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Social media and digital platforms have become essential tools for the new generation of youth activists. However, these tools subject youth to both new (and old) forms of surveillance and control. Drawing on in-depth interviews and social media walkthroughs with 61 youth activists, I examine hybrid tactics that these youth employ to resist surveillance and other forms of digitally mediated control as they participate in politics and social movements. I show that even in democracies like the United States and Canada, for individuals along intersecting axes of marginalization (e.g. race, gender), public political acts do not capture the full range of young people's political repertoires. Young people, especially those from marginalized groups, adopt hidden, under-the-radar tactics in response to pressures of social, state, and corporate surveillance. I develop the concept of "digital infrapolitics" referring to the ways in which digital politics and activism go below the radar under surveillance and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the dynamics of father-children relationships in conflict management during and after the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong. In-depth interviews with 17 fathers and 21 activists revealed how authoritarian approaches to fatherhood influence family conflict outcomes against the backdrop of social upheaval during and after the 2019 protests in Hong Kong. A conceptual framework of intimacy and face (mianzi or lian) enriches the discussion of fatherhood roles, father-children conflict management, and how participation in social movements affects their relationships. The construct of fatherhood is variable, changing, and relational, and it involves intimacy and face for father-son/daughter relationships to remain healthy during political conflicts. Hong Kong presents a unique case of evolving fatherhood, parent-child relationships, and family dynamics where the link between gender and social movement participation is extended beyond political-economic processes. This article contributes to the literature on the intergenerational dialogue between fathers and their activist children outside a Western context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general body of literature on the theology of liberation tends to focus either on ecclesiastical debate, theological intricacies, or discussion within the church. Not much attention is paid to the empirical investigation of how civil society members might be influencing the rhetoric of the local church. This article takes a different approach and explores how liberation movements in Ukraine and Hong Kong inform and inspire elements of the theology of social justice within local Catholic communities through bringing to life their social dreams and engaging the churches in action. Looking at how churches and activists interact in the aftermath of the Euromaidan and the Umbrella Movement, we explore how grassroots activists approach religious hierarchies and how, in these circumstances, the clergy of the churches might be pressured into maneuvering between the social dreams of civil society and the Vatican. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisiting the concept of the social movement society, we see the development of new media and datafication creating unanticipated challenges and constraints, in effect, new and different opportunities. The wired world reduces the costs of spreading information and mobilizing action, but also creates additional risks. I review the premises and blindspots of the 'social movement society' hypothesis, initially offered by David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow,' and then consider how new technologies affect strategies and possibilities for activists, as well as stakes and targets of activists. The conclusion raises issues of inequality and representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers are increasingly recognizing that social movements are crucial for realizing deliberative democratic values. However, this raises two important questions: (1) what actions should count as deliberation and (2) whether we should demand more from activists than merely provoking or encouraging deliberation in a society. Building on current research on activists' actual engagement with deliberation, we argue that the standard of taking a "deliberative stance" (being respectful, sincere, and public-minded) is a good starting point for addressing both questions. By taking a deliberative stance, movements benefit from deliberation themselves and contribute to deliberative systems. However, we should also acknowledge that forms of deliberation change, and discovering new forms is a crucial part of what movements do for democracy. We propose to adopt a principle we call "reflective inclusion," which allows us to engage abductively with new actions that might expand and deepen our understanding of what deliberation may look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how young activists in Portugal and Finland negotiate the value of social media in their practices. Considering the near ubiquitous intertwinement of online-offline environments, and its contradictory promises for social movements, we look at these negotiations through the moral principles drawn upon to critique and justify social media practices. Based on ethnographic data from Portuguese climate activists and Finnish mental health activists, we build on pragmatist sociology as an analytical frame to investigate value and meaning-making within these social movements. Results show how activists predominantly criticize social media for its fame-valued logic, which they consider leading to the individualization and depoliticization of communication and the 'marketization' of messages and practices. These challenges are managed with reference to the groups' civic values through two sets of practices: 1) grounding the online and 2) repurposing individualism. Yet these practices reveal different compromise strategies in each country to accommodate social media demands and core group values, highlighting different interpretations of civic values that materialize in competing stances in relation to 'political' content and 'individual' action. We argue that an analytical framework focusing on values as they unfold in everyday practices is particularly apt to understanding meaning construction in social movements, whose very essence is the evaluation and critique of existing justifications within certain socio-political arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent climate activism has played a key role in denouncing the unsustainability of representative democracy. Previous research has investigated the attitudes of climate activists towards representative institutions along the conceptual distinction between 'environmental' and 