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This article examined the repositioning of science and technology education for security and economic growth and development in Nigeria. The wreck on the nation's image by the incidences of insurgency has caused negative effects on the nation's security and economic development. Security issues are presently major challenges in Nigeria, especially in Northern Nigeria. Furthermore, the continuous rise in insecurity and deterioration in the economic development in Nigeria has called for concern among researchers and policymakers over the years. This article highlights the need for rebranding Nigerians through the internal process of repositioning the science and technology education system for national security and economic sustainability. Literature and other research papers using to gather information. The paper recommends that the nation adopt a proactive approach to improving the teaching and learning of science and technology education professionally and empowering youth while taking everlasting measures to curtail the issues of insurgencies in Nigeria. In other words, we need to reposition our youth's mental reasoning and economically empower them to certify the demands of the modern world. Repositioning Nigerian is one of the fruitful tools to achieve this objective, and rebranding directs the power and energy of Nigerians toward academic and productive goals.

The persistent religious conflicts and insecurity in Nigeria has given meaningful Nigerians a cause for deep concern in recent times. Many of them wonder why religion which used to be the cohesive factor and core of national unity, peaceful co-existence and national development has become a tool for political manipulation, violence, destruction of lives and property in Nigeria in contemporary time. This paper examines education as a catalyst for resolving conflicts and enhancing national security in Nigeria. The paper first of all defined the terms that are used in this presentation. It also makes a review of some religious conflicts experienced in Nigeria together with their causes and the effects. Furthermore, the paper examined education in Nigeria as a catalyst for sustenance of national security. The paper utilized both secondary sources and observation methods for data collection and presentation. Finding from the research reveals that religious conflicts and insecurity are endemic in Nigeria in the last two decades. The Muslims and Christian adherents have fought wars in Nigeria than they had actually fought for peace, thereby threatening peaceful co-existence and national security among the citizenry. The paper recommends among others, that the government should employ meaningful ways such as education and inter-faith dialogue to enhance peaceful co-existence and national security in Nigeria.

This paper addresses the incidence of 'Women against Women' in Nigerian folklore. Much has been written on Nigerian folklore, but mainly from within the mortal axis, as reflected in many folktales that cut across different communities in Nigeria. However, it has been observed that this gender phenomenon extends to the supernatural realm, where gods and goddesses, especially the latter, seem to prefer members of the opposite sex as the objects of their attention and goodwill. This paper focuses on Benin mythology, with particular emphasis on the cult and festivals of the Bini goddess, Ovia. Of the origin stories of most of the gods and goddesses in Bini mythology, the "Ovia" cult is unique, as it provides a gender reason why membership is restricted to men. Adopting a psychoanalytical and feminist approach, the paper concludes that Ovia's deliberate exclusion of women re-echoes the negativity ascribed to women.

Women involvements in political activities in recent times have been on the decline. Often times, women's right is denied against the provisions of the constitution and other international instruments of human rights and this does not allow them to participate in government adequately. It takes conscious political actions to address the issue of women's political marginalization and disallowing women from political participation enhances women invisibility in government and strengthens men's arrogance in power. This paper focuses on the issues attributed to women's attitude to politics and the challenges of women in leadership positions. Going by the recent number of appointments of female ministers and senators in Nigeria, the paper reveals the potentials of women leaders in government and the emancipation of favourable laws in the interest of women. The paper then concludes by analysing the problems and prospects of women involvement in political activities towards promoting good governance in Nigeria.

Multilingualism in a multi-cultural setting could be a problem especially where there is a politics of winner takes all. It creates room for marginalisation especially where there is no functional system to check the excesses of the policy implementers. This study examines multilingualism and marginalisation in Nigeria politicisation. The specific objectives are to explore the different manifestations of marginalisation that underlie the concept of Nigeria entity as a result of multilingualism and to propose the danger inherent in allowing Nigeria multilingual diversity be a divisive criterion rather than being a uniting factor thereby mitigating multilingual discontent. Data are drawn from secondary sources such as textbooks, journal articles and theses. The study discovers that multilingualism that is misapplied is the harbinger of marginalisation and other ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. The findings of the paper also reveal that Northern Muslims have some advantages over their non-Muslim brothers because of their proclivity to the Arabic language. The study suggests that Nigeria's multiple languages should be a blessing and not a curse. This research contributes to knowledge as it adapts Bodomo's "localised trilingualism" to propose a model that can salvage Nigeria's multilingual woes.

The primordial forms of human society were "Ajobi" and "Ajogbe" and the English equivalent of these two Yoruba conception of the social structure are consanguinity and co-residentship (Akiwowo, 1980). While consanguinity describes the collateral relationship based on blood, co-residentship explains the fact of sharing contiguous shelter whether or not the persons concerned are blood relations. The present writer argues with the aid of selected litigated boundary dispute cases that the ideal of consanguinity was threatened to the point of attenuation during the colonial days. In many of the cases, land disputes borders on unacceptable boundary shifting or its unilateral adjustments. An impact analysis of such disputes is here attempted with a view to bringing out the effects of attenuation on consanguinity. The paper adopts a historical method where historical facts are juxtaposed to elicit the correct position. Findings revealed that litigated land boundary disputes actually caused attenuated consanguinity during the colonial days in Yorubaland.

This paper explores ways the classroom environment can fertilise ethnic and religious tolerance in students. In a pre/post test design, 76 students at a university secondary school in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria were randomly selected to respond to a twenty-item survey. Afterwards, the experimental group was exposed to a critical thinking game that focused on rational appraisals of ethnic and religious prejudices. A t-test analysis indicated a significant difference in prejudice between the experimental and the control group. It was concluded that classroom language experiences could foster positive changes in ethnic and religious prejudices.

