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The article discusses the leadership of The Alpha Omega International Dental Fraternity (AO) as of March 2010, including information on the author's tenure as the International President of AO, as well as an examination of her history with AO which includes her father-in-law Eli Brody's appointment as International President in 1974 at an AO convention in San Diego, California. She also mentions her own experiences with anti-Semitism in the U.S., as well as those of her family members.

Based on contemporary press articles and applying a comparative methodology, this study examines the responses of important British and American quality papers to the unfolding of Nazi anti-Semitism from September 1930 until April 1933. Besides reconstructing and comparing the press coverage, the study seeks to explain the patterns beneath the journalistic perceptions and interpretations of Nazi anti-Semitism in the liberal democracies. During the final years of the Weimar Republic the papers reported fully and critically on Nazi anti-Semitism, yet they underestimated its radical nature. The extent of the assault on the Jews following Hitler's seizure of power therefore surprised British and American observers. Between 30 January 1933 and the anti-Jewish boycott of 1 April 1933 the journalists struggled to grasp the nature of Nazi anti-Semitism and the role of Hitler therein. Ultimately, their reading of events in Germany was preconditioned by their own liberal democratic outlook. Even if they reached differing conclusions, they were united in their conviction that Hitler and the Nazis would not dare to continue their anti-Semitic campaign in the face of adverse ‘world opinion’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the reporting of Nazi antisemitism and antisemitic violence by newspapers and journalists in North Carolina, focusing specifically on press coverage of Kristallnacht, a Nazi-led attack on Jewish-owned businesses and property throughout Germany. The author is also more generally interested in U.S. public opinion concerning German antisemitism and the Holocaust. While North Carolina periodicals are the focus of the article, the author also engages with reports in New York, California, and Wisconsin newspapers. Papers discussed include the "Greensboro Daily News," the "Charlotte Observer," and the "Wilmington Morning Star."

The article talks about military officer William Eaton and the early national Antisemitism in U.S. Topics include American tolerance for Jews, criticism of Jewish religious practices, treaty negotiations in U.S., and activities of the Algerian Jews. The article also discusses the relations between Jews and Catholics. Also noted is the war between Tripoli and U.S. in 1801.