'ecological' democracy. Yet, little attention has been paid to climate activists' critique of capitalism and how it relates to demands for democratic reform. Our paper addresses this gap by conducting a mixed-method analysis of protest survey data collected in Belgium in 2019. Our findings show that activists display low levels of trust towards representative institutions, but still abide by the ideals of environmental democracy within the boundaries of existing institutions. At the same time, we observe a widespread critique of capitalism, signaling attraction towards the ideals of ecological democracy. Overall, our findings challenge the binary distinction between environmental versus ecological democracy, and raises normative questions about the role of environmental social movements in economic and democratic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislative allies are widely recognized as key to social movement success, but the emergence of their alliance with activists remains understudied. This article proposes a strategic approach to this phenomenon based on the cases of the environmental, labor, and LGBT+ movements in Chile and their allied legislators. According to this approach, an alliance emerges due to two necessary conditions. Movement organizations must display tactical capacity, which signals their adaptability and competence to participate in Congress. And a socially skilled leadership creates the trust required for movement leaders and legislators to cooperate during the lawmaking process. This approach emphasizes that alliances emerge from activists' strategic efforts to build a social tie, whose effectiveness is mediated by legislators' expectations and congressional norms. By specifying the strategic dimension of an alliance, this study highlights the capacity of activists to foster cooperative relations with state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yoonkyung Lee's book, "Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in South Korea," explores the gap between strong social movements and weak political parties in South Korean politics. Lee argues that the capacity for collective action among political actors in different organizations has shaped the outcomes of social movements and political parties. The book examines the post-1987 political developments in South Korea, particularly the roles played by former student activists and revolutionaries. It also challenges the assumption that weak party politics indicates underdeveloped democracy and provides a balanced perspective on the challenges and achievements of the 586 generation. The book suggests that multiple pathways exist for democratic politics and that South Korea's case should not be evaluated from a Western-centric view. However, the analysis could be extended to include the role of conservative conversions in undermining progressive political reforms. The book emphasizes the importance of expanding the capacity for collective action and building solidarity infrastructures to strengthen democracy. Overall, "Between the Streets and the Assembly" provides valuable insights into the legacies of the democracy movement, the interactions between political parties and social movement organizations, and postauthoritarian developments in South Korea. [Extracted from the article]

What is the influence of early life trajectories, filled with experiences, encounters and emotions, on young to-be activists? Based on qualitative research done for the project "ArtCitizenship -- youth and the arts of citizenship: creative practices, participatory culture and activism" (2019-2022), this article looks into individual trajectories, during childhood and youth, of 30 activists in Portugal. The collected data presents a set of "before activism" categories that reveal the importance of including early-life experiences to better understand future involvement with activism and social movements. One is not born an activist, actions for a given cause are a response to cumulative interactions and emotions felt from very early years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a nuanced explanation of the ways in which the ordinary activists engage with the Korean peacebuilding. By undertaking three years of field research and analyzing the collected data, we have found that two aspects of the engagement are of great importance. First, the ordinary activists understand peacebuilding as an embodiment of everyday identity and language. Second, they make use of peacebuilding as a realization of ordinary people power. Both aspects reflect the people's subjective reasoning of who they are and what they can do in their conflict-affected daily lives. The findings are expected to flesh out the ongoing conversation of people-centred or everyday peacebuilding in the Korean peninsula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young girls have historically been symbols to be conjured by social movements to garner sympathy for social causes, but are frequently silenced as political agents. This study addresses the celebrification of non-celebrity girls such as Emma González, Greta Thunberg, and Marley Dias and analyzes how backlash politics promote their fame. Some ordinary girls become celebrity activists in part because the trolling and negative media coverage helps propel their visibility, while others enjoy relatively positive experiences with fame. Both of these types of representations of celebrity girl activists - whether fueled by backlash or not -can serve as cautionary tales or as inspiration for girls who wish to engage in activism. Through an intersectional feminist lens, I address the complex social media narratives that emerge about girl empowerment and negotiation of risk - emphasis on self-care and struggle - when girls are famous activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines Georgi Plekhanov, founder of the Russian Marxist movement and a supposed exemplar of "vulgar Marxism." It analyses Plekhanov's formulation of a Marxist aesthetic, interrogating the widespread image of Plekhanov's "vulgar" focus on economic determinism and his neglect of cultural forces' influence on revolutionary praxis, locating him instead within a fuller history of Marxist thought. A contextualization of Plekhanov's fin-de-siecle writings on art demonstrates that these texts were effectively a component of his contemporary polemics against critics of Marxist theory, and that within them he was pursuing his polemical agenda of criticizing Kantian philosophy and defending Marxist materialism. These dual aims manifested in Plekhanov's rejection of the Kantian notion of aesthetic disinterestedness and a stress on the formative role class conflict exerted on artistic creation, ultimately resulting in his formulation of an original aesthetic theory prescribing political commitment and thus mobilizing artworks towards revolutionary ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barndt commends Allen most of all for how her example prompts us to consider and choose among many possible ways of pursuing both intellectual insights and the achievement of common goods, rather than presenting Allen's way as the model that all political theorists, much less all academics, should follow. Keywords: Danielle Allen; democracy; justice; civic education; human well-being EN Danielle Allen democracy justice civic education human well-being 836 843 8 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 When I entered graduate school at Harvard in 1975 as part of a strongly felt but ill-specified quest for personal and political meaning, I had no clear sense of what constituted "academic success.". [Extracted from the article]

