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This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to characterise the relationship between civil society and mining in Minas Gerais, Brazil, between 2000 and 2020 by observing the actions of three different groups in resisting the expansion of mining. The analysis points to the existence of a plurality of forms of engagement, organisation and ways of establishing relations between civil society and the state and the market. It also reveals tension between different ways of framing the mining problem by civil society, of posing this problem publicly and establishing ways to confront it. Three sets of actors are identified: (i) environmental NGOs, who are market-oriented; (ii) groups with looser ties who are more radical; and (iii) social movements aligned with the identities of a state-orientated traditional left. My analysis suggests that the divergence in framing the context by these three different groups hinders the construction of a substantive public debate on the mining issue in Brazil. The article is divided into three parts. First, it briefly outlines the process of mining expansion in Brazil, starting in the mid-2000s, highlighting its economic impact. Second, it considers the relationship between civil society articulation and deliberation. Third, it characterises the constitution of these different civil society groups who have established interactions with market and state actors that fostered this expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to outline a historical reconstitution of the configuration process of the field of popular education in Brazil, comprising its trajectory and its theoretical-conceptual development from the 1950s to the present day. This is a study with a qualitative approach built from bibliographical research with a descriptive characteristic, which was based on the narrative type review modality. As a result, different experiences, and historical moments of popular education in Brazil are characterized, for example: a) from the genesis to the process of disarticulation; b) the intensification of repression resulting from the civil-military dictatorship to the spread of practices across different sectors; c) from the emergence of new guidelines to the reinvention of the field of popular education; d) from political achievements to institutional challenges. Next, an attempt is made to outline a possible characterization of what popular education is in its multiplicity of perspectives. Finally, it is concluded that, in addition to understanding popular education as a political-pedagogical practice, understandings of this as a theory, a field of knowledge construction, an organized civil society movement, and public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We are experiencing a period of adaptation of our agri-food systems to the context of climate change, thus witnessing the incorporation of several more ecological and socially inclusive practices. In this sense, this chapter seeks to understand the role of civil society in promoting sustainable food systems based on Brazilian experiences over the last three decades. First, the role of civil society in the construction of new agroecological markets is discussed, bringing the experience of the consumer cooperative COOLMEIA, which started the construction of the first agroecological fair in Brazil, the Ecological Farmers Fair in Porto Alegre. Then the civil society activism engaged on establishment of the Human Right to Healthy and Adequate Food is discussed, highlighting the importance of social movements and civil society organisations in the construction of a democratic political system. At last, the trajectory of the civil society as actors participating in the formal instance of State governance through their performance in the National Council for Food Security and Nutrition -- CONSEA, presenting the historical context, achievements and struggles. Finally, the chapter concludes with a section reviewing lessons learned and possible challenges for civil society participation in the debate on agri-food systems in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of the use of populist framing mechanisms by grassroots right-wing organizations. It brings together the social movement literature on framing and the populist literature to understand how actors build an emergent field of activism in a highly contentious context. Based on the analysis of a sample of 4,574 Facebook posts published by 5 civil society organizations during the campaign to oust Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff, it argues that two mechanisms, reductionism and antagonism, enabled actors to focus on similar targets and diagnostics while maintaining relevant differences when seeking to motivate followers and present prognostic frames. These were key mechanisms used by all the actors, albeit with different contents, depending on the frame task. This article contributes to filling gaps in the framing and populist literatures and sheds light on the relevance of populist communication in the rise of right-wing activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses an experience of Social Work in the context of urban social movements in Brazil and its relationship with the construction of an ethical-political project of the profession. The reflection is supported by the documentary "The struggle has no end", produced in 1987 by students from the School of Social Work of the Universidade Federal Fluminense, which records the trajectory of 18 homeless families from Morro do Estado in Rio de Janeiro. It considers the dialectical history of duration to situate the experience in the struggle for the construction of a transforming society project based on participatory structures organized autonomously in civil society. It analyzes the experiences accumulated by the urban social movement to understand the challenges of the profession in the contemporary globalized context of the crisis of modernity and new forms of rationality. It concludes that the current status of the documentary is to show a professional praxis committed to the class struggle, alongside the subordinates and subalterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educacao e Pesquisa is the property of Faculdade de Educacao da Universidade de Sao Paulo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2015, Brazil has been experiencing the explosion of