The Jewish peoples have endured thousands of years of discrimination and subjugation, yet during this new millennium, Jews and antisemitism are conspicuously absent from university ethnic studies classroom discourse in the United States. Those scholars, determined to penetrate the walls of the multicultural education stronghold, are met with an ebb and flow of silence and vociferous resistance. A primary rationale for multiculturalists ignoring antisemitism appears to be the Zionist question and how they, themselves, perceive Israel's relationship with Palestine. This qualitative case study analyzed interviews of six prominent scholars in the areas of multiculturalism, history, and Judaism through a critical pedagogical lens. Throughout this paper, the author explores his personal experiences in regard to educational multiculturalists and the dismissal of Jews as a persecuted group. From discourse analysis of themes and recurrent meanings in the data, it is evident that the majority of study participants believe that Israel's behavior toward the Palestinians is unacceptable, yet that does not justify the large-scale generalizations of the Jewish people in the United States. As a result, this paper argues for the inclusion of the Jewish experience into university multicultural discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2016, a series of horrific acts motivated by antisemitism appear to have caused a fundamental shift in the prevalence of antisemitism in the United States. Little is known, however, about how the events during this time have affected the day-to-day experiences and concerns of American Jews. Using repeated cross-sectional data from surveys of Jewish young adults who applied to Birthright Israel, this paper analyzes recent trends in Jewish young adults' experiences and perceptions of antisemitism. Despite the high-profile incidents during this period, there is no evidence of a major increase in experiences of antisemitic harassment among Jewish young adults—either on or off campus—between 2017 and 2019. At the same time, data show a substantial increase in concerns among young Jews about antisemitism in the United States and on college campuses, with concerns about antisemitism in the United States (but not on campus) being especially concentrated among liberal Jews. These results suggest that Jewish concerns about antisemitism are linked to broader views about the climate for marginalized populations in the United States. They also point to growing Jewish anxieties over violence, safety, and acceptance in the United States. In an era of widely disseminated antisemitic conspiracy theories, even young Jews who have no first-hand experience of antisemitic harassment have become concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism, one of the oldest forms of prejudice and oppression is surging throughout the world. It ranges from verbal abuse to the destruction of property to murder. In the last two years, attacks against Jews in the United States were the overwhelming target of religion-based hate crimes. Stereotypes and myths continue to fuel prejudice and antisemitism in society. Factors such as anti-Israel sentiments, remarks by persons in power, the use of social media, white nationalism, and even the Covid 19 pandemic have contributed to its escalation. As a result of the increasing violence, the U.S. legislature held a hearing on confronting antisemitic terrorism with one outcome being that social workers and community advocates were needed to join law enforcement in the effort to heal and work for justice. Social work with its mandate to promote social justice and human rights and challenge oppression cannot ignore antisemitism and its impact on individuals and societies. However, the subject is basically ignored in the curriculum. This paper offers a brief history of antisemitism and presents guidelines and models for integrating it into social work programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study documents the news reporting of Edward J. Meeman (1889–1966), who was among the first reporters from the Scripps-Howard newspaper chain to visit Germany after the Nazis consolidated their power in the summer of 1933. The completeness of the record surrounding Meeman's month-long visit makes his reporting from Germany an excellent way to examine the issues that visiting US journalists faced in the earliest days of the Nazi dictatorship and the quality of information they could obtain about the regime. This paper, in particular, contributes to our understanding of how much of Nazi Germany's anti-Semitic foundations were evident to visiting American journalists in 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author reflects on his career and his work in the field of American Jewish history. Topics covered include his publication of the paper "Antisemitism in the United States, 1778-1945" which introduced him to the literature of American Jewish history, his opportunity to work at the American Jewish Historical Society and the difficulty encountered in training in the field.

The central ingredient in the process, widely studied, of Americanization may well be the power of American mass culture to turn everything into spectacle and entertainment. If well over a hundred years ago the appeal of William Cody/Buffalo Bill lay in his power to turn recent real-life events on America's frontier into the mass entertainment offered by his Wild West Show, today we witness the further development where spectacle and entertainment have in fact taken the place of real-life events. No more need of fine distinctions between reality and its entertainment version; spectacle and entertainment are the new reality. America's president now seems simply to continue performing his reality-TV persona, which had already turned him into the simulacrum of an authentic American hero. This paper will analyze current trends and give recent examples where the virtual world of mass entertainment has come to set the parameters for our sense of what is reality and what its fake version. It also analyzes the effects on political life and political traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides personal reflections of an American Jewish social work faculty member, memories of growing up in the United States, reactions of some minority students to the changing policies of the present administration, and the role of the social work professional to intervene with clients related to experienced discrimination and fears of the changing environment around them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the conference on Jewish social studies "Third World and Other New Attitudes Toward the Jew" to be held in School of International Affairs Columbia University, in March 23,01975. There are two papers presented in the conference one by Feliks Gross of Brooklyn college of the University of New York, talks on the attitudes of the Iron Curtain satellites and another by Uzi Arad of Hudson Institute, talks on the oil producing countries. These two papers were read during the first conference on antisemitism held in 1935 and published in 1942 by the conference in a volume entitled "Essays on Antisemitism."

Information on a paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Conference of Jewish Social Studies Inc. on May 6, 1984 is presented. The paper examines the reasons on why the phenomenon of antisemitism so readily discernable on the larger canvas of Jewish history should pose problems when examined in the American Jewish segment. It also discusses the difference of U.S. antisemitism and the view that antisemitism is confined to the private imagination.

Information on a paper read at the Annual Meeting of the Conference on Jewish Social Studies Inc. on May 6, 1985 is presented. It claims that 20th century Jews in the U.S. were forced to cope with the fall-out of age-old images in their original and modified forms. The paper provides examples of the antisemitism in the 19th century, describes the American images of Jews, discusses the ideological antisemitism and the impact of old-age negative images on the actions in the contemporary market.