The extensive participation of secondary school students was one of the features that characterized Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement. Lacking the power and resources enjoyed by adults, how do these teenagers organize protest actions? While recent scholarship focuses on how recent youth activism is facilitated by the prevalent use of social media, this article argues that digitally-based, informal social movement groups formed by student activists played a crucial role in unleashing teenage youth's social capital. By activating their schools' alumni networks, school reputation and joint-school ties, these digitally-based groups initiated a wide array of collective actions that mobilized scores of teenagers. However, despite forming a decentralized structure, these groups were unequal in terms of their mobilization power. Reputable schools with strong alumni networks and joint-school linkages are more capable of shaping movement narratives and mobilizing territory-wide protest actions. In contrast, schools with weaker social capital are more likely to organize actions with neighbouring schools within local districts and rely on external help. Our findings contribute to social movement studies by demonstrating how teenage youth engage in protests and how informal, Internet-initiated protest organizations play a crucial role in shaping movement dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note discusses a study conducted on youth climate activists in British Columbia between 2018 and 2021. The findings reveal that these activists are highly concerned about climate change, critical of the government's policy approach, and supportive of civil disobedience. They prioritize climate change as a significant issue and recognize its interconnectedness with other social justice issues. The majority of respondents were unsupportive of Canada's current climate policies and expressed support for aggressive policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. They also recognized the need for Canada's economy to transition away from fossil fuel extraction. The study highlights the important role of youth in mobilizing action on climate change. [Extracted from the article]

An emerging literature on 'new municipalism' has identified attempts not only to transform local state functions to respond to the urban crises of neoliberal austerity, but also to transform the structure and practices of the state itself, embedding democratic processes into local government. This article utilises the historical experience of the 'new urban left' within the Greater London Council (GLC) from 1981 to 1986 to explore the internal dynamics of state transformation in a context of municipal activism. It situates the GLC's progressive policy responses to the urban crises of the early 1980s within a more quotidian project of state remaking, in which activists worked in-and-against the established political cultures and practices of the local state. The new urban left's transformative, rather than simply instrumental, approach to the local state – rooted in the democratic politics of progressive social movements – challenges straightforward dichotomies between state and society. The article frames these nascent municipalist characteristics with a theoretical argument based on an autonomist-Marxist account of the state as a form of social relations, one that emphasises how capitalist crises pivot on the internal contradictions of labour. This reading directs theoretical attention to the 'prosaic' labour of state officials, and the article thus considers the quotidian experience of politicised officials in the GLC, whose activity blurred boundaries between political activism and professional labour. The practical contradictions involved in such forms of 'activist state-work'– working within bureaucratic and legal limits, experimenting with new organisational forms, and negotiating contested workplace subjectivities – reveal forms of boundary-bridging between activism and statehood that highlight the potentially transformative dynamics within the labour of local governance. This unstable tightrope-walk between bureaucratic constraint and political agency at the nexus of state-work contributes to new municipalist thinking about reshaping the conduct of urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transformative professional learning is connected to educational and social transformation and possibilities for critical forms of teacher professionalism. Examining and fostering this connection requires greater conceptual clarity about these constructs and how they are enacted. A conceptual review, combining narrative and systematic methods, was undertaken of research on transformative professional learning that embraced educational and social change, and of accounts of professional learning associated with critical forms of professionalism: activist, transformative, and democratic. A common analytical framework was used consisting of modes of professional learning, educational purpose, knowledge, sociality, agency, and material and systemic arrangements. The conceptual framework used in this review has wider potential for analysing professional learning and its outcomes. The review indicates that transformative professional learning is under-theorised with accounts emphasising only one or two features, usually agency, collaboration, or educational purpose. We argue that transformative professional learning should be grounded, additionally, in clarity about purpose, knowledge, and the relationship to knowledge that is developed. Different possibilities for enacting professional learning are identified that can foster critical teacher professionalism, including those rooted in teacher activism connected to wider social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on addressing the ongoing genocide in Palestine, highlighting the atrocities committed by Israel and the complicity of the U.S. Topics include the indiscriminate bombing, civilian casualties, and targeted attacks, as well as the complicity of the U.S. through military aid and suppression of criticism.

Under which conditions do movement actors have influence over legislation? Theory suggests that allies are important, but research findings are mixed. This study argues that if allies are conceptualized following an interactionist approach, they can be crucial. This study develops a new operationalization of movement allies and appraises it by examining the influence of LGBT and labor activists and their legislative allies on the approval of bill amendments in Chile. Using logistic regressions with clustered errors on 1,669 bill amendments, complemented with archival data and interviews with activists and members of congress, findings show that legislative allies have a positive effect on the passage of amendments. Moreover, their profile as social movement supporters gives legislative allies the influence to modify the content of bills when political conditions expand. These findings highlight the advantage of using an interactionist approach to identify legislative allies for movements and the value of analyzing amendments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ronald Reagan's landslide 1984 reelection isolated urban centers in the United States as sites of domestic resistance to Reagan's ascendant conservative hegemony. Black (and Latine and queer White) artists and activists located in major cities who rejected (and were rejected by) the "Reagan Revolution" contested their symbolic erasure from the polity by establishing conceptual spaces—sonic, literary, organizational, and otherwise—where they might defy the assertions of US right-wing conservatism. Musicians Tracy Chapman and Chuck D (Carlton Ridenhour) of the hip-hop group Public Enemy exemplify the choice that some Black artists made to produce politicized art that sought to refute conservative rhetoric. Chapman and Chuck D mobilize a sonic counterpolitics of nostalgia that allowed them to connect the messages embedded in their music to sounds associated with important social movements from the recent past in order to resist the conservative politics that dominated the Black 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Part one: Ari's intellectual journey Ari arrived in South Africa in 1972 from Cyprus at the age of twenty to join his parents who had immigrated to South Africa. Ari Sitas, in his response in this special issue, divides his working life into two parts: 'If the first direction of my work was all about a new labour studies, the second has been historical, starting from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and in the last few years moving deeper into the eighth, tracing narratives from "that" then to the fifteenth century in AfroAsia ... What opened all this up', he continues, 'was creative work in poetry and music between Indian and South African creative pioneers'. It is this creative tension between Ari as social scientist and Ari as artist, and Ari as a deeply committed (South) African and Ari as a passionate cosmopolitan, that has made his career such an exceptional and innovative one. In Keim's contribution to this special issue, she returns to her argument that Ari was a central part of a counter-hegemonic sociology and traces how Ari was crucial to her conceptualisation of her earlier argument. [Extracted from the article]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What characterizes the administrators (or admins) of social media groups dedicated to social change and protest against institutional injustices? The article analyses the characteristics of such admins using the activism for justice for Roman Zadorov in Israel as a case study. The findings demonstrate a phenomenon of 'ad-hoc activism': The background of the admins is heterogeneous, with most having no history of activism before their involvement in the activism for justice for Zadorov. In addition, these admins have negligible involvement other activism causes – they gather 'ad hoc' only through justice for Zadorov activism. The socio-demographic and other characteristics of the admins are discussed. Implications regarding the character of contemporary online activism and of the people leading it are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karl Marx's insistence that "the weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses,"[1] clearly applies to the role of Ruth Wilson Gilmore's theoretical interventions in promoting the entrance of antiprison and antipolice abolitionist ideas into mainstream discourse. The imperative to acknowledge how contemporary capitalism remains racial capitalism in no smaller degree now than during the periods of colonialism and slavery protects us from analytic myopia and its deceptive moves - for example, that racism can be excised from future history, leaving the system of capitalism undisturbed. 4 Ruth Wilson Gilmore, I Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California i (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007). [Extracted from the article]

What do those seeking social change stand to gain or lose when they turn to litigation? Scholars of legal mobilization have addressed how litigation can shape social movements through its indirect effects, as going to court can unite, mobilize, or legitimize activists and their opponents. But these previous studies tend to disregard the nuts and bolts of litigation, instead focusing on judicial decisions or treating lawsuits as monolithic events. In contrast, this Note attends to the process of litigation in all its complexity, arguing that particular elements of litigation— namely claiming, discovery, and record building—are critical sources of indirect effects. This Note further argues that while such elements offer activists distinctive opportunities to draw extralegal benefits from legal action, these benefits are enabled and constrained by the procedural rules and norms that structure litigation. By constructing a new approach to legal mobilization that highlights the centrality of procedure, this Note challenges the terms of the debate over the utility of courts to social movemen [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What accounts for the survival and long‐term participation of activists in contentious movements under repression? I argue for the role of an important yet oft‐neglected factor: protective support by civilian bystanders. I propose that, mainly motivated by victim‐oriented sympathy, bystanders engage in high‐risk protection that helps activists to escape crackdowns and bolsters their dedication to the movement. To test my theoretical claims, I examine hard cases for activist survival at the height of state violence during military rule in Myanmar between 1988 and 2010, with an original qualitative data set consisting of oral history interviews and written accounts by more than 100 protest observers and former pro‐democracy activists. The data set presents an unprecedented number of voices from the average, non‐contentious general public, which are mostly missing in existing research on social movements. This approach generates a fresh perspective to better understand opportunities and constraints around movement entrepreneurs in hostile environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims of structural injustice are difficult to hear for those in positions of social advantage, where listening and response are needed most. Most activist strategies focus primarily on "disruptive" politics, which exerts pressure on decision-makers via a pragmatics of directness, expediency, and force. This paper argues that the particular "structures of feeling" that make listening difficult for advantaged groups call for a different kind of activism. It draws on interdisciplinary expertise from four sectors effective in fostering listening in the face of challenge – conflict mediation, therapy, education, and performance – to articulate three common features that enable transformation in these sites. Each of these more "poetic" qualities runs counter to the logic of most activist politics, and holds significant potential for civic interventions that seek to open closures and soften resistances to claims of structural injustice among socially advantaged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every year, the caucus for critical political science of the American Association of Political Science grants the Richard Cloward and Frances Fox Piven Award to an activist group in the region of the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association (APSA). In 2022, APSA took place in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. This year's recipient of the award is Hoodstock, a movement-based organization that aims to eliminate systemic inequalities and build supportive, inclusive, safe, and vibrant communities. The author and interviewer is a graduate student in Political Science at McGill University where she conducted fieldwork on people power and intersectional organizing in Montreal. In the following piece, she interviews one of the cofounders of Hoodstock. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Black student activism in the context of the Black activist-intellectual tradition. It explores activism as a form of learning. Examining the Black Student Movement in Los Angeles from 1965 to 1975 in the context of student engagement and high impact educational practices reveals that (1) it is appropriate to analyze the Black Student Movement, and related social movements, in the context of student engagement and high impact practices highlighting the intellectual agency of Black student activists, and (2) that the Black Student Movement of the 1960s and 70 s were part of the Black activist-intellectual tradition requiring a reconceptualization of Black student activists as intellectuals. This case study draws upon autobiographies and semi-structured interviews of former Black student activists illustrating that activism is an intellectually and academically enriching activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of women human rights defenders (WHRDs) is not sufficiently studied in the dynamics of social movements nor are the actions of civil society organisations. Nevertheless, WHRDs of migrants in Mexico are essential in defence of human rights and in providing psycho-legal assistance, especially for the most unprotected populations, such as migrants in immigration detention and people who have been victims of crime in transit through Mexico. Moreover, WHRDs' work contexts and activist trajectories are closely related to migration policies. Mexico has historically been a point of origin for migration to the United States. However, it has become a country of transit, return, and destination in the last 20 years. Therefore, there is a great diversity of origins and trajectories of WHRDs. We analyse the life trajectories of five migrant WHRDs to show how the process of becoming an activist and the distinct forms of activism in the migrant's rights movement in Mexico are highly influenced by the growing criminalisation and restrictive immigration policies both in Mexico and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several articles published within issue on topics including the relevance of the Movement for Black Lives' intersectional approach and rejection of state punishment.

In early 1970s Hong Kong, independently made documentaries were rare. The first time the film was officially exhibited in Hong Kong was at the 1988 edition of the Hong Kong International Film Festival, where it played as part of a retrospective that included newsreels and short documentaries about Hong Kong. [Extracted from the article]

This article accounts for the hybrid transformations of the Tunisian Islamist movement. While most of the literature affirms the end of Political Islam in Tunisia through evidence of the Ennahda's compromise with secular forces and the decision to keep politics separate from religion, this contribution offers a new perspective by shifting the unit of analysis from the political party to civil society actors. Findings show that, due to new opportunities and constraints that characterise the transition process, Islamist activists engaged in the associations have embarked on various trajectories that transform their relationship with the political party, and more generally with politics. This article examines three relational logics involving Islamist activists engaged in the associational field and the political party: professional empowerment, party complementarity and political challenge. The three logics trace a hybrid dynamic of reconfiguration of the Tunisian Islamist movement that challenges binary interpretations of transformation based on the dichotomy of radicalisation/moderation or on teleological narratives that foretell the end of political Islam in Tunisia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an ethnographic study of the Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH; Platform of People Affected by Mortgages) social movement in Lleida (Spain), this article analyzes the role of activist capital within the movement. Detecting the forms that capital takes among the agents makes it possible to delimit the internal power positions occupied by the participants. Depending on who occupies these positions of power, different internal and external formats and strategies are adopted by the movement, which modifies its trajectory. Thus, depending on this variable, we can determine what position the social movement has occupied in each historical moment in the space of social movements. The article applies the theoretical tools of activist capital and the space of social movements to understand how movements function internally and what power relations are produced between activists, and in this way it analyzes and breaks down the formats that this activist capital adopts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonviolent campaigns against repressive regimes often turn on the military's decision to either defend the ruler or make common cause with the ruled. Yet surprisingly little scholarship investigates opposition expectations for the military's likely response to mass protest. We theorize that some determinants of the military's willingness to repress are more observable to activists than others. In particular, we identify conscription as a highly salient indicator that soldiers will refuse to fire on protesters and hypothesize that nonviolent campaigns are more likely to materialize against regimes with conscripted armies than those with volunteer forces. We substantiate this theory with two sources of evidence: (1) a survey experiment conducted during the 2019 Algerian Revolution and (2) a cross-national analysis of the positive association between conscription and nonviolent campaign onset from 1945 to 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I unpack how youth organizers became politicized activists through their engagement in the prefigurative practices of the fair trade movement. Prefiguration refers to the practices of a movement that are embedded in and reproduce their shared political visions; prefigurative politics allows social movement groups to embody their politics through their interactional practices, their tactical repertoires, and their outwardly oriented campaigns. As novices within United Students for Fair Trade (USFT), through their immersion in the organization's community of practice and their increasing participation in the prefigurative practices of the community, participants came to identify as and be identified as activists, shift their worldviews, and adopt new political philosophies. This paper examines the activist practices that supported legitimate peripheral participation, including group agreements, keeping stack, and antioppression interventions. The article concludes with a discussion of the ways that prefigurative politics enabled particular activist identities and philosophies and encourages further investigation into political identity development as a learning phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of environmental activism in the Czech Republic since the country joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. We argue that even under similar contextual conditions political activists come up with and develop their course of action and strategies on the basis of their strategic capacity and do not necessarily follow a uniform pattern determined by the given contextual settings. In this respect, in addition to bringing a new analysis of post-accession activism in the Czech Republic, the article argues for an actor-centred understanding of political activism and social movements. Since the field of social movement studies is still dominated by the structuralist understanding of activism, this forms a relevant contribution to the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to propose principles and dimensions for the analysis of the relations between social movements and political parties. The examination of this phenomenon highlights how trajectories of interaction and intersection between those actors are sedimented in party and electoral fits that are mobilized by activists to influence public policies. The proposal is applied to the study of interactions between the LGBT+ movement and the Worker's Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 30 years, remarkable efforts have been made to understand and support children and young people's participation rights outlined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Despite these efforts, challenges remain consistently the same, such as tokenism, lack of sustainability, and accountability. This article reviews the progress and challenges for children and young people's participation. It then considers the potential of activism as a relatively novel concept for the children's rights field. Drawing on activism literature more generally, and considering examples of child activism, the article explores the potential of identity politics and social movements to challenge adult power, growing on-line activism and tensions between best interests, protection and participation. The article concludes that activism recognises children as political actors and problem solvers. The article develops the idea of an 'ecology of participation', which values respectful intergenerational relationships that develop 'critical social capital' for child activism and multiple participation forms - ranging from the more conventional, to protest, to transformation. This more extended conceptualisation of children and young people's participation builds on all the participation rights within the UNCRC, recognising them as minimum standards rather than final destinations, to create more expansive understandings and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of social movements have often focused on mobilisation and campaigning; by comparison, demobilisation has received little attention. This article adds to the body of literature on demobilisation by examining one case of demonstration campaign demobilisation. The 'Hess Gedenkmarsch' campaign in Germany, initiated in the late 1980s and demobilised by the mid-1990s, is not only a case of a causal mechanism of demobilisation, but also particularly important within far-right social movement activity: it was the vanguard campaign in a emergent pattern of 'demonstration politics' by far-right groups in Germany. The case exhibits a process whereby anti-far-right activists effectively engaged in a sort of kamikaze counter-mobilisation, seeking to shut down far-right events; this, in turn, spurred state authorities to act, imposing coercive measures that demobilised the far-right campaign. This case illustrates a causal mechanism of negative demobilisation that can be observed in other demonstration campaigns, and is particularly relevant to other cases of far-right activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In "FaultLines: The Social Justice Movement and Evangelicalism's Looming Catastrophe" by Voddie T. Bauchman Jr., the author explores the origins and impact of Critical Social Justice (CSJ) on the social justice movement. Bauchman argues that the CSJ worldview divides people into oppressors and the oppressed, and he cautions Christians to be aware of its influence. He criticizes influential evangelicals who have embraced the social justice movement and offers forgiveness as a solution to racism. Bauchman draws from diverse sources and personal experiences to support his arguments. The book provides strategies for restoring biblical principles and mitigating the impacts of the social justice movement. [Extracted from the article]

Seeking to engage with scholars and activists who call for lawyer solidarity with social movements, this Essay considers professional ethics constraints on what a lawyer can justifiably do on behalf of clients in the name of solidarity with a movement. I consider whether the concept of solidarity, especially solidarity in the face of legal repression, justifies a movement lawyer in using tactics that would otherwise be grounds for legal prosecution, professional discipline, or moral condemnation. Drawing on the long history of legal repression of progressive activism, including repression of progressive lawyers, this Essay proposes a way to think about lawyers aligning themselves with client activism while acknowledging the attraction to the notion that the lawyer's role as counselor or adviser does not permit lawyer involvement in conduct that is immoral, unfair, or of doubtful legality. I test my argument about when lawyers may assist clients in conduct at the bounds of legality by considering bar discipline of lawyers involved with former President Trump's litigation seeking to invalidate the results of the 2020 election with the January 6 rally preceding the assault on the Capitol building. I then return to the challenges facing lawyers working with Left social movements today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When studying digital protest, researchers generally focus on the linguistic content produced by activists and supporters. The images associated with this content, however, are not given equal attention. This study will attempt to assess the role that images play in the narratives of activists who are not addressing issues explicitly tied to the physical body. I analyze the digital content of two social movements: 'The Occupy Wall Street Movement' and 'The Swan Queen Movement'. Discourse analysis, both linguistic and visual, of the social media content (Tumblr specifically) from the movements reveals that these images serve the purposes of embodiment. This contradicts much of the literature on the Internet and embodiment, which posits that the Internet better serves the purposes of disembodiment and disconnection from consistent identity practices. I argue that this work sheds light on how activists are re-defining what it means to be embodied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Between the Streets and the Assembly: Social Movements, Political Parties, and Democracy in Korea" by Yoonkyung Lee is a book that explores the pathways through which reform agendas can be realized in Korean politics. The author examines three trajectories taken by former pro-democracy activists: remaining in the social movement sector, joining centrist parties as politicians, and establishing progressive parties. The book provides a historical background of Korean party politics and civil society, and discusses the interplay between social movements and institutional politics. It also highlights the challenges faced by progressive politics and emphasizes the importance of not neglecting the most vulnerable people in society. [Extracted from the article]