right-wing protests. These protests were assembled by groups organised in digital media, which claimed forms of democratic participation to propagate antidemocratic ideas, such as the shutdown of public policies based on social redistribution of resources to the poorest; the criminalization of the social movements linked to social minorities; and the extinction of councils of popular participation. In this article, we develop a discourse analysis on the Facebook pages of the three major right-wing groups in Brazil, namely, Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL), Vem Pra Rua, and Movimento Contra a Corrupção (MCC). Our sample is composed of 468 posts made by these three groups when they established profiles on Facebook and at the moment of the major right-wing civil protests in Brazil between 2015 and 2018. We aim to understand the discursive strategies adopted by these groups to undermine democratic citizenship purportedly laying claim to its normative terms. We argue that these movements show the dark face of civic action's supposed virtuosity: a vengeful form of resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has as goal to analyze the contributions of rural social movements to the construction of inclusive educational policies from the 90's of the 20th century, a period that in Brazil and Latin America the neoliberal policy was underway in all dimensions of society redesigned the state action. It is in this period, too, that the rural social movements place, with greater emphasis, in the political agenda of their organizations, formal education as a banner of struggle. The research, based on bibliography and documents, mapped the collective actions developed by the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) in order to guarantee the right to school education in agrarian reform settlements and camps, focusing on the proposals and what managed to ensure within the scope of educational policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2013, widespread popular unrest unexpectedly shook Brazil whilst the FIFA Football Confederations Cup was taking place. Nicknamed as the 'demonstrations cup' by protesters, this was one of the greatest uprisings in the history of the country, with its effects still being felt and discussed nationally and internationally. Despite the general consensus on the more immediate causes that sparked the movement – such as the protests by the Movimento Passe Livre against a 20-cent bus fare hike in São Paulo, heavy-handed police repression and the use of social media – there still lacks a holistic explanation about the historical processes that formed the inflammable scenario that triggered those demonstrations and their rapid dissemination. Using quantitative and qualitative data related to recent urban socio-economic changes and civil society mobilisation trends, the present paper constructs an original genealogy of the June 2013 'demonstrations cup'. As a result, it indicates a unique confluence of multiple causal factors, such as the rapid and generalised erosion of real income in the Brazilian metropolises, the degeneration of political representativeness and traditional movements, the emergence of new mobilisation tools and the dissemination of anti-mega-events critical subjectivities – hence providing a comprehensive and empirically informed account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Conceptualizes varieties of participatory institutions according to their function in interest intermediation. • Distinguishes based on what objectives participatory institutions advance, who participates, and how participants connect to the state. • Analyzes five cases from Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, and Ecuador. • Develops tools to explore why participatory institutions succeed in meeting their objectives, and how they change over time. Although participatory institutions have become ubiquitous in contemporary politics, they often serve such different objectives that viewing the institutions as part of the same phenomenon can produce more confusion than clarity. We argue that participatory institutions can serve distinct and even opposite functions in interest intermediation, and develop a conceptual framework that distinguishes participatory institutions based on 1) what political project they were established to advance, 2) whose participation is channeled into these venues, and 3) how participatory institutions engage participants in the policymaking. We illustrate this framework with cases from Brazil, Peru, Venezuela, and Ecuador. We show that participatory institutions can serve a wide array of political projects that connect citizens to the state in radically different ways, including restructuring state-society relations to empower marginalized groups, increasing civil society influence over policymaking and government oversight, expanding parties' electoral coalitions, and constraining the influence of disruptive social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolivia and Brazil have universalized their pension and healthcare systems, respectively. Civil society organizations participated actively in social policy expansion, yet they have done so in starkly different ways, reflecting general patterns in each country. Whereas in Brazil, popular participation in social policies takes place through "inside" formal channels, such as conferences and councils, in Bolivia, bottom-up influence occurs mostly via "outside" channels, by coordinating collective action in the streets. Understanding forms of popular participation matters because policies that allow for popular input are potentially more representative, universal, and nondiscretionary. This article argues that differences in the forms of popular participation in social policy expansion can be explained by the characteristics of the institutional context and differences in the types of movements engaged in the policymaking process. By focusing on patterns of participation, these findings add nuance to the literature on Latin America's welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations between business, state, and civil society in Latin America are conventionally discussed in antagonistic or hierarchical terms. This article challenges this position, developing a qualitative case study tracing the activities of an informal network of Brazilian businesspersons that, over the last three decades, promoted an