in Russia and China have been facing gradual crackdowns from their governments for the past decade and have been accused of being connected to foreign governments. Due to the changes in political and legal environments and the rise of a new generation of activists, the civil society landscape has been transformed in both countries. Drawing on 14 months of fieldwork, this paper aims to provide an updated account of environmental activism in Russia and China--the post-foreign-funding civil society. It focuses on grass-roots NGOs and their relationships with their foreign donors and the consequences of foreign grant withdrawal. The paper aims to understand how foreign support has shaped the image of environmental activism for the generation born shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the crackdown on the students' protests in Tiananmen Square. It argues that young activists in Russia and China see environmentalism as something 'foreign', which also makes it attractive to take part in. The paper suggests that, while in some cases foreign funding and international linkages may have endangered existing NGOs in Russia and China, the opportunity to meet foreigners attracts the younger generation to environmental movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the politics of possibility for rural activism in reform era China. By periodizing rural reforms from 1990, we explore the political-economic changes that have coalesced in the reform era, and how these changes condition forms and possibilities of activism. We argue that the current modernization-urbanization drive that emerged around 2008 is foreclosing opportunities for the pro-peasant cooperative forms that New Rural Reconstruction activists imagined earlier in the decade. Instead, as the process of capitalist agrarian change deepens in the countryside, food- and farming-related activism now resembles the state's focus on markets and consumption, to the detriment of addressing social relations of production. Without a focus on distributional politics and power, this shift has the potential to further entrench existing inequalities within and across rural and urban spaces. The contextual work undertaken in this paper is currently absent from the emerging literature on China's agrifood transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to existing literature analyzing how public spaces are strategic mobilization resources for activists, we focus on the inconspicuous constraints placed by the state on public spaces that limit their utility as mobilization resources. Employing the spatial dimensions of social movement theory and Althusser's state power theory analyze an activism case in Guangzhou, China, we argue that through everyday spatial governance by the state, public spaces in China are also forms of ideological state apparatuses that latently disrupt activists' attempts to engage in contentious spatial practices to gain resources through media coverage. We further propose the concept of 'spatial inertia', which are durable, routine, and diversified spatial meaning-making practices mediated through media coverage that affect the success of social movements. This paper complements social movement scholarship by examining how the state, through latent processes exercised using public spaces as ideological state apparatuses, competes with and subverts activists' efforts to use these spaces as strategic resources for collective mobilization, especially in authoritarian contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wholesale clearance and eviction that typify China's urban development have often resulted in discontents among urban residents, giving rise to what critics refer to as property rights activism. This paper is an attempt to critically revisit the existing debates on the property rights activism in China. The paper refers to the perspective of the 'right to the city' to examine whose rights count in China's urban development contexts and proposes a cross-class alliance that engages both migrants and local citizens. The alliance itself will have substantial political implications, overcoming the limited level of rights awareness that mainly rests on distributional justice in China. The discussions are supported by an analysis of empirical data from the author's field research in Guangzhou, which examines how local and non-local (migrant) residents view nail-households resisting demolition and forced eviction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the antecedent and contingent causes sparking the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Spurred by two contingent events generating pre-emptive and backlash mobilization, the movement is a spontaneous transformation of the staged Occupy Central campaign. Based on an onsite survey (n = 1681) and in-depth interviews (n = 18), this paper demonstrates how protest experience and social media networked and rallied autonomous individuals from diverse backgrounds to occupy the physical spaces, thereby sustaining a self-mobilized, horizontal and resilient movement. Spontaneity, however, did not come out of nowhere. As an integral part of Hong Kong’s bottom-up activism and ecology, this spontaneous episode encapsulates antecedent events diffusing stalwart actors, decentralized organization and transgressive repertories. This paper situates spontaneity in temporal, spatial and emotional contexts to understand the uncompromising claims and participatory practices of the spectacular occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores critical ways that migrant groups engage in diverse forms of resistance. In this comparative case study, we draw on our longitudinal ethnographic research on migrant groups, particularly those that are characterized as undocumented, with a focus on the ways in which they engage in activism and resistance in China and the United States, respectively. We aim to expand the literature about comparison by asking: how is comparison understood differently through the lens of crisscrossing, and what productive insights can be uncovered through this theoretically informed approach? What implications might crisscrossing have for studying grassroots level resistance from migrants across borders? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how lesbian alternative media developed in China. Under the resource-scarce condition, the lesbian print magazine as an alternative media helps align the isolated lesbian networks when other forms of social media were less prevalent. Using the first and the longest-running lesbian underground print magazine Les+ as my case study, I examine the development of the Chinese lesbian communities and their diversification through the lens of the alternative media. Based on content analysis, I find that the editors engage in three strategies to cultivate a lesbian and queer feminist discursive space: network-building, mutual empowerment, and politicization, which roughly represent three periods of the magazine's development. While these strategies help build momentum for activism, they unintentionally narrow the scope of the magazine that has contributed to the disbandment. I argue that the demise of this alternative media signifies a new ground in the diversified queer feminist movement in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioethics is a practically oriented discipline that developed to address pressing ethical issues arising from developments in the life sciences. Given this inherent practical bent, some form of advocacy or activism seems inherent to the nature of bioethics. However, there are potential tensions between being a bioethics activist, and academic ideals. In academic bioethics, scholarship involves reflection, rigour and the embrace of complexity and uncertainty. These values of scholarship seem to be in tension with being an activist, which requires pragmatism, simplicity, certainty and, above all, action. In this paper I explore this apparent dichotomy, using the case example of my own involvement in international efforts to end forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience in China. I conclude that these tensions can be managed and that academic bioethics requires a willingness to be activist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical research has shown that self-help groups are not purely about individual change and intra-personal empowerment, but also about policy change and collective empowerment. In North America and Europe, such groups have been in the forefront of social change, and self-help represents a new political potential. However, findings of this study of self-help groups in Hong Kong indicate that social change has never been their common objective. In addition, members of the Hong Kong groups feel unable to impact social policies that affect their lives, despite wanting to do so. It is contended in this paper that this feeling of powerlessness among members might be related to the nature, size and length of existence of the self-help groups. It is further argued that self-help groups should form coalitions and seek professional assistance in order to effect social change and to strengthen and broaden their power base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the behavior of NGO activists in China who work on HIV-AIDS and the environment. It finds one major difference: AIDS activists sometimes use a rights-based discourse that upsets the party-state, while environmentalists focus on advancing the agenda of the central government. But the paper notes that activists in both camps tend to police their behavior. They operate in a civil society characterized by political hierarchy and legal uncertainty. They try to gain the benefits that flow from the top of the pyramidal structure in which they operate and avoid the unpredictable punishment heaped upon those who step out of line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the Internet in China mainly focus on issues at the macro level, like state control, democracy or human rights. Few studies have examined the role of the Internet in collective contention from the meso- and micro-level. Guided by the theories of contentious politics and based on documentary data such as news reports, online diaries of participants and postings from homeowners' online forums, this paper examines the role of the Internet in environmental activism in the Xiamen and Panyu cities. It proposes a typology of functional significance of the Internet to collective action as: (1) an information-disclosure platform; (2) a discussion platform; (3) a mobilization structure; and (4) a facilitator in locating external allies. This paper also studies the interplay between online and offline activism and the broader media–political context, and highlights the evolving mechanisms through which the Internet works to contribute to the development of collective resistance. It argues that the seemingly ostensible influence of the Internet has been exaggerated; the Internet's capacity of mobilization at the early stages is rather limited. The state Internet censoring system continues to exert its control, as have the media environment and offline political context, such as public complaint channels and traditional political control measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing literature on transnational activism highlights the contention between the targeted state and the advocacy actors, and the leveraged politics enabled through