On May 25, 2023, the Biden Administration released The U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism--America's first national strategy of this kind. In early November 2023, the White House announced the establishment of the firstever U.S. National Strategy to Counter Islamophobia. These historic commitments respond to increases in identity-based bias incidents and expression against Jews and Muslims. Antisemitic incidents, which were already rising even before the pandemic, increased by almost 400% since the start of the Israel-Hamas war. The war also triggered a sharp upturn in Islamophobic incidents in the U.S., including the shooting of three college students and the murder of a child. Although there has been fresh contestation in the U.S. over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, this is also a particularly pressing moment for the effective implementation of the national strategies to combat antisemitism and Islamophobia here. United States makes that clear. By recognizing this, the National Strategy implicitly highlights the risks posed both by those conservatives who downplay associations with antisemites and those progressives who discount antisemitism. In centering anti-antisemitism as a national goal, the National Strategy additionally makes three key contributions: (1) by focusing on antisemitism as a broad social challenge rather than principally a problem on college campuses; (2) by its recognition of the role of social media in disseminating and amplifying antisemitism; and (3) by emphasizing the need for more empirical research aimed at the idiosyncrasies and impacts of antisemitism. To be sure, as the Article points out, some of the National Strategy's recommendations to reverse the normalization of antisemitism--its specific proposals regarding social media, its slant on "speaking out" and public condemnation, and its reliance on voluntary corporate sanctions--could benefit from further consideration, refinement, and empirical study. Nevertheless, it would be regrettable for American democracy if some under-analyzed policy recommendations, partisan politics, or concerns about disagreements over the Middle East were to cause the White House's important antiantisemitism commitment for the U.S. to be discounted as mere political theater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the 1950s history of the right-wing popular front which embraced anti-Semitic and/or conspiratorial elements of the right, by discussing the magazine "American Mercury" and its owner Russell Maguire. It reports businessman Maguire gained control of the magazine in 1952 which was at that point under the editorial leadership of William Bradford Huie became the editor. It provides background of Maquire's education, business experience, and character and an overview of conservatism during the period.

The article focuses on role of antisemitism or the role of Bank of United States played in the Great Depression have been vigorously contested and identified the differentiated nature of the Federal Reserve Board bankers' antisemitism.

Despite their high degree of economic, educational, social, and political success, most American Jews in the early 2000s see anti-Semitism as a problem, and significant percentages see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. How do we explain these perceptions of anti-Semitic threat given the comparative success of Jews in so many aspects of American life? This paper uses annual surveys from the National Survey of American Jews from 2000 through 2005 to address this question. Results indicate a multiplicity of factors affect perceptions of the seriousness of anti-Semitism. Those with a stronger sense of Jewish identity, lower income, and older people are more likely to see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. Respondents also tend to see anti-Semitism as a more serious threat if they live in states with higher anti-Semitic incidents rates and when use of anti-Semitic terms in the news media increases. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and suggests what we can learn by studying successful minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Fundamentalist Christian perception and attitudes toward the Jews in the United States in the 1930's. The paper also tackles on fundamentalist writings in periodicals and books about antisemitism and the return of Jews to Palestine and the consistent view of Jews within the context of their understanding of Biblical prophecy. The issue on the support of Zionist aspirations for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine is discoursed. The concentration on evangelism has diverted attention from organizing for political efforts to combat antisemitism.

The article discusses research regarding a myth about why there is no group photograph of the U.S. Supreme Court (USSC) justices from the 1924 term, and it mentions how the late USSC Associate Justice James Clark McReynolds might be the most unpopular justice in history due to his personality and his possible anti-Semitic beliefs. McReynolds' relationship with fellow USSC Justice Louis D. Brandeis is examined, along with author Alpheus T. Mason's biography "William Howard Taft: Chief Justice."

In 1941, the Council for Democracy sponsored a debate on the causes and appropriate responses to antisemitism. The Council consisted of intellectuals and community leaders representing a spectrum of disciplinary and religious backgrounds. Divided in their assessment of the problem and the most effective way to explain it to the American public, Council members ultimately agreed not to emphasize the role of antisemitism in Nazi ideology. Their concern was to avoid the impression that, in a war against Germany, Americans would be fighting for the sake of “Jewish” interests. Thus, the Council's publications and broadcasts characterized antisemitism as a foreign import and as part of Nazi Germany's broader threat to democracy, Christianity, and Western civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A case study is presented which examines the response by American Jewish Committee (AJC) president Louis Marshall to a series of antisemitic articles published by the industrialist Henry Ford in the newspaper "The Dearborn Independent." Public denials of Jewish responsibility in the rise of Bolshevism and the positive promotion of the Jewish community are discussed.

For most of the twentieth century, the attitudes and policies of the US army were consistently anti-Zionist. From World War I into the 1950s, army anti-Zionism was inextricably interrelated with a mutually reinforcing anti-Semitism that ranged from political and ethnic bias to extremist versions of biological racial and conspiratorial thinking. Army officers perceived Zionist objectives in the Middle East as detrimental to America's national interest regarding wartime security and geopolitical stability in a crucial region, as well as concerning oil resources and communist containment. In supporting Zionism and later Israel, America Jews revealed their suspected disloyalty. Although anti-Semitic concepts gradually disappeared from official army analyses, striking continuities remained in the army's anti-Zionist position. Until the end of the Cold War, the army rejected the “special relationship” argument based upon shared values or Israel as a military asset. The image of the cowardly, weak Jew incapable of establishing and defending a Jewish state in Palestine had been replaced by that of a militarily superior, potentially aggressive Israel destabilizing a strategic area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1930s, the Quakers in the United States and Britain were energetic and vocal proponents of appeasing the Hitler regime, consistently misreading its intentions and goals. They always accepted appeasement's fundamental premises, contending that wars were caused by misunderstandings among nations that could be avoided by improving communication. They also insisted that many of Germany's grievances were understandable, even justified, in light of the "Carthaginian" peace the Allies had imposed at Versailles, as well as alleged Allied wartime "atrocities," notably Britain's naval blockade of German ports. The Quakers failed to grasp the extent or uniqueness of the Nazi persecution of the Jews. Quaker distaste for Jews' fierce hostility to Nazism was infused with Christian theological antisemitism. Quaker leaders often equated Jews' "chosen people" concept with the Nazi theory of an Aryan master race. They maintained that Jews' vindictiveness rendered them incapable of understanding Quaker efforts to promote reconciliation with the Nazis. In 1934, veteran Manchester Guardian correspondent Robert Dell, one of the most astute analysts of the Nazi movement, mocked "the tenderness of so many Quakers for the Nazi regime." According to Dell, they assumed "there is some good in everybody" and concluded "we must find out what is good in the Nazis rather than what is bad." Throughout the 1930s, Quakers remained wedded to moral suasion in their interactions with the Nazis, seeking to forge friendly ties with the Third Reich by sponsoring meetings between German and British war veterans and encouraging youth from the West to participate in Germany's Nazi-controlled youth hostel movement. The Quakers strongly opposed the boycott of Nazi Germany's goods and services, which Jews in both the United States and Britain heavily promoted -- arguably the most potent weapon available to Jews and their allies to raise public awareness of the Nazi threat and inflict damage on the German economy. Quaker leaders denounced the boycott to Jewish audiences as not only wrong-headed but immoral. They also opposed the Jewish-sponsored mass anti-Nazi rallies and demonstrations on the grounds that, like the boycott, they undermined efforts to promote reconciliation. Taking an "even-handed approach," the Quakers minimized the assaults on and relentless degradation of Jews in German concentration camps, drawing false parallels to the treatment of Nazi insurrectionists incarcerated in Austria and Memel. Like other Western appeasers, they found Hitler's 1935 annexation of the Saar acceptable, even though it quickly led to the obliteration of the region's centuries-old Jewish community. Even after the Kristallnacht in November 1938, the Quakers continued their efforts at moral suasion in meetings with leading Nazi officials in Germany. After the German conquest of Poland, the Quakers agreed to conduct relief work there under the supervision of the Nazi welfare organization NSV, which provided assistance only to "Aryans." Not long afterward, the NSV was engaged in stripping clothing and possessions from Jews murdered by German forces at Babi Yar for shipment to Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Focuses on the antisemitic violence in Boston and New York during the World War II. Implications of antisemitic violence for the local community; Number of incidents of antisemitic assault and vandalizing of synagogues and Jewish property; Factors that remained very influential in both Boston and New York throughout most of World War II.

Focuses on the antisemitism of Wisconsin in the years 1919-1941. Appearance of Ku Klux Klan chapters at the University of Wisconsin and Madison City; View of the university as a beacon of tolerance and progress; Response of the Jewish community to antisemitism.

The article focuses on the Seligman affair, when Jewish banker Joseph Seligman and his family were denied stay at the The Grand Union Hotel in Saratoga Springs, New York, in 1877. The author explores how the Seligman affair exemplifies legal anti-Jewish discrimination and anti-Semitism, describes the legislation that disproportionately disadvantaged Jews at this time, and examines how law makers failed to ensure Jewish civil rights.

The academic boycott of Israel, ostensibly targeting Israeli academe, is actually meant to isolate and stigmatise Jewish academics in America. It serves the aim of pushing Jewish academics out of shrinking disciplines, where Jews are believed to be 'over-represented.' That is how diehard supporters of the Palestinians find academic allies who have no professional interest in Palestine, in fields like American studies or English literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines whether and how the spectre of nineteenth century Western Europe's "Jewish question" haunts W.E.B. Du Bois's concept of double consciousness. I argue that Du Bois's time as a student at the University of Berlin exposed him to the intellectual and political roots of nineteenth century German antisemitism, and in turn helped shape his theorizing of Black double consciousness in the United States. Attending to this important but to date missing context in the intellectual development of Du Bois helps reveal the consistencies and contingencies between Du Bois's understanding of Western European Jews' duality and that of Black Americans. This context also provides fruitful ways to consider a comparative framework through which to better theorize the relationship between what have often been treated as distinct racial projects: Western European antisemitism and American anti-Black racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explore current attitudes among Jewish students, faculty, and leaders of Jewish campus organizations regarding the putative exclusion of Jewish concerns from campus dialogs around diversity, we recruited 40 such individuals to engage in a semi‐structured interview. The consensus among our interviewees was that there is a significant, ongoing, and too‐often overlooked problem with virulent anti‐Israel activity on many campuses that often seeps into antisemitism; that many, though not all, Jewish students are disturbed by this phenomena; that the consequences of anti‐Israel hostility on some campuses are felt most significantly by self‐identified progressive Jewish students who feel emotionally attacked for pro‐Israel sentiments and ostracized in their attempts to join with seemingly progressive and/or intersectional campus movements; that college diversity officers and courses have, for the most part, failed to include issues of concern to Jewish students; and that psychotherapists, especially those on college campuses, maybe unprepared to deal with concerns specific to Jewish students. We believe that the failure to recognize and deal with campus antisemitism is both dangerous and morally disingenuous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on several political commentary published in periodical "New Masses" from 1933 to 1939 and controversial and often misunderstood group of radicals. It mentions editors increasingly interpreted the tumultuous events of the era through the ideological lens of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA). It also mentions magazine which vehemently spoke out against anti-semitism, fascism, and nazism.

Copyright of Canadian Review of American Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the relation of U.S. usury law to anti-Jewish perceptions of Jewishness from 1910 to 1925. Topics include U.S. campaigns against loan sharking, the views of reformists such as F. E. Stroup about U.S. banking regulations, and the creation of the a state-level Uniform Small Loan Law (USLL) in relation to the organization American Industrial Lenders Association (AILA). Researcher Arthur Ham of the nonprofit Russell Sage Foundation (RSF) is mentioned.