agenda of sustainability, transparency, and civil society participation. Drawing from concepts in social movement theory, it is argued that a dynamic movement‐like behaviour combining civil activism, organisational entrepreneurship, and fluid political alignment, allowed the group to establish lasting collaborative alliances with core actors in Brazilian democratic politics, and access relevant elite and policy‐making circles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global call for inclusive cities suggests that all residents should have equal access to the benefits of urban life. Across cities, however, displacement and lack of affordable housing segregate urban residents and limit their access to power, resources, and opportunities. Though social movement literature has long assessed how movements influence officials for reform from the outside, scholars of governance argue that civil society must act from the inside to achieve political and territorial inclusion. Here I ask whether movements confronting removals in São Paulo implement direct strategies and, if so, what are the factors that shape why movements choose direct over indirect strategies. I find that an ideology based on rights encourages direct strategies, but a radical perspective or a weak relationship with the state instead pushes movements toward activities that promote indirect influence. Networking across movements is key for increasing the capacity of movements to access new democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article sheds light on the new sites of contestation of global capitalism and international geopolitics created by transnational ties between Brazilian and Mozambican social movements. With a special focus on the rural sector and land issues, the article examines how the internationalization of Brazil's public policies and companies set the context and opened opportunity to the rise of South-South advocacy networks and the setting up of renewed spaces of political dialogue. Building on the politics of mobilization, it identifies two major coalitions reflecting Brazil's domestic struggles and analyzes their different mobilization strategies and objectives influencing political outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social rights have a collective dimension that arises especially when they become object of public policies, so their efficacy depends on the enlargement of deliberative spaces within the civil society. Although the legitimacy of the adjucation process depends on the juridical order providing spaces to guarantee that divergent interests will be represented, this is still difficult in the judiciary. Public hearings and amicus curiae can bring together "new actors", such as NGO's and social movements to the judicial field, so they could become more able to resist to the domination process denounced by Bourdieu, leading to democratization of the judiciary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes how the Brazilian Landless Movement fostered an insurgent citizenship among the poor. We describe three core organizational practices of this movement that supported this insurgent citizenship. We find that these practices bear striking resemblance to the practices of other civil society organizations (CSOs), including social service organizations, when they support the empowerment of marginalized communities. The identification of common practices suggests that despite the differences among CSOs, these distinctions may be less stark than assumed and that there may be common causal pathways between CSOs and insurgent citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a new interpretation of the changes that occur in party-civil society relations when progressive parties of mass-based origin gain state power by looking at the experience of the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT) during the Lula administration. The need to preserve what is defined here as ‘social governability’ changes the nature of party-movement relationships when political parties move from opposition to government. The article shows how the PT in national executive public office, to a large extent, managed to secure social governability through reward-based linkages, such as the distribution of jobs in the state apparatus and the allocation of massive state subsidies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing on a collaborative ethnographic study of the United Nations (UN) Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and its preparatory meetings, we examine how the official UN ‘participatory’ process for engaging civil society in Rio+20 negotiations simultaneously enabled and disciplined contestation through processes such as seeking consensus around a common statement, professionalizing civil society representatives and controlling protests in order to protect broad access to negotiations. We document how, in doing so, the official participatory process undermined the right to voice diverse positions. We also find that Southern access to negotiations was limited by lack of funding, human resources, location and language. Finally, we illustrate how a group of non-governmental organizations based primarily in the Global South utilized the official UN Major Groups ‘participatory process’ to build alliances to protect resource rights language in the negotiating text. Ultimately, we argue that, through the struggle to build alliances, activists critical of the green economy became enlisted in reproducing its hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The relationship between civil society and state has dramatically changed in Brazil along the last three decades. Civil society, social movements and participatory democracy literature have engaged in revising its underpinning assumptions in order to build a comprehensive diagnosis of such changes. This article presents a critical appraisal of the trends and theoretical innovations on the state-civil society contemporary Brazilian debate. It specifically examines a recent comprehensive diagnosis that updates some important conventional ideas about the Brazilian civil society. Such diagnosis describes and grasps the meaning of such changes as a historical shift between two moments: from an autonomous to an interdependent civil society vis-àvis the state. We challenge such ideas from the standpoint of a relational and historical approach of state-civil society relation as mutually constitutive and drawing on an extensive literature review of both recent empirical studies on Brazilian civil society and sound grounded theory building diagnosis. We show that the ideas of the late birth of Brazilian civil society, the non relation between civil society, and political parties and the state during dictatorship, as well as the interdependence between them as a recent phenomena are conceptually and empirically flawed. Overall, we show the analytical benefits of an interactive and relational approach of state civil society interactions and autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Landless Workers’ Movement (MST) has been the principal protagonist developing an alternative educational proposal for rural public schools in Brazil. This article analyzes the MST’s differential success implementing this proposal in municipal and state public schools. The process is both participatory—activists working with government officials to implement MST goals—and contentious—the movement mobilizing support for its education initiatives through various forms of protest. In some locations, the MST has succeeded in institutionalizing a participatory relationship with government actors, while in other regions the MST has a more limited presence in the schools or has been completely banned from participating. Drawing on the concept of coproduction—the active participation of civil society actors in the provision of public goods—the author argues that coproduction is a joint product of high levels of social mobilization and government orientation. The former is necessary in all cases, while the latter can take the form of either a left-leaning or clientelistic government. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia is the property of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including unemployment social movement in France, cultural activities of the periphery in Brazil, and relation between State and society in Brazil.

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work proposes to study the different modalities that political institutionalization processes for social movements in Brazil and Argentina assumed under the governments of Nestor Kirchner and Lula Da Silva. The Brazilian “Movimiento de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra” (Movement of Landless Rural Workers), and two expressions of the Argentinean picketers’ movements - the Corriente Clasista y Combativa (Classist and Combative Current) and the Federación de Tierra y Vivienda (Land and Housing Federation) were selected. The main finding of this work states that Brazil has a broad political institutionalization process for social movements, involving political and civil society spheres, while the Argentinean process is restricted exclusively to civil society, since participation in public administration occurred without generating institutional political participation spaces for the movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The worldwide emergence of Social Forums (SF), originating from Porto Alegre (Brazil) in 2001, is a key element in the movement for global justice. A growing body of literature on the forums concerns its function as a transnational venue for civil society and a global symbol for resistance against neoliberalism. However, little empirical research is carried out on the local meanings of the widespread SFs. This article reports on a case study on the organizational process of a local forum in a Swedish town. The analysis focuses on intracoalitional interaction among activists from the labor movement, Attac, and a local cultural institution. The importance of considering local framing processes and the often-neglected influence of fashion when studying the emergence of SFs is emphasized. Findings show how the dichotomy the Old versus the New became crucial in the framing process. Framed as a novelty contrasted with "old" socialist values, the SF was rejected by the labor movement activists as just another expression of a contemporary neoliberal trend of depoliticization. Implications for the study of the social forum phenomenon are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the system of intellectual property law in Brazil and its relation to the country's policy of universal access to AIDS medicines. It also presents the key working strategies of a Brazilian civil society group - GTPI/REBRIP - to tackle the main problems and challenges that are identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Política & Sociedade: Revista de Sociologia Política is the property of Revista Politica & Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Silvana De Paula looks at the diversity of Brazilian civil society organization financial arrangements around the Global Citizens' Forum held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. She examines the degree of institutionalization of the different civil society organizations engaged in preparing for the Rio meeting, and how support from international donors impacted on the dynamics of that event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Brazilian response to the aids epidemic is internationally recognized. Prime issues such as human rights, quality of life and intellectual property are examples of problematics which are vital to approach the epidemic, while modified by it. Within this social scenery, the relationship between the Government and the civil society is in evidence. This article points out the Government's support and recognition to the Civil Society Organizations that work within the aids field. It also points out the challenges faced by such cooporation. Pierre Bourdieu's notion of field is used to give evidence to the articulations, conflicts and alliances which nourish the social movement against aids and their interfaces with the governmental sector in the health area. Finally, It emphasizes why aids does not stand out as a social development problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of civil society and political mobilization in the formation of HIV and AIDS programs and policies for the health system of Brazil. It states that response of Brazil to HIV and AIDS is widely recognized worldwide which was considered as one the country's relative successes. It notes that social and political movements toward the issue influenced the health policies of the area. It adds that civilian organizations contribute a lot to the country's health system.