a third party. Based on an empirical study of transnational activism related to AIDS prevention in China, this paper argues that when the targeted government is not susceptible to inter-governmental pressure or international media exposure, external advocacy actors do not cease to be relevant to domestic politics. On the contrary, their role becomes more crucial under such conditions in terms of both immediate adjustments of practices at the community level and accumulative effects on long-term policy changes. This study has found that international non-governmental organizations and private foundations have employed various types of methods to strategically engage Chinese governmental agencies and officials for urgent relief delivery and opportunity of policy advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural studies, as a cultural and political re-articulation of common sense, knowledge and community practices, aims at opening up new cultural space for criticisms, reflections and action. Originating from the women's movement and later flourishing in the academy as well, feminism espouses similar aims to cultural studies. Both cultural studies and feminist/gender studies have a strong sense of intervening into everyday life politics. This paper is an attempt to discuss how feminism and cultural studies interface with each other, largely based on examples of gender-related everyday life politics taken from the feminist movement in Hong Kong. It will examine issues concerning the conflict of consumption and female subjectivities, the reconceptualization of home and housewives, and the representation of everyday life for women and history writing. It is argued that by blurring, negotiating or deconstructing the boundary or division between positions, identities and domains—such as subject and object, housewives and workers, private and public, personal and political, consumption and production—the re-articulation of knowledge about 'victim', 'exploitation', 'home' and 'history' in the feminist movement will not only provide the movement with new impetus and insight to reconsider its strategies in fighting for more cultural, social and economic space for women and other marginal groups at large in Hong Kong, but will also 'metabolize' the newly developed discipline of cultural studies in Hong Kong by providing a platform to strengthen the dynamic arm of cultural studies education and research. Based on her feminist and teaching experiences in Hong Kong, the author has highlighted activism and pedagogy as the two important dimensions of feminism and cultural studies in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The statement by Chinese intellectuals worldwide in support of the Chinese university students' pro-democracy movement is translated. The statement criticizes corruption in the government and denounces its handling of the movement and the containment of information about it. (MSE)

Discusses the implications for scholarly research of the military action taken by the Chinese government during the recent student protests. Points out practical problems as well as moral issues concerning the resumption of normal scholarly activities in China. Explains the possible effects of China becoming a more closed society. (KO)

This article examines the cultural resilience of the Chinese slash fanfiction subculture. Popular among Chinese youth, the writing and reading of slash are subjected to increasingly stringent regulations due to changes in the political environment. Drawing from the theoretical framework of minor transnationalism, the current study situates the development of the Chinese slash community in the context of post-socialist reform and globalization, arguing that slash fanfiction is a form of non-institutional, border-crossing cultural practice that challenges orthodox heteronormativity in nationalistic discourses. Foregrounding the double-edge-sword role of digital platforms, this article dissects the cultural resilience of the Chinese slash community—manifested as various strategies in keeping the viability of their cultural practices, including cultural enclosure, border-crossing platform-switching, and social media activism. This article contributes to the study of subcultures by bringing a transnational perspective that focuses on continuous, resilient cultural practices in negotiations of alternative cultural and political agendas. Methodologically, it also contributes to social media ethnographic research by testing out a comprehensive toolkit that combines close reading with computational text-mining and visual network analysis in the analysis of multimodal social media discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discourse of ‘rights defence’ (weiquan), referring to the grassroots’ struggle for legal redress after their lawful interests are encroached upon, has gained increasing popularity in China in the last two decades. Given the ubiquity of the Internet nowadays, rights defence activities also take place online; in a small number of cases, they develop into a form of online activism. But what determines or contributes to the online visibility of some rights defence cases and the invisibility of others? In this paper, we investigate this by examining three highly visible workers’ rights defence campaigns in comparison with three similar cases that received almost no attention. Analysing the variousactorsinvolved, we argue that online rights defence tends to become visible and develop into online activism when one key actor, thestate,which ought to be an impartial source of justice, is perceived to be collusive or to be playing an active role in the encroachment of people's rights and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]