Social mobilization is a proactive measure for community development that salvages the society from destruction and disaster. From sociological perspective, this paper discusses the concept of social mobilization and its implications for cross-cultural research. To do this, the study uses the "Bring Back Our Girls" Global Campaign, as the focal point of discussion, which has currently become a global phenomenon, in Africa, Asia, Australia, Europe, North America, and South America. To achieve the primary objective, this study adopted the method of content analysis of relevant existing literature; materials, pictures, as well as news reports to draw up conclusion based on the subject matter. The study revealed the importance of unity among nations, in the campaign for "Bring Back Our Girls", in the midst of religious turmoil, different cultures, gender inequalities, and ethnic diversities. However, while waiting for the return of more than 200 girls abducted from their dormitories at the Government Girls' Secondary Schools, Chibok, Borno State, North-East Nigeria, by the out-of-control members of the Boko Haram sect, it is needful that, nations keep recognizing the vital roles of social mobilization in bringing positive changes to the society. By implication, the study recognizes the importance of, and a clarion call for further cross-cultural research which goes beyond geographical, religious, political, and cultural jurisdictions. Recommendations on utilizing the knowledge of social mobilization movement campaign for the advancement of society were made.

This study examined the pattern of students/teachers' population in schools as a result of the crises witnessed in Jos and its consequences on quality of teaching as well as peaceful living in Jos. Stratified simple random sampling technique was used to select the 18 schools that were used for this study. Questionnaire was used to collect qualitative and quantitative data on students' enrolment/population by religion; teachers' mix by religion; and on general information on how the crises affected the schools. The data collected were analyzed using percentages and frequencies as presented in tables and charts. The study revealed that a significant difference exists between the students' population before 2001 and from 2001 to 2014 along religious lines in schools as a result of the crises. It was also revealed that quality of learning was affected negatively in many schools as a result of movement of Christian teachers from their earlier settlements to seemingly new safe places. The paper recommends among others that the pattern of settlement along ethnic and religious lines should be discouraged by the government. In order to achieve this, result oriented dialogue should be facilitated by the state and local government, where ethnic, religious groups and individuals should be encouraged to embrace peaceful co-existence. Besides this, to assuage the scourge of the crises, houses and other properties burnt and destroyed during the crises should be built by the government or adequate compensation paid where necessary.

The issue of ethnic conflict in Nigeria has become a burning national issue with its attendant problems. Its current predominance is reflected in the reports of various activities of ethnic militant in the country coupled with the high rising terrorism activities in the northern part of the country from which the traces of ethnicity problem cannot be totally ruled out. However, the issue now nationwide is no longer the recognition of ethnic conflict and its increasing threats to lives and properties but on how to curtail and manage it so that both human and material resources being used for such activities can be geared towards bringing about sustainable development in all spheres of life. The problem could best be tackled through deliberate and sincere efforts to change the behaviour and attitudes of the people to become their brothers' keeper and tolerate one another. This could best be achieved upon the teaching of peace education in the schools. Therefore, this paper discusses ethnic conflict, reviews its trends and management and finally highlights the strategy for ethnic conflict resolution and management in Nigeria.

An in-depth investigation was conducted on the possibility of literature employed to enhance cohesion, sustainable unity, national stability, and security of lives and property in the contemporary Nigeria. These three elements--unity, national stability, and security of lives and property are considered the key pillars of a modern state, the absence of which render the country volatile and uninhabitable. The contemporary Nigeria lacks these elements in a large dose, thereby rendering it a country without peace and security. This has been the root cause of the current nationwide agitation for a national conference required to define the future for a country that has existed for a century, but still grappling unsuccessfully, with the problems of nationhood. This paper identified the cause of the problems to arise from the multi-ethnic composition of the one hundred and seventy million people and over three hundred different ethnic nationals of Nigeria. The fact of uniting so many ethnic groups into one country is not peculiar to Nigeria, as many other countries have a similar composition.

Drawing from documents, observation, interview and questionnaire, we highlighted the role of issues of human security and its impact on the educational development of the Niger Delta region as well as means of enhancing human security in Nigeria. This article is a conceptual and methodological breakthrough in Nigeria's academic landscape where qualitative and quantitative experiences highlight issues that are pertinent to the educational development in The Niger Delta. Diverse statistical analyses were conducted using the Statistical Package of the Social Sciences version 18 to assess the study 's hypotheses. It was predicted that the region would be advanced educationally and on all other development indices if human security issues are resolved. This paper contends that the Niger Delta region has the potential to address the challenges currently faced by Nigeria including social disruption, poverty, hunger, disease, conflict, marginalisation, and the achievement of the movement for Education For All by 2015. This paper is of the opinion that the successful integration of the Niger Delta region into federal planning, structures and funding will enhance development, livelihoods, and human security not only for the region but also for Nigeria's educational development.

To say that education is a potent factor in any political restructuring is an indisputable fact. For a meaningful political development to take place in any nation, especially like Nigeria. The place of education is never in doubt to influence positively those in the position of authority to ascertain what are needed to put in place for effective administration and good governance. Education as a matter of fact in this sense is not just what one obtains in the institutions of learning, but it deals with all round development which makes one to contribute meaningfully to the development of himself, his family, his society and the entire nation. The national policy on education titled the philosophy of Nigeria Education made observations that since the national policy is geared towards achieving that part of its national objectives that can be achieved using education as a tool, no policy on education can be formulated without first identifying the whole philosophy and objectives of the nation. It is on this note that this paper examines "Education and Political restructure" as the parameter not only for political and social stability in Nigeria but equally for national development.

This paper examines youth restiveness in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, and the challenges it posed to Nigeria democracy and foreign investment. Non-parametric statistical and content analyses were essentially used as tools of analysis. The results showed that dissatisfaction of the people of Niger Delta especially the youths on the level of attention given to the development of their region and the damages to their ecology by oil spillage are the major causes of the alarming youth restiveness. Surprisingly, the Niger Delta region constitutes about 80% to the revenue of Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that the paper suggests an immediate review of the current revenue sharing formula. The new formula should be made to address poverty, and neglect of the Niger Delta region. Oil companies operating in the region should pay a greater percentage of their royalty directly to the host communities in the Niger Delta region. (Contains 7 tables.)

The challenge of peace building in Nigeria is increasing as communities continue to show adversary tendencies. This is happening even after many third party conflict transformation efforts have been expended to resolve and set a conducive climate for stakeholders to sustain peace. Some peace building assessment projects have indicated that the peace building process is not fully realised, which justifies exploring the place of literacy education in peace building. Since illiteracy has been identified as one major factor which promotes conflict and violence in Nigeria's multiethnic communities, the importance of functional literacy is further stressed. In this paper, a review of some adult education teaching theories is undertaken, and a model for literacy functionality--a transformative teaching paradigm for peace building called "cemento-conscio education"--is developed. (Contains 1 figure.)

There is a compelling need to address the protracted and recurring multidimensional insecurity in Nigeria. The prevalence of insecurity in the country is multipronged and caught in a cyclic web. Insecurity in Nigeria comprises insurgency, killer herdsmen, extrajudicial killings, ethnoreligious conflict, armed robbery, militancy, banditry, cybercrime and attacks by unknown gunmen, among other things. The incidence of attacks by unknown gunmen is pervasive and symptomatic of a fragile state where the government's monopoly of force is challenged and where marginalisation, crises and contested spaces are ubiquitous. The thrust of this paper is that the menace of unknown gunmen is pervasive and threatens to plunge Nigeria into a cesspit of fragility. The argument is predicated on the conceptual and theoretical suppositions of a fragile state. To this end, the paper adopts the documentary method of data collection and uses qualitative descriptive analysis to expound on the phenomenon. The findings reveal that the words unknown gunmen - terminology that is used to describe the spate of insecurity in the country - are a bane to peaceful coexistence. The paper also shows that the insecurity caused by these armed attacks and other forms of threat is emblematic of a fragile state. Consequently, policy recommendations - state-building and peace-building - are proffered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper does lament whatever had happened to North Central Nigeria, and in particular, Benue's, Plateau's, and Southern Kaduna's glorious past, and the abysmal state of Nigeria's civilization inherited from British colonial masters, with its attendant effects such as insecurity and underdevelopment most especially on the sampled area and the continent at large. The paper, through an exegesis of select historical facts and texts, reports, and journals, has explored via a desk and textual study, an objective explication for an unpacking of the inherent mischiefs caused by the apparent harmful retributive system of justice inherited from the colonial criminal justice system. Thereafter, the prognosis of the problematics of the retributive justice system in Nigeria, and of the vicious cycles of the conflicts, is addressed through an unveiling of the gaps in the retributive justice system, which hitherto has focused more on the offender, to the detriment of the victim(s), and society, is underscored. These dialectics for peacebuilding, conflict management/transformation, and mutual trust would be reached through (re)negotiation, and (re)visiting of the Nigerian criminal justice system, with a focus on the restorative justice system by advocating for the full entrenchment of the formidable Administration of Criminal Justice Act, 2015 in all the States of the Federation for the development of Nigerians and African's scions globally. Where the emphasis is now hinged on "victim-offender-mediation" and lessons are drawn from the Wajir Peace Development Committee (in Northeastern Kenya) cum the Plateau model as a panacea to the unending vicious cycle of conflicts and reprisals in our societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Africa Journal of Public Sector Development & Governance (AJPSDG) is the property of African Management Development Institute Network (AMDIN) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The use of non-state actors as channels of aid allocation has been increasingly favoured over the use of government and state agencies. This paper makes use of anecdotal evidence from interviews, focus groups, and surveys in the South-East and South-South regions of Nigeria to explore aid allocation processes with the aim of enhancing the effectiveness of aid, particularly in conflict-affected societies. The findings show that the participants generally prefer bypassing the government in the survey. However, a deeper examination of the interviews and focus groups indicates that bypassing government may not necessarily be the most effective aid allocation process. A hybrid system that essentially involves the government, non-state actors, and particularly the end-users of the aid is encouraged. The findings also indicate that regions with higher levels of instability such as conflict may prefer the allocation of aid via non-state actors than other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the nature of integration in the former British Cameroons after the United Nations Plebiscite of 1961. This work analyses the nature of the integration by closely examining the socio-economic and political developments during the post plebiscite period. The paper argues that it was the source for the recurrence of conflicts in the former British Cameroons, particularly Sardauna and Kurmi Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Taraba State, and the Northwest Region of Cameroon. The effect included the destruction of lives and property and colossal humanitarian crises involving Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and refugees. The study uses the qualitative-cum-historical method of research involving the descriptive collation and analysis of historical data to come out with its findings. The data sources consulted comprised of primary, secondary and tertiary or internet materials. However, the findings of the study revealed that the socio-economic and political development during the post plebiscite period planted the seed of disenchantment due to the outright violation of promises and treaties by the governments of Nigeria, Cameroon. Britain and the United Nations (UN). Similarly, the study indicates that this resulted in lack of meaningful development, political apathy, disunity, and violence. This created impact such as protest, violence, intellectual and legal approaches. The implications this has included the comprehension gap, wrong placement of trust and the search for solutions are some of the implications for Nigeria, Cameroon Britain, and the UN. In conclusion, the study theoretically was able to shade more light and awareness on how the socio-economic and political development during the post plebiscite period culminated in pseudo integration and its impact and implications for the former British Cameroons. For practitioners it entails that researchers interested in the study area should adequately explore existing and new sources of data in order to exhume and reconstruct the real history causing recurrence of conflict in the study area. While policy makers are enjoined to pursue a genuine and sincere policy formulation and implementation in tandem with regulated motivations regarding integration policies in the study area as the pathway way to effectively mitigate the prevalence of conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to address the violent disputes between herders and farmers in Northern Nigeria, this article looked at the establishment of ranches, cattle routes, and grazing reserves. It also looked at how conflict is a social reality that exists in all human social systems, whether they are in cities or rural areas. It observes that disagreements are a common cause of conflict, particularly between the two opposing factions, the "herders," who are primarily Fulani and Muslim migrants seeking better pasture for their livestock, and the crop farmers, who are primarily from agrarian backgrounds. For data gathering, the paper used secondary sources such books, journals, articles, newspapers and other internet sources. The study discovered that there are a number of reasons why farmers and herdsmen in Northern Nigeria clash. Climate change badly executed government policies, illiteracy, a lack of a solid Alternative Dispute Resolution Mechanism (ADRM), anger and hostility brought on by the loss of life and property, and so forth are a few of these. The report suggested that pasture areas, livestock routes, and ranches be established in order to settle the disputes. The report also suggested that in order to stop the threat, the Federal Government of Nigeria should set up a practical ADRM and make sure that policies are implemented effectively. Additionally, it recommended a broad education campaign to inform the opposing sides of the risks their ceaseless fighting poses to Nigeria's progress as a developing nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines strategies implemented by the President Muhammadu Buhari's administration in order to resolve frequent clashes between herders and farmers, bearing in mind the economic implications of this violent conflict for the economy of Nigeria. The paper adopted the Human Needs Theory as its framework of analysis. The data were sourced from academic journals, internet materials, newspapers, and textbooks. The herders-farmers conflict pre-dated the Muhammadu Buhari presidency but in terms of scale and intensity of killings and wanton destruction of properties, it gained momentum during his administration. The non-verbal language of the Presidency's description of the conflict situation at the time Nigerians needed a strong comment became worrisome to the affected victims who concluded the pro-herder's sympathy stance of the President. Not until the Presidency began to take bold actions by introducing the grazing bill allowing a cattle colony of about 5,000 hectares in the states of the Federation, deployment of military personnel to the concerned states and holding stakeholders meeting across the states, Nigerians decided to unanimously join their forces with the government to tackle the herders-farmers impasse headlong. The conflict situation is no better even in the face of strategic policies implemented, however, the nation-state is trying to minimize the negative effects of the imbroglio on the agricultural sector of the country which is a huge resource to Nigeria's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the fact that language endangerment in some multilingual developing societies is causal to the violent ethnic conflicts in those societies. Endangered language identity groups shift to the dominant language groups. But, over time, a concatenation of factors and nuanced realisation of perceived marginalisation (showing overtly at the political, economic, social and religious realms) leads to attrition in the wake of the endangered groups' clamour for fair treatment. The cases of Benue, Plateau and Taraba States in Middle Belt Nigeria (involving the Tiv, Jukun, Etulo, Kuteb, Berom, Afizere, Anaguta, Taroh, and Hausa ethnic groups) reveal this fact. Highly significant calculated "t"-test values at an alpha level of less than 0.05 are found, for example, to show the disintegration of bilingual behaviour between Tiv/Jukun and Tiv/Etulo during the period of the violent ethnic clashes among them. Language endangerment/shift reversal is complex. It can create conflicts but at the same time help to restore confidence and mitigate the fear of domination felt by ethnic minorities. Linguists and small/dominated language communities can work assiduously towards the latter. Conflict management experts will also do well to pay a great deal of attention to language as a conflict agent. (Contains 8 tables and 5 notes.)

The paper underscores the nature of conflict and examines ethnic and communal conflicts in Nigeria. It proposes a mechanism for resolving ethnic conflicts, which melds the theory of conflict, conflict resolution, and peace-building with traditional African values. It also highlights the importance of empowering local community leaders with appropriate skills in conflict prevention, management, and resolution without recourse to external intervention. Given that the abandonment of ‘utility-laden’ traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution for foreign models mostly gave rise to the myriads of avoidable violent conflicts all over Africa, it becomes a desideratum to revive and promote hitherto traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution in Nigeria. The paper adopts the historical and analytical method of research deploying secondary data to achieve its aim. The paper in its little form contributes to the trajectory of alternative conflict resolution process of ethnic and community conflicts in Nigeria, which serves as a possible model for other African nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of participating in two domains, work and school, on the subjective wellbeing (SWB) and work-school conflict (WSC), as well as the moderating role of proactive coping between WSC and SWB among Nigerian nontraditional students. Design/methodology/approach: Using a cross-sectional survey, data are collected from a total of 141 non-traditional Master's in Managerial Psychology students at a university located in the South West of Nigeria. Findings: Results of hierarchical multiple regression analysis reveal that work status is inversely related to SWB and positively related to WSC. Results also confirm the moderating role of coping; such that, as perceived WSC increased, non-traditional students with moderate to high levels of coping reported greater SWB than those with low coping skills. Research limitations/implications: Statements on causality, with respect to the present findings, must be made with caution because of the self-report nature of the study. Further, a global challenge of WSC was adopted in this study; nevertheless, one cannot underestimate the distinctive pattern of WSC that characterised Nigerian non-traditional students. These could be explored in future studies to further enrich the literature on work-school obligations and health outcomes. Practical implications: Results of the present study suggest the need for employers' support as well as universities' flexibility to the needs of non-traditional students. Originality/value: The study fills a void in the literature, linking fulfillment of work-school obligations to health-related issues among adults (non-traditional students) in an African setting. (Contains 1 figure and 9 tables.)

This paper compared the incidence and management of conflicts in secular and non-secular tertiary institutions in Nigeria. The sample of this study was made of sixty staff, and two hundred and forty students randomly selected each from two secular and two non-secular tertiary institutions in south western Nigeria. A validated questionnaire was designed and administered to collect data on the occurrence of conflict and conflict management strategies. Data collected were analyzed using frequency counts and percentage. In addition, t-test and Pearson Product Moment Correlation statistics were used to test the hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. The findings revealed that conflict is common to both secular and non-secular tertiary institutions. The study however revealed that the level of occurrence of conflict is low in the two types of institutions. It was also revealed that there is no significant difference in the conflict management strategies adopted by authorities of both secular and non-secular tertiary institutions. In addition, the study revealed that the conflict management strategies adopted by authorities of both secular and non-secular tertiary institutions are significantly related to their effectiveness. Based on the findings, it was recommended that authorities need to give prompt attention to addressing causes of conflicts. The use of dialogue in resolving conflicts should be embraced. In addition, all stakeholders in tertiary institutions are encouraged to employ religious exercises for divine intervention to reduce the emergence of conflict or for resolving existing conflicts. (Contains 7 tables.)

The Moral and Social Action Interdisciplinary Colloquium (MOSAIC) is an international multidisciplinary network of scholars working within the fields of the philosophy, psychology and sociology of moral development, moral education and moral thought. MOSAIC runs an annual conference, traditionally in June or July. This conference attracts an international mix of doctoral students, early career researchers and more established academics. The theme of the 2005 conference, held at the Universitat Konstanz in Germany, was the moral and religious challenges facing education in Europe. The programme was diverse, with papers covering topics as varied as values education, religious orientation, morality across cultures, measuring morality, individual differences and moral domains. This research review aims to showcase some of the research presented at this MOSAIC conference. A selection of seven abstracts extended and edited to form summaries demonstrates the varied research in the fields of moral development, moral education and moral thought currently being undertaken by MOSAIC members. These provide a resource for those involved in, or who intend to embark on, related work. The selected summaries include: (1) "The Problems Faced by Disabled Students in Higher Education: An Ethical Perspective" (Mujde Koca); (2) "The Moral Judgement Competence of Adolescents in the Republic of Macedonia in the Case of Transgression towards State Symbols" (Marijana Handziska); (3) "Moral Reasoning among Nigerian and Northern Irish Children: The Impact of Political Conflict" (Neil Ferguson); (4) "Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) -- Can They be Combined? Concepts, Philosophical Bases, Experiences and Evaluation" (Sieglinde Weyringer, Jean-Luc Patry); (5) "Cross-Cultural Validity of the Moral Judgment Test (MJT): Findings from 17 Validation Studies" (Georg Lind); (6) "The Effect of Context on Moral Judgements" (Zsuzsanna Vajda, Szabolcs Hajnal); and (7) "The Role of Self-Interest in Moral Ascriptions and Political Perceptions" (Aleksandra Cislak).

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Desertification-induced conflict involving pastoralists and farmers is primarily driven by competition for water, forage, and land, other factors like ethnicity and religion also come into play. This paper utilizes descriptive analysis and secondary data, adopting the Economic & Migration Theory to explain the issue in the southern frontiers. Findings from the paper show that in the southward frontiers, the conflict has taken a different dimension due to differences in culture and religion. The migration from the core north which has been ravaged by desertification to the south has increased confrontation between these groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of socially diverse societies depends on social cohesiveness. Yet the subject has remained mainly understudied. This article discusses the level of social cohesion in Nigeria and its consequences for policy. Using primary and secondary data from the African Polling Institute's annual Nigeria Social Cohesion Project, as well as interview-based primary and secondary data collection methods, the paper illustrates the poor state of social cohesion in Nigeria. People are less willing to work together and have less faith in government officials and institutions. The study participants, except for the North, criticized social cohesion issues of lack of inclusive and participatory political and policy processes and equity in recent appointments to important federal government agencies. Strangely, most participants take pride in being Nigerians and would refuse to move elsewhere permanently in the globe if given the chance. In the meantime, there are no social cohesion policy frameworks other than those that are diagonally pushed, including an unworkable Federal Character Principle. The article makes several recommendations, including the creation of a social cohesion research unit at each of Nigeria's three levels of government - federal, state, and local - whose main responsibility would be to ensure that each government policy was examined from the standpoint of social cohesion theory. Nigeria's social cohesion can be increased by offering social services, selecting public officials who reflect the diversity and needs of society, and defining governance more broadly through the prism of social cohesion. This means that, in a deeply divided society like Nigeria, social cohesion can be adopted as a means of preventing destructive conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria is blessed with human and natural resources, particularly oil and gas and a large expanse of arable agricultural land. These resources have become the cause of insecurity, conflict, corruption and environmental degradation affecting the livelihoods of its inhabitants and its ability to deliver on its potentials as a nation. This paper attempts an analysis of the effects of the struggle for Nigeria's abundant natural resources on its politics and economy. Qualitatively driven with reliance on secondary sources of data, the paper argues that the parochial interests of the corrupt elites and their manipulative tendencies generate insecurity, conflicts and endemic poverty for the bulk of its population and concludes that Nigeria must rise above these tendencies if it must realize her potentials as a resource rich nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Peace and Conflict Risk Assessment (PCRA) has gained prominence in development planning. Today, one would hardly contest the fact that the negative interaction of conflict elements may predispose the environment to conflict. Using the Multi-causal theoretical role model and the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) risk model, the paper examines how knowledge of the interaction of negative conflict energies can aid government and development partners in the design and implementation of relevant peace governance architecture in Katsina-Ala local government area of Benue State, Nigeria, which has been threatened by history of conflicts. Although, existing studies have focused on peacebuilding as important mechanism for peace governance in fragile contexts, the relevance of peace and conflict risk assessment to effective peace governance has received little attention. The thesis sponsored by this paper revolves around the evidence that without a good understanding of the interaction of conflict elements within a context, it would be difficult to design and implement contextspecific peace governance architecture. Through, a triangulated method of data collection (focus group discussion, key informant interview and semi-structured questionnaire), ten variables were content analyzed to determine their risk severity ratings on the context. These included history of intercommunal conflicts, history of intra-communal conflicts, circulation of arms, environmental stress, ethnic/tribal consciousness, social amenities, siting of projects, women and youth's involvement in governance, People with Disabilities (PWDs) and Local Government. The study revealed that the interaction of these variables have predisposed Katsina-Ala to intermittent conflicts. The paper suggests that evidence-based peace governance architecture is central to the mitigation of the negative interaction of conflict energies in Katsina-Ala local government area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interdependent nature of contemporary global economic system is such that any distortion in any part of the global system is capable of triggering an immediate impact or effect on the political cum economic systems of countries around the world. This is the very nature of modern globalized world that is highly interconnected in a whole lot of ways. It is only natural therefore that, the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine would likely impact on the global economic system. Accordingly, this paper examines how the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has impacted Nigeria's economy. The study adopted the qualitative research method. The study reveals that, while the effects of the conflict have been devastating to Russia's economy, the effects of the conflict are also now being felt by Nigeria and the rest of the global system; as inflation is rapidly rising as a result of the rapid rise in oil and natural gas prices, food prices is also on the rise in the world economies including Nigeria. Increased volatility, erratic stock swings, supply chain disruptions, rising utility costs, and decreased investment as a result of political risks and economic barriers will hurt household consumption. The study suggests, among other things that, policymakers in Nigeria and around the world must therefore seek alternative means of survival by looking inwards for the cultivation of her food supplies and other manufactured goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria's external and domestic debt have been rising very rapidly in recent years despite the crushing weight of debt burden that almost crippled its economy in previous decades. This study examines the likely determinants of public debt in Nigeria over the period 1970–2020 with a focus on the effects of armed conflict, arms imports, and military spending. Unlike most previous studies that focus only on external debt, this study employs the three separate measures of public debt, namely, government gross debt, external debt, and domestic debt. In addition to being more applicable to the case of Nigeria, this also allows us to investigate whether the drivers of public debt vary with the measure of debt used. Employing the ARDL approach to cointegration and a number of robustness checks, findings suggest that whereas conflict, arms imports, and military spending have statistically positive effects on external debt, they do not have a significant effect on domestic debt. Conflict and arms import have positive effects on gross government debt which is unsurprising given that gross debt includes foreign currency denominated debt. Policy recommendations based upon these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper empirically tests the relationship between conflict and trade in Nigeria from 1986 to 2017. Design/methodology/approach: This study made use of secondary data. Time-series data were collected from CBN Statistical Bulletin, WDI of the World Bank, MEPV of the Centre for Systemic Peace database, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, political risk ratings of the ICRG, Freedom in the World Country Ratings of Freedom House, and ACLED database. This study used descriptive and econometrics techniques to analyze the data. It adopted the IV-GMM techniques. Findings: The study found that domestic trade has a negative and significant effect on internal conflict in Nigeria. International trade, on the other hand, does not affect internal conflict. In addition, the interaction of trade and institutions shows that more civil liberties (CL) and lower corruption (COR) complement the effect of domestic and international trade in reducing hostilities in Nigeria over the study period. Research limitations/implications: The main limitation of this study is the inaccessibility of data. This study could not access the data on the volume of domestic trade in Nigeria. The study employed value-added tax on all domestic transactions in Nigeria as a proxy for domestic trade in the country. The study recommends that further studies should access the data on the volume of domestic trade as this could help further understand the relationship between domestic trade and internal conflict in Nigeria. Practical implications: Since the improved domestic trade reduces internal conflict in Nigeria, the government should formulate policies that facilitate trade. Improving anti-graft efforts and CL will ease the process of formulating trade policies and increase the impact of domestic trade on internal conflict. Furthermore, these will reduce trade barriers and transaction costs. This can be achieved if the government strengthens its anti-COR agencies by making them more autonomous. CL can also be increased by enhancing voice and accountability in the country. Originality/value: This study advances the literature by examining the role political–institutional quality plays in the relationship between trade and conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tried to understand the unceasing agitation for actualisation of Biafra among those who did not experience the Nigerian- Biafran war (1967-1970); those on the margin of state power and the generation of those yet to recover from the traumas of the war. The renewed resurgence of Biafra as epitomised by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), brings to the fore the issues of post-civil war reconciliation in Nigeria. The official narrative is that Biafra ceased to exist on 15 January 1970. However, in the minds of millions of Igbo suffering from political and economic exclusion, the Biafran war rages on. Using both primary and secondary sources, this paper interrogates the disenchantment among the younger generation of the Igbo and how to build a new Nigeria that would be inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the management of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria and South Africa with a view to underscoring the intricacies involved in the management of deep rooted and complex conflict in Africa. The paper proposes, among other things, that ethnic conflicts in Africa are fallout of colonialism. The piece relies mainly on secondary sources. It adopts thematic approach to elucidate the salient points. The choice of thematic approach was to ensure a discernible flow of discourse. The study reveals that the effects of colonialism are a common factor in ethnic conflict in Africa. It is the contention in this paper that ethnic conflicts in Africa are products of insecurity, instability and poverty manifesting in hunger and starvation. Where corrupt and rapacious political institutions found their ways to power in African countries, they served as catalysts to ethnic conflicts. The position of this paper therefore is that to effectively manage ethnic conflict in Africa is to address the causative factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts constitute some negative influences on households' economic activities. In Nigeria, the past few years have witnessed progressive crises in some states and the growing level of insecurity is affecting households' economic livelihoods. This paper analyzed the determinants of food insecurity indicator in conflict-affected regions in Nigeria. The data were collected in 2017 from 582 respondents in the North East, North-central, and South-South zones. The data were analyzed with Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and heteroscedasticity consistent Tobit regression. The results showed that in the combined data, the average number of days per week that respondents relied on less preferred food, limited food portions, and reduced the number of meal per day were 3.42, 2.68 and 2.33, respectively. The PCA was used to generate indicator of food insecurity, with North-East, Northcentral, and South-South zones having average indices of 0.16, -0.09 and -0.02, respectively. The Tobit regression results revealed that in the combined data, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittances, but reduced by unchanged income, credit purchase and reliance on food aid. In north central, food insecurity was promoted by receipt of remittances, but reduced by ability to grow own crops. In the north eastern zone, food insecurity was promoted by urban residence, income increased, and increase in food prices, but declined by income unchanged, and pension income. In the South-South zone, food insecurity was promoted by household size, urban residence and receipt of remittance income, but declined by credit purchase and unchanged income. It was concluded that addressing food insecurity among residents in conflict-affected areas requires preferential assistances to large families, urban residents, and those with high dependence on remittances. However, the promotion of initiatives for credit purchase, food aid the and ability to grow own crops are potentially able to reduce food insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to evaluate various methods of resolving conflict among construction professionals (CPs) in Nigeria. A quantitative research technique was utilised. This study used well-structured questionnaires which were forwarded to numerous CPs in the Southwest of Nigeria. A total of 150 questionnaires were sent out and 135 were received back from respondents. The research revealed some major approaches to conflict resolution among the CPs, such as collaborating, accommodating, negotiating, compromising, mediating, arbitrating, mediating-arbitrating, contending, obliging, early neutral evaluation and avoiding. This study is limited to construction professionals (CPs) that are members of Nigerian professional bodies and just 135 respondents took part in the survey. This study recommends that further studies should use other analysis methods to assess conflict resolution techniques among the CPs. The results from this study will enhance the knowledge of CPs in Nigeria of numerous methods of resolving conflict. Furthermore, the outcomes will help CPs make use of collaborating and accommodating in settling conflict within their individual professional bodies. Previous studies on conflict resolution methods only concentrated on contractors and consultants in construction projects but this present study contributes to the body of knowledge by assessing conflict resolution methods among CPs within their individual professional bodies. Additionally, the exploratory factor analysis (EFA) utilised in this study is novel since previous studies have not employed this analysis method. Therefore, it is recommended that CPs should be collaborating with one another in order to solidify their relationship and enhance their performance within their professional bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discourse on the structure of the economy and the drivers of growth in different African societies is underlined by patriarchy. The dominant view is often that men are at the heart of the productive and profitable sectors of the society, hence the skewed power relations and visibility of men in all organs of the society. While this framework seems to typify patriarchal societies in different African nations, it overshadows the tenacity of women in conflictridden societies where men focus mainly on the execution of war and combat roles rather than on the economic survival of their families and society. In the oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria, years of grassroots struggle against the state and mining companies over oil wealth and the environment have shifted economic relations hitherto dominated by men, and created a platform where women have become visible participants in the economy. This paper looks at the role of women in the economy of local communities of the Niger Delta. Analyses of the decades-old conflict have often been limited to male-led military, political and environmental struggles between major actors in the conflict, with little attention paid to the role of women in the economic survival of the region. The paper uses both ethnographic and secondary data collected from Egbema community and its neighbours in the northern Niger Delta region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious conflicts have increased interfaith suspicion between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria with each group being determined to outshine the other in the propagation of its religious beliefs. In fact, even Islamic sect Boko Haram was formed on the belief in the superiority of Islam as a monotheistic religion and with a divine mandate to purge Islam of Western influences. This paper examines the complex issues surrounding the advent of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria. It argues that religious conflict in Nigeria results from the propagation of radicalized exegeses and the use of religious sentiments for gain political advantage. Government's failure to act decisively also accounts for religious conflict in Nigeria and the Boko Haram in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spate of violent clashes between nomadic pastoralists and agrarian communities in Nigeria raises a number of legal and policy questions that had been long overlooked. Issues arising from the phenomenon range from questions over constitutionally guaranteed rights such as the right to own property, to questions over the inadequacies of Nigeria's security apparatus as well as calls for land use reforms. Additionally, due to the groups affected and the scale of casualties, the topic has become a political molten magma. The constant conflicts between nomadic pastoralists who are majorly from the Fulani ethnic group, and agrarian communities from other parts of the country have reached unprecedented levels leading to accusations of coordinated attempts at land grab, ethnic cleansing, jihad and insurgency, threatening the country's security and stability in the process. Fiscally, the destruction of lives and property and the state of insecurity emanating from the clashes stood at $16 billion in potential revenue as at 2018. In no small measure have these clashes been precipitated by climate change and the consequent drought in the Sahara region. This paper analyses the role of the Nigerian state in balancing the interests of affected groups in the clashes and promoting development. At its core, it seeks to identify legal and policy gaps that require filling to put a definite end to the lingering crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study is to examine the private sector demand for CFOs with certain professional accountancy bodies' qualification in Nigeria's listed companies from 2012 to 2018, inclusive. Design/methodology/approach: The population of this study comprises non-financial services companies quoted on the Nigerian Stock Exchange. Purposive sampling method was used to select the 49 sample used for the research. Research data were tested using non-parametric statistics and simple regression model. Findings: Results from non-parametric statistics suggest that 89% of all CFOs are ICAN qualified; about 98% of the Nigerian CFOs are ICAN qualified while about 13% of the foreign CFOs hold the ICAN qualification. The evidence further suggests that the ICAN qualification is statistically different from that of non-ICAN qualification. Finally, the evidence indicates that CFOs' nationalities positively and significantly influence their affiliations. Practical Implications: The paper recommends that ICAN should be empowered to regulate the accountancy profession in Nigeria. In the alternative there should be created a consortium of accountancy bodies to regulate the accountancy profession in Nigeria. Originality/value: This is the first empirical paper to examine the demand for CFOs in private listed companies in Nigeria, and the first to link CFOs nationalities and CFOs affiliations with professional accountancy bodies in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the developmental outcome of resource abundance when the analytical focus shifts from the macro (national) to the micro (subnational) level, especially to areas where resource abundance is expected to have its greatest impact. It focuses on the Niger Delta, Nigeria's ‘oil republic’ whose resource curse has involved environmental devastation, relative deprivation, resource distribution injustices, political marginalisation and material underdevelopment. However, in spite of the huge resource flows to the core oil-producing states of the region and other political and social benefits, which were expected to obviate the curse, oil wealth has not made the region more developed than other parts of the country. This is due to the inability of subnational governments in the Niger Delta whose performances are crucial to this determination to translate the advantages to the benefit of citizens in the region and because the other material benefits from the national government have been monopolised by a privileged few. The paper concludes that the key to transmuting resource curse to blessing lies in how the abundance is used rather than who controls the resource. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Climate change and its impacts on the physical environment have received increased attention in recent years, spurring debates on its global and local dimensions. While a common ground has been reached on its causes, manifestations and options for mitigation, its human security implications remain poorly understood. Links between climate change and social conflict is one of the most controversial issues in the climate change impacts assessment literature as priorities diverge between generalised scientific validity (pedagogy) and context-based security analysis (policy). This paper examines climate change-conflict linkages drawing upon experiences of migrant pastoralists and arable farming host communities in Nigeria. It found a strong causal linkage between exposure to impacts of climate change and growing incidence of conflict over renewable natural resources. It recommends contextualised analyses of the linkage as well as the integration of climate-related conflict into Nigeria's security policy frameworks particularly, its climate change impact assessment and intervention strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legitimacy of the Nigerian state has been challenged at different times since the attainment of political independence by actors either clamoring for self-determination or propagating exclusive religious agenda. Curiously, the state, rather than engaging these groups (including Boko Haram) in dialogue, has usually chosen to confront them. This paper interrogates how the Boko Haram insurgency constitutes a major challenge to the legitimacy of the Nigerian state and how the state has responded, given its experiences in handling violent challenges to its legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria is a deeply divided multiethnic state par excellence. Every ethnic group has its unique socio-cultural and political economy patterns. As humans interact daily, there are clashes in some interactions due to uncoordinated and divergent interests of the involving parties. The farmers' and herders' clashes are dimensions of such interaction in Nigeria. In recent times, the rate of clashes among the herders and the farmers had become alarming. It had cost the country a fortune in terms of socio political and economic stability. Farmers had abandoned fertile farmlands due to cattle invasion which destroys tender crops. The resultant responses include cattle rustling and killing of trespassing animals by farmers while the herdsmen invade communities to kill everyone possible. Community members had become internally displaced and the social contract with the state is in jeopardy. The question the paper seeks answer to is does the agricultural sector of Nigeria have a viable policy prospect with the frequent farmers and herders' clashes? Conflict theory will be use to explain farmers-herdsmen clashes phenomenon. Conclusion and recommendations are premised on good neighbourliness and